Suchergebnisse

This book is freely available in an open access edition thanks to TOME (Toward an Open Monograph Ecosystem)—a collaboration of the Association of American Universities, the Association of University Presses, and the Association of Research Libraries—and the generous support of The Ohio State University Libraries. Learn more at the TOME website, which can be found at the following web address: http://openmonographs.org. ; The return from clandestine anonymity: muralist brigades, revamped and renewed -- Open-sky museums and the decolonization of urban space -- Tagging the Chilean city: graffiti as individualized and collective praxis -- Public interventions and gender disruptions: graffiteras' urban transformations -- Conclusion: Transnational incursions in Chilean street art: globalizing the local and localizing the global.

Because of its geographic location at the meeting point of the Western world and the Orient, the Balkan Peninsula for many centuries had figured largely both in the European politics and in its economy, and its importance increased in the mid-nineteenth century, when the European powers entered the so-called "imperial phase." It is hardly surprising then that at this particular period this small region, situated at "the edge of civilized Europe," had become the arena of fierce fighting for spheres of influence. Germany and Austro-Hungary joined this struggle, too. Even though these two states variously defined their ultimate objectives in the Balkans, it was widely acknowledged both in Berlin and in Vienna that gaining an advantage over the rivals could not only significantly influence the development of domestic industry, which would acquire new markets for its output, but it could also affect the state of European politics. Nevertheless, the new developments and deep transformations occurring in the Balkans at the outset of the twentieth century, misjudged and belittled by the diplomatic services of the Central Powers, resulted in a heavy defeat that they suffered in the endeavors to consolidate their position in Southeast Europe. ; Continues: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej ; p. 63-88 ; Półwysep Bałkański ze względu na swoje geograficzne położenie na styku "świata zachodniego" i "świata Orientu" od wieków odgrywał ważną rolę zarówno w europejskiej polityce, jak i ekonomii. Jego znaczenie znacznie wzrosło w połowie XIX w., kiedy europejskie mocarstwa wkroczyły w tzw. erę imperialną. Trudno zatem dziwić się, że w tym właśnie czasie ten niewielki region, leżący na "krańcach cywilizowanej Europy", stał się polem zaciętej walki o strefy wpływów. W rywalizacji tej wzięły udział także Niemcy i Austro-Węgry. Jakkolwiek państwa te odmiennie postrzegały ostateczne cele, zarówno w Berlinie, jak i w Wiedniu zdawano sobie sprawę, że uzyskanie przewagi nad konkurentami może mieć istotny wpływ nie tylko na rozwój rodzimego przemysłu, który zyskiwałby nowe rynki zbytu dla swojej produkcji, ale także na kształtowanie ogólnoeuropejskiej polityki. Tymczasem zachodzące na Bałkanach na początku XX w. procesy i głębokie zmiany, błędnie oceniane i bagatelizowane przez dyplomację mocarstw centralnych, przesądziły o dotkliwej porażce, którą poniosły one w walce o ugruntowanie swej pozycji w Europie Południowo-Wschodniej. ; Czasop. kontynuuje numerację wydaw. pt.: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej ; s. 63-88

The period of five-century "Turkish yoke" of the Bulgarian lands brought up many deep and multifaceted changes in almost all areas of social life. The Bulgarian population, pushed aside on the margin of social life and deprived of almost all public rights, were unable to reconstruct their elites, destroyed physically and ideologically during the Turkish invasion of the Balkans. And it was for this reason that on the threshold of independence the Bulgarians had only a handful of people prepared to lead the nation and to perform a public service both on a local and national scale. The issue became especially important after Bulgaria regained its statehood in 1878, and social and economic problems of the young state were aggravated by the rivalry of the great powers fighting for influence in this part of Europe, which effectively attracted the attention of developing political milieux. This caused never-ending disputes within the Bulgarian political circles between supporters of a rapprochement with the West and advocates of closer relations with Russia, which, in turn, led not only to numerous political crises, but also implied changes in the highest levels of the government. Only the utmost determination did make it possible for the Bulgarians to overcome internal political problems and to make Bulgaria the leader of other Balkan countries already in the early 19th century. Those complex processes were observed, described and commented upon by Jan Grzegorzewski, and his texts are a perfect source of knowledge both for historians, and other scholars. ; Continues: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej ; p. 5-31 ; Summary in Polish, English and Russian ; The period of five-century "Turkish yoke" of the Bulgarian lands brought up many deep and multifaceted changes in almost all areas of social life. The Bulgarian population, pushed aside on the margin of social life and deprived of almost all public rights, were unable to reconstruct their elites, destroyed physically and ideologically during the Turkish invasion of the Balkans. And it was for this reason that on the threshold of independence the Bulgarians had only a handful of people prepared to lead the nation and to perform a public service both on a local and national scale. The issue became especially important after Bulgaria regained its statehood in 1878, and social and economic problems of the young state were aggravated by the rivalry of the great powers fighting for influence in this part of Europe, which effectively attracted the attention of developing political milieux. This caused never-ending disputes within the Bulgarian political circles between supporters of a rapprochement with the West and advocates of closer relations with Russia, which, in turn, led not only to numerous political crises, but also implied changes in the highest levels of the government. Only the utmost determination did make it possible for the Bulgarians to overcome internal political problems and to make Bulgaria the leader of other Balkan countries already in the early 19th century. Those complex processes were observed, described and commented upon by Jan Grzegorzewski, and his texts are a perfect source of knowledge both for historians, and other scholars. ; Czasop. kontynuuje numerację wydaw. pt.: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej ; s. 5-31 ; Streszcz. pol., ang., ros.

The final stage of the Soviet Union and the creation in 1991 of a new Belarusian state were characterised by big political whirls. There was the need in a new, post-Soviet reality, for a different look at the nation's own history. Increasingly strong was national narrative, emphasising the importance of political and national independence. Those milieux demanded that Belarusian sciences should be made independent of the party, for thus far they were treated as the ideological resource base for the communist party.A large part of Belarusians, however, and numerous groups of historians did not see the necessity to break up with Soviet heritage. The majority of citizens of the Belarusian Republic opted for the existence of the Soviet Union as the political entity. A new interpretation of history met neither with any special resistance, nor enthusiasm. It was regarded is as yet another action imposed by the authorities, the only difference being that this time it was possible to criticise it much more easily without the fear of severe reprisals as in the Soviet times.There was a general feeling of nostalgia for the good, Soviet times. The fight for the construction of a new interpretation of history intensified after 1994, when the presidential campaign entered its final stage. Both the national circles and those appealing to the Soviet version of history understood that historical topics made an important element of the campaign which made it possible for electors to better identify with their candidate.An attempt to build a new community based on national banners suffered defeat in the elections of 1994. The society was not ready to reject the Soviet-class system of values and replace it with a new national-Belarusian offered after 1991. Neither a symbiosis was created that could combine these two systems. The "West Russian" idea, developed in the nineteenth century, but modified and Sovieticized during the period of Belarusian Soviet Republic, became a strong element of the Belarusian identity, and national circles proved to be unable to weaken it in the years of 1991–1994. ; p. 143-173 ; Summary in English and Russian. ; Continues: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej ; The final stage of the Soviet Union and the creation in 1991 of a new Belarusian state were characterised by big political whirls. There was the need in a new, post-Soviet reality, for a different look at the nation's own history. Increasingly strong was national narrative, emphasising the importance of political and national independence. Those milieux demanded that Belarusian sciences should be made independent of the party, for thus far they were treated as the ideological resource base for the communist party.A large part of Belarusians, however, and numerous groups of historians did not see the necessity to break up with Soviet heritage. The majority of citizens of the Belarusian Republic opted for the existence of the Soviet Union as the political entity. A new interpretation of history met neither with any special resistance, nor enthusiasm. It was regarded is as yet another action imposed by the authorities, the only difference being that this time it was possible to criticise it much more easily without the fear of severe reprisals as in the Soviet times.There was a general feeling of nostalgia for the good, Soviet times. The fight for the construction of a new interpretation of history intensified after 1994, when the presidential campaign entered its final stage. Both the national circles and those appealing to the Soviet version of history understood that historical topics made an important element of the campaign which made it possible for electors to better identify with their candidate.An attempt to build a new community based on national banners suffered defeat in the elections of 1994. The society was not ready to reject the Soviet-class system of values and replace it with a new national-Belarusian offered after 1991. Neither a symbiosis was created that could combine these two systems. The "West Russian" idea, developed in the nineteenth century, but modified and Sovieticized during the period of Belarusian Soviet Republic, became a strong element of the Belarusian identity, and national circles proved to be unable to weaken it in the years of 1991–1994. ; s. 143-173 ; Streszcz. ang., ros. ; Czasop. kontynuuje numerację wydaw. pt.: Studia z Dziejów ZSRR i Europy Środkowej

The seizure of the Bulgarian lands by the Turks at the end of the 14th century brought up many deep and multifaceted changes for the Bulgarians. It marked the end not only of their flourishing state, which at times had counterbalanced the Byzantine Empire, but mainly of their political elites which would provide the foundations for their struggle for independence. For this reason, with the lapse of time, Bulgarian rural population, burdened with draconian obligations and pushed aside on the margin of social life, sank deeper and deeper in apathy, growing in impotence. A change in the situation occurred only at the turn of the 19th century, when a process of national revival began in the Bulgarian lands. Not only did the process revive a national spirit in the Bulgarians and motivate them to fight, but also filled them with a sense of dignity, which made it possible for them soon after they regained independence to place their country at the lead of the region. Those dynamic changes were observed by the outstanding and excellent Polish Slavic philologist and Orientalists Jan Grzegorzewski during his voyages throughout the Bulgarian lands; all his observations and impressions he described in several books and essays published in popular papers and periodicals. The image of Bulgaria of the end of the 19th century has been still a valuable source of information both for ­ historians and for other scholars. ; p. 21-46 ; Summary in English. ; Text eng. ; The seizure of the Bulgarian lands by the Turks at the end of the 14th century brought up many deep and multifaceted changes for the Bulgarians. It marked the end not only of their flourishing state, which at times had counterbalanced the Byzantine Empire, but mainly of their political elites which would provide the foundations for their struggle for independence. For this reason, with the lapse of time, Bulgarian rural population, burdened with draconian obligations and pushed aside on the margin of social life, sank deeper and deeper in apathy, growing in impotence. A change in the situation occurred only at the turn of the 19th century, when a process of national revival began in the Bulgarian lands. Not only did the process revive a national spirit in the Bulgarians and motivate them to fight, but also filled them with a sense of dignity, which made it possible for them soon after they regained independence to place their country at the lead of the region. Those dynamic changes were observed by the outstanding and excellent Polish Slavic philologist and Orientalists Jan Grzegorzewski during his voyages throughout the Bulgarian lands; all his observations and impressions he described in several books and essays published in popular papers and periodicals. The image of Bulgaria of the end of the 19th century has been still a valuable source of information both for ­ historians and for other scholars. ; s. 21-46 ; Tekst ang. ; Streszcz. ang.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 241-263) and index. ; Great power authority in world politics -- Paths as predators and parasites of great power authority -- Enemies of all mankind? : the Barbary Corsairs in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries -- "We may defy moral criticism if our execution shall correspond to the principles we profess" : British moral authority and the Barbary pirates -- "This country will define our times, not be defined by them" : 9/11 and the war on terror. ; Mode of access: Internet.