Joint pain is a common clinical problem for which both inflammatory and degenerative joint diseases are major causes. The purpose of this study was to investigate the role of CB1 and CB2 cannabinoid receptors in the behavioral, histological, and neurochemical alterations associated with joint pain. The murine model of monosodium iodoacetate (MIA) was used to induce joint pain in knockout mice for CB1 (CB1KO) and CB2 cannabinoid receptors (CB2KO) and transgenic mice overexpressing CB2 receptors (CB2xP). In addition, we evaluated the changes induced by MIA in gene expression of CB1 and CB2 cannabinoid receptors and μ-, δ- and κ-opioid receptors in the lumbar spinal cord of these mice. Wild-type mice, as well as CB1KO, CB2KO, and CB2xP mice, developed mechanical allodynia in the ipsilateral paw after MIA intra-articular injection. CB1KO and CB2KO demonstrated similar levels of mechanical allodynia of that observed in wild-type mice in the ipsilateral paw, whereas allodynia was significantly attenuated in CB2xP. Interestingly, CB2KO displayed a contralateral mirror image of pain developing mechanical allodynia also in the contralateral paw. All mouse lines developed similar histological changes after MIA intra-articular injection. Nevertheless, MIA intra-articular injection produced specific changes in the expression of cannabinoid and opioid receptor genes in lumbar spinal cord sections that were further modulated by the genetic alteration of the cannabinoid receptor system. These results revealed that CB2 receptor plays a predominant role in the control of joint pain manifestations and is involved in the adaptive changes induced in the opioid system under this pain state. ; This work was supported by the Spanish "Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación" (#SAF2007-64062), "Instituto de Salud Carlos III" (RETICS- Red de Trastornos Adictivos-Redes Temáticas de Investigación Cooperativa en Salud: #RD06/0001/0001, #RD06/0001/1004), Plan Nacional sobre Drogas (PNSD #2009/026), the Catalan Government (SGR2009-00131), the ICREA Foundation (ICREA Academia-2008), the DG Research of the European Commission (GENADDICT, # LSHM-CT-2004-05166, and PHECOMP, # LSHM-CT-2007-037669), CENIT program (CEN-20061005) from/nthe "Centro para el Desarollo Technológico Industrial" from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation. Carmen La Porta (C.L.P) is a recipient of a predoctoral fellowship from the Spanish Ministry of Education. Auxiliadora Aracil-Fernández (A.A.F., predoctoral fellow) and Analía Rico (A.R., technician) are supported by RETICS. The partial support of FEDER funds (EU) is also acknowledged
BACKGROUND: The treatment of neuropathic pain is unsatisfactory at the present moment and the sigma 1 receptor has been identified as a new potential target for neuropathic pain. The aim of this study was to use an operant self-administration model to reveal the potential interest of a new sigma 1 receptor antagonist, S1RA, in chronic pain that was developed in mice by a partial ligation of the sciatic nerve. METHODS: Once that chronic pain had reached a steady state, mice were trained to maintain an operant behaviour to self-administer S1RA. The possible abuse liability of the analgesic compound was determined by evaluating operant self-administration in sham-operated mice. The influence of S1RA on the anhedonic state related to chronic pain was also evaluated by measuring the preference for palatable drink (2% sucrose solution) using a recently validated and highly sensitive behavioural device. RESULTS: Nerve-injured mice, but not sham-operated animals, acquired the operant responding to obtain S1RA (6 mg/kg/infusion). After 10 days of S1RA self-administration, neuropathic pain was significantly reduced in nerve-injured mice. In addition, an anhedonic state was revealed in nerve-injured mice by a decreased consumption of palatable drink, which was significantly attenuated by S1RA (25 mg/kg). CONCLUSIONS: These results reveal the analgesic efficacy of the sigma antagonist, S1RA, in neuropathic pain associated with an improvement of the emotional negative state and that was devoided of reinforcing effects. The operant responses evaluated in this new mouse model can have a high predictive value to estimate the clinical benefit/risk ratio of new analgesic compounds to treat chronic pain, such as S1RA. ; S1RA was provided by Esteve as a gift within research projects funded by the CENIT program (CEN-20061005) from the Centro para el Desarollo Technológico Industrial from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (#SAF2007-64062), "Redes temáticas de investigación cooperativa en salud (RETICS) del Instituto de Salud Carlos III (RD06/001/001). Red de trastornos adictivos (RTA)", the Catalan Government (SGR2009-00131), the ICREA Foundation (ICREA Academia-2008) and the DG Research of the European Commission (PHECOMP, #LSHM-CT-2007-037669)
Bibliografia na stronie 125. ; Streszczenie w języku angielskim, polskim, rosyjskim. ; artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 5, No 2 (2019), strony 109-125 ; artykuł w: Społeczne i ekonomiczne problemy i zagrożenia w XX i XXI wieku = Sočialʹno-êkonomičeskie problemy i ugrozy v 20 i 21 veke = Social and economic problems and threats in 20th and 21st century Strony 109-125 ; Bibliografia na stronie 125. ; Streszczenie w języku angielskim, polskim, rosyjskim. ; artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 5, No 2 (2019), strony 109-125 ; artykuł w: Społeczne i ekonomiczne problemy i zagrożenia w XX i XXI wieku = Sočialʹno-êkonomičeskie problemy i ugrozy v 20 i 21 veke = Social and economic problems and threats in 20th and 21st century Strony 109-125
Published version ; Two books published in the first half of 2019 by Presses de l'Université Laval - Le statut de Métis au Canada and Les Bois-Brûlés de l'Outaouais - are the latest in a primarily French-language academic subfield ("Eastern métis" studies) that grew out of the Supreme Court of Canada's (SCC) Powley decision in 2003. Authors in the subfield continue to treat knowledge produced by the courts as the ultimate arbiter of truth when it comes to Indigenous identity, all the while harming Indigenous political efforts at self-determination. Another unmistakable feature of the sub-field is its lack of engagement with Indigenous thinkers. Combined with a bedrock of faulty assumptions about the past and a lavish dose of speculative interpretation, the subfield exemplifies how academia is a generative space for colonial revisionism. These two books in particular aim to ensure that individuals claiming an "Eastern métis" (or "Québec métis" or "Acadian-métis") identity continue to take up institutional resources reserved for actual Indigenous individuals, whether in the form of scholarships and bursaries, faculty, administrative or advisory positions, or other things.
p. 351-371 ; Concerns books: Gottes Wort und Menschenherrschaft : Politisch-Theologische Sprachen im Europa der Frühen Neuzeit / Luise Schorn-Schütte. - München : C.H.Beck, 2015 ; Perspectum : Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Frühen Neuzeit und Historiographiegeschichte anlässlich ihres 65. Geburtstages / Luise Schorn-Schütte ; hrsg. von Anja Kürbis, Holger Kürbis, Markus Friedrich. - München : Oldenbourg Verlag, 2014. ; s. 351-371 ; Dotyczy książek: Gottes Wort und Menschenherrschaft : Politisch-Theologische Sprachen im Europa der Frühen Neuzeit / Luise Schorn-Schütte. - München : C.H.Beck, 2015 ; Perspectum : Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Frühen Neuzeit und Historiographiegeschichte anlässlich ihres 65. Geburtstages / Luise Schorn-Schütte ; hrsg. von Anja Kürbis, Holger Kürbis, Markus Friedrich. - München : Oldenbourg Verlag, 2014.
[spa] La tesis doctoral La semilla del liberalismo. Política y literatura en torno a la actividad española del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura (1958-1969) pretende ser una aportación más, construida con las herramientas de la filología y usando como fuente primaria materiales autobiográficos en buena parte inéditos, para conocer cómo pudo refundarse una cultura política democrática en España a lo largo y contra la dictadura del General Franco. Sus protagonistas son escritores, académicos e intelectuales que, partiendo de adscripciones totalitarias (el falangismo más ortodoxo, el comunismo revolucionario), acabaron convergiendo en el territorio del nuevo liberalismo de postguerra que maduró ya en el contexto de la Guerra Fría (tal como lo define Tony Judt). Vencedores o vencidos de la Guerra Civil española, tanto en el interior como en el exilio, establecieron lazos personales entre ellos desde mediados de la década de los cincuenta, conviviendo en tribunas de la prensa del exilio (estudio los casos de Ibérica por la Libertad de Nueva York y Cuadernos del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura de París) y generando un discurso cultural y político compartido que era de matriz europeísta y cuya intensidad y desarrollo nos permite sostener la hipótesis que existió una red de intelectuales liberales y antifranquistas españoles que fue operativa gracias a distintas plataformas del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura (CLC). Dicha institución había sido ideada a finales de la década de los cuarenta por la Inteligencia norteamericana como una operación encubierta para contrarrestar la hegemonía soviética en el campo intelectual de la postguerra europea. Desde 1953 el CLC tenía a Julián Gorkin como uno de sus funcionarios cualificados –la reconsideración de la trayectoria intelectual de Gorkin desde 1939 hasta 1975 es una de las principales aportaciones que presentamos-, desde 1956 identificaron a Dionisio Ridruejo como su referente en el interior y a finales de 1957 Gorkin redactó el informe que activó el interés del comité ejecutivo del CLC por España. Este interés se manifestó primero invitando a intelectuales del interior a participar en foros internacionales –coloquios en Lourmarin y Copenhague- y desde 1960 en la institucionalización de dos plataformas con financiación propia dedicadas exclusivamente a la causa de la democracia en España: la comisión española del Comité d'Écrivains –cuya actividad se describe en la tesis a través de la documentación conservada en el archivo de su secretario Pablo Martí Zaro y algunos de sus miembros (en especial el poeta Marià Manent)- que acabó transformándose básicamente en una editorial más de ensayo ideológico a finales de los sesenta y el Centro de Estudios y Documentación de París, organismo presidido por Salvador de Madariaga y dirigido por Julián Gorkin que tuvo un papel logístico de primera magnitud en la organización del Contubernio de Múnich –momento de plenitud de la red liberal en la medida que asumió en parte la elaboración discursiva de la reunión-. La tesis desvela la logística que hizo posible la revista Mañana. Tribuna Democrática –dirigida desde Madrid, pero impresa y distribuida desde París- y estudia buena parte de una actividad cultural de la que hasta ahora no se tenía noticia suficiente en la medida que no se había dado a conocer –pensamos en los debates sobre la estética del realismo que se desarrollaron en 1963 en Madrid o los debates también inéditos que se produjeron a finales de 1964 durante una reunión clandestina entre intelectuales catalanes y castellanos–. A partir de la lectura de varias actas de reuniones de aquel comité antifranquista –como lo denominaba José Luis Cano en sus dietarios,-, la tesis, que concluye interrogándose sobre los fundamentos morales de la Transición política, detalla cómo esa red empezó a desfibrarse por causas diversas, pero en especial por el escándalo provocado por la revelación entre 1966 y 1967 del origen opaco del CLC. ; [eng] This dissertation, The Seeds of Liberalism. Politics and Culture concerning Spanish Activity in the Congress for Cultural Freedom (1958-1969) is built upon philological tools and uses as primary sources autobiographical materials (a lot of them unpublished before). Its goal is to explain how a democratic political culture was rebuilt in Spain throughout –and against- General Franco´s dictatorship. Its main characters are writers, scholars and intellectuals that, evolving from a totalitarian allegiance (the most orthodox forms of Falangism or revolutionary Communism), would gradually converge towards the new post-war Liberalism that flourished against the context of Cold War. Different characters, winners and losers in the Spanish Civil War, coming from Franco's Spain as well as from the Diaspora, established personal ties from the mid 50´s onwards, and ended up sharing tribunes in the Diaspora press (The cases of New York´s Ibérica por la Libertad, and Paris´ Cuadernos del Congreso por la Libertad y la Cultura are studied here). By these means, they created a political and cultural discourse shared by all of them, based on an Europeist matrix, and whose strength and development allows us to argue that there was once a web of Spanish Liberal and anti-Franco intellectuals, operating through several platforms connected to the Congress for Cultural Freedom. This institution had been created by American Intelligence as an undercover operation aimed at counteracting Soviet cultural hegemony in post-War Europe. Since 1953, Julián Gorkin was one of its qualified officials, and since 1956, Dionisio Ridruejo was identified as his referent in Spain. By the end of 1957, Gorkin wrote the report that activated the Congress´ interest in Spain. This interest was made it clear in the invitations extended to some intellectuals living in Spain to participate in international forums, and from 1960 onwards, in the institutionalization of two platforms aimed solely at activating the cause of Spanish Democracy: the Spanish committee of the Comité d´Écrivains and the Center for Studies and Documentation in Paris. The operation of the Spanish committee of the Comité d´Écrivains is described in this dissertation using the documents filed in the archives of its secretary, Pablo Martín Zaro, and in the archives of other members, especially the poet Marià Manent. The Center for Studies and Documentation in Paris was an institution presided by Salvador de Madariaga and directed by Julián Gorkin, who played a first-scale logistic role in the organization of the so-called Munich Conspiracy, one of the highlights of this web, since he assumed partially the doctrinal elaboration of the meeting. This dissertation concludes by showing how this web was dismantled due to several reasons, above all the scandal provoked by the disclosure, between 1966 and 1967, of the murky origins of the Congress for Cultural Freedom.
This thesis provides a socio-pohtical and cuhural study of socially engaged dance theatre in the Republic of Ireland. It interrogates how the work of certain choreographers challenges the habitual primacy of the textual over the physical in Irish performance practice through the choreography of resistive dancing bodies that re-imagine narratives, subjectivities and cultural perceptions of the corporeal in Ireland. I propose that in these works, reconfigurations and disruptions of the usual positioning of bodies in social structures and nan'atives allow alternative views of society to achieve visibility, resisting the oppression of certain corporealities and challenging the hegemony of others. Extending the discussion of these choreographies to consider the cultural context out of which they emerge, and the resonance they have with specific events and specific bodies in Ireland, I also examine their connections with the "body politic" and the social choreography of bodies in everyday life. This thesis focusses primarily on the work of Michael Keegan-Dolan (Fabulous Beast Dance Theatre) and David Bolger (CoisCeim Dance Theatre), but also discusses the re-visioning of the traditional Irish step dancing body in the dance theatre of Jean Butler and Colin Dunne. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie
Die Kritik am schweizerischen Nationalstrassennetz setzt immer wieder bei konzeptionellen Schwächen der Planung im Bereich des Umweltschutzes, der Analyse der Verkehrsbedürfnisse und der Landesplanung an. Demgegenüber kommt der Autor der vorliegenden Arbeit zum Schluss, dass gerade der Verzicht auf ein umfassendes Gesamtkonzept, die streckenweise Planung der Autobahnen, dafür verantwortlich war, dass bei der Nationalstrassenplanung der Jahre 1954 bis 1958 in kurzer Zeit ein tragfähiger Kompromiss über das Nationalstrassennetz gefunden wurde. Die historische, durch System- und Entscheidungstheorie geleitete Darstellung zeichnet den Meinungsbildungsprozess zum schweizerischen Autobahnbau von den zwanziger bis Anfang der sechziger Jahre nach.
p. 33-56 ; Abstract in Polish and English. ; This article presents basic statistical data illustrating changes in the nationality composition of Vilnius over the course of history. The discussed material allows us to take a position in the post-First World War Polish–Lithuanian dispute on the state affiliation of the city. ; s. 33-56 ; Abstrakt w języku polskim i angielskim. ; W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe dane statystyczne ilustrujące zmianę składu narodowościowego Wilna w biegu dziejów. Przedstawiony materiał pozwala odnieść się do kwestii sporu polsko-litewskiego o przynależność państwową tego miasta toczonego po zakończeniu I wojny światowej.
p. 191-207 : ill. ; 23 cm ; The article discusses the participation of Italians in the town council and the judicial bench being local government authorities of the city of Cracow in the early modern period. As many as seventy-four Italians (this standing for 14 per cent of all the councillors and 8 per cent assessors or lay judges) are identifiable for the period in question; nineteen of them concluded their careers with the office of assessors, never getting ranked to councillor. While most of them were merchants by profession, as many as five councillors held a doctor's degree. Italians were the most influential ethnic group in the council in the latter half of the seventeenth century and in the former half of the eighteenth, when in certain years the council-in-office, elected annually and consisting of eight members, featured as many as four Italians at the same time. Similarly, a considerable share of Italians in the judicial bench (almost 50 per cent) is observed for the first half of the eighteenth century; the detailed statistics is featured in the tables appended. Over 20 per cent of the families that accepted the municipal law in the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries obtained at least one of these offices. The share of Italians in Cracow's local-government administration at that time, incommensurate with the actual size of local Italian population, is explainable by their larger interest in pursuing municipal career opportunities. In the medieval period, and even under the reign of Queen Bona Sforza, a number of Italians demonstrated different economic strategies. They satisfied themselves with the royal privilege of servitoriate, counted on fast moneymaking and expected to return home sooner or later. In the later years, most of the Cracow-based Italians were well assimilated and preferred to settle down in the city. ; s. 191-207 ; il. ; 23 cm ; The article discusses the participation of Italians in the town council and the judicial bench being local government authorities of the city of Cracow in the early modern period. As many as seventy-four Italians (this standing for 14 per cent of all the councillors and 8 per cent assessors or lay judges) are identifiable for the period in question; nineteen of them concluded their careers with the office of assessors, never getting ranked to councillor. While most of them were merchants by profession, as many as five councillors held a doctor's degree. Italians were the most influential ethnic group in the council in the latter half of the seventeenth century and in the former half of the eighteenth, when in certain years the council-in-office, elected annually and consisting of eight members, featured as many as four Italians at the same time. Similarly, a considerable share of Italians in the judicial bench (almost 50 per cent) is observed for the first half of the eighteenth century; the detailed statistics is featured in the tables appended. Over 20 per cent of the families that accepted the municipal law in the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries obtained at least one of these offices. The share of Italians in Cracow's local-government administration at that time, incommensurate with the actual size of local Italian population, is explainable by their larger interest in pursuing municipal career opportunities. In the medieval period, and even under the reign of Queen Bona Sforza, a number of Italians demonstrated different economic strategies. They satisfied themselves with the royal privilege of servitoriate, counted on fast moneymaking and expected to return home sooner or later. In the later years, most of the Cracow-based Italians were well assimilated and preferred to settle down in the city.
Este artículo presenta las condiciones estructurales del comercio sexual entre varones en los espacios públicos y revisa la organización social de la prostitución entre varones durante el franquismo. Para ello define y caracteriza cuatro tipos ideales de comercio sexual entre varones: el modelo de iniciación a la homosexualidad, el modelo militar y legionario, el modelo delincuente, y el modelo chulo (o pijo aparte).
Includes bibliographical references (p. 259-279) and index. ; Introduction -- Major powers and global contenders -- Deterrence and conflict -- Balance of power and power shifts : global interests at stake -- Credibility and geopolitics : regional interests at stake -- Resolve and domestic costs : internal interests at stake -- Predicting major power conflicts : high stakes or costly signals? -- Theoretical and policy implications. ; Mode of access: Internet.
