Suchergebnisse

We are immersed in a political struggle around "facts." Hannah Arendt (1967), in her classic piece on "Truth and Politics," quoted above, carefully examined the difference between "factual truth" and its interpretation in order to show the political danger of obliterating the distinction between truth and opinion. The interpretation of facts and how to deal with them in order to change the world were the stuff of political projects and action but need to stand on the solid ground of factual truth. According to Arendt, one of the modes of substituting facts with lies is through making factual truth equivalent to opinion, something that the Trump administration has done with the phrase "alternative facts."

Who are the 'people' supporting 'populist' leaders and what are their claims? The argument I seek to develop here is that 'populist' mobilisations (of all kinds) are a reassessment of the continued reality of illiberal capitalism and the withering away of the ideological force of the illusion of Enlightenment liberalism and democracy. Hence, rather than focusing on 'illiberal democracy' I will focus on the inherently 'illiberal' aspect of capitalism and on the irresolvable contradiction of the ideological articulation of democracy and capitalism that has repeatedly produced a 'populist' kind of conflict. Indeed, we find similar anti-liberal and anti-capitalist popular mobilisations scattered throughout European history in the nineteenth century, taking the form either of 'resistance' revolts seeking to preserve rights and duties embedded in obligations attached to privileges of status, and 'transformative' revolutions seeking to establish an egalitarian society.

Different kinds of evidence are put forward to make an argument and justify political action by agents situated in diverse social, cultural, and power positions. The Catalan political conflict is a case in point. The central Spanish government's arguments are mostly of a juridical nature and rest on the anti-constitutionality of the Catalan government and other civil society organizations' actions. Instead, most arguments of Catalan supporters of independence are based on historical interpretations of grievances referring to national institutions and identity. Supporters of independence, under the politically inspired actions of major civil society associations, have mobilized hundreds of thousands of Catalans in massive demonstrations and have used media in a very efficient manner. The judicial responses to the secessionist process have used legality (police, prison) to allow repression, while the repeated anti-constitutional actions of the Catalan government have been justified as legitimated by popular support and by a historical accumulation of grievances.

Anthropologists often tend to stress the particularities of the cases they study through intense ethnographic encounter. This provides an extremely nuanced approach to process and practice that has become the trade mark of our discipline. It leads us to use complexity as an argument to eschew describing simple laws of movement for social processes. I find this a growing trend that places us in a politically irrelevant position. Often, the ethnographic detail appears as a free floating crystallization of contingent assemblages of items, agents, and connections devoid of historical logic. The problem, then, is why and how to explain human projects that seek to change the connections that exist into something different. Designing an image of the future and of the logical process leading to it is, fundamentally, creating the conditions of possibility for its transformation (Bourdieu 2003). The other, often forgotten, leg of anthropological enquiry is comparison which enables similarities to emerge while it renders differences meaningful in the larger picture. Through the pieces in this volume we begin to perceive a thread of commonalities that, paradoxically, serve to underscore the centrality of the differences that are played out as well as produced by the various actors involved in industrial production.

The Spanish philosopher Ortega y Gasset (2004 [1916]) coined a sentence that was to become a leitmotiv in the process of Spain's integration into the European Community: 'Spain is the problem, Europe the solution. ' In 2006, for example, celebrating the twentieth anniversary of Spain's entry into the European Economic Community (EEC) , the sociologist Emilio Lamo de Espinosa, then Director of the Think Tank Real Instituto Elcano de Estudios Internacionales y Estratégicos, after referring to Ortega's original statement, added: The desire to Europeanize Spain, that is, to modernize it and move with the times, was not so much one of several elements in the political project of contemporary Spain, but its central core, the best summary, a project that brought together equally the left and the right, center and periphery, rich and poor. To Europeanize was to modernize and to modernize was to change. … Our Europeanism was incoming.

This article seeks to rehabilitate the concept of ideology as a necessary tool of struggle against present-day capitalism. Post-structuralist epistemologies, by celebrating pluralism and the emergent character of knowledge and politics, have rendered the intellectual production of a unitary theory an obsolete remnant of a Modernist past. I contend that these well-meaning anti-authoritarian epistemologies unwillingly express the hegemony of a form that the Austrian school proposed for market competition in the first half of the 20th century. Based on ethnographic material of Spain, I acknowledge the need to develop a new conceptual framework that captures the singular experienced realities of the present but links them in a coherent unitary theoretical structure. The productive power of the 'hegemony of form' requires the construction of an ideology that may not only destroy it but also provide the basis of a counter-hegemony for producing a better future.

Structural adjustment policies in Europe underscore the lack of sovereignty and responsibility of nation-states towards the well-being of their citizens. As a result, in popular mobilizations arguments of inequality and injustice, expressed in a demand for dignity, are intertwined. The article explores this shift away from older arguments of exploitation and domination. Using ethnographic material from an industrial town in Galicia (Spain), I analyse two apparently different types of mobilization that have emerged after the 2008 crisis, trying to understand what grievances and objectives pull people together. One is the local expression of new social movements; the other is the remaining expression of working-class organization. Each of these models reinterprets a particular historical tradition of struggle while developing a new interpretation of the social objectives and subjectivities of the future. My hypothesis is that a 'moral economy' framework has superseded a 'political economy' framework in the motivation for struggle.

This chapter addresses the relationship between three aspects of the concept of class. The first is as an analytical tool, particularly within anthropology. The second is as a social relation that takes particular forms in particular historical settings. The third is as a means of struggle. I will address the relationship between these aspects of class in terms of four questions: What class do we need or want? What kinds of collectivity need to be conceptualised and brought about if we want to transform capitalism? What sorts of practical politics will have to be developed? What sort of historical bloc can we contribute to form? Class is problematic because it has been conceptualized both as the locus of articulation of a structural position within the mode of production and as an emergent form in existing social conflict. Consequently, class is always being produced and changed through actual economic and political struggles. It is also important to recognise the strength of Gramsci's (1987) point that these struggles are also theoretical, for they are shaped by the common-sense interpretation of structural positions that defines collective identities and lines of struggle. I will follow Gramsci's lead and stress that what he calls the "organic intellectual", and intellectual debate in general, is central to producing understandings of the structure of the social processes that frame the realms of collective class identity and of organized and purposeful struggle.

In 1990, The Coopers & Lybrand Consulting Group at the request of the Mining Association of Canada carried out a survey of reclamation regulations in selected countries and jurisdictions outside Canada. This initial study was later supplemented by data from Canadian provincial jurisdictions. This paper presents a summary of the findings of these studies and comparisons between the various jurisdictions. There has been a progression in various Mining Acts from legislation covering the safety aspects of mining and health to much more complex environmental concerns ranging from disturbance of flora and fauna to the ultimate reclamation of the areas affected by mining. Identification of and compliance with reclamation regulations, the funding of reclamation activities, and the responsibility of operator beyond the abandonment of the property are issues which are becoming of increasing concern to mine developers and operators ; Non UBC ; Unreviewed ; Other

Includes index. ; Bibliography: p. [345]-355. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Verlagsinfo: Dies ist die erste umfassende Studie, die Organisation und Alltag der britischen Besatzung und ihrer Protagonisten in Hamburg beschreibt sowie die britisch-deutsche Zusammenarbeit in einen Gesamtzusammenhang stellt. Erstmals wird die innere Verfasstheit der Hamburger "britischen Gemeinde" in ihren Vorzügen, Konflikten und Problemen untersucht, u. a. die kaum erforschte erste Phase der Besatzung im Mai 1945, zu der vereinzelt Vergewaltigungen und Plünderungen durch britische Soldaten gehörten. Detailliert werden die britische Organisation und Infrastruktur wie Garnison, Wohnviertel, eigene Schulen und Buslinien, die "Operation Union", in deren Zuge Frauen und Kinder nach Hamburg kamen, und das System der Klubs untersucht. Hinzu kommen Aspekte des Alltags- und Freizeitlebens der Besatzungsangehörigen wie das binationale Liebesleben und Kontakte in Klubs und Vereinen. Hamburg war aus britischer Sicht in vielerlei Hinsicht speziell: Keine deutsche Stadt wurde so stark von britischen (und amerikanischen) Bombern zerstört; die Stadt war Importhafen für alle britischen Güter und die gröt︢e der britischen Besatzungszone. Und der legendäre Soldatensender "British Forces Network" (BFN) versorgte von der Musikhalle aus die Besatzungszone mit Unterhaltung