Cattle Kingdom in the Ohio Valley 1783-1860
In: The economic history review, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 515
ISSN: 1468-0289
59 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: The economic history review, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 515
ISSN: 1468-0289
In: A Northeastern Classics Edition
In: Scandinavian economic history review, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 58-114
ISSN: 1750-2837
In: Scandinavian economic history review, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 109-125
ISSN: 1750-2837
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 37, Heft 3, S. 539-541
ISSN: 1538-165X
The Ebenezer Stevens Papers consist of the correspondence, military and financial records of Ebenezer Stevens. The collection mainly documents Stevens' tenure as a soldier and officer in the New York State Militia, focusing particularly on daily functions and the fortification of New York Harbor in the years 1802-1814. The papers do not contain much information about Stevens' Revolutionary War efforts, aside from two military orders. Additionally, the papers document Stevens' work as a merchant, both independently and as an agent for the US War Department. The collection also contains military orders and reports, inventories, bills of lading, accounts and several legal documents. Some notable correspondents include Horatio Gates, John Lamb, John Jay, Alexander Hamilton and Philip Schuyler. ; Ebenezer Stevens (1751-1823) served as a soldier and officer in the Continental Army and the New York State Artillery Corps during the Revolutionary War. Post-war, Stevens was an agent for the United States War Department as well as a successful merchant in New York City. This collection documents his activities as a merchant both independently and for the militia. Additionally, it documents Stevens' role as a commanding officer, specifically during the fortification of New York City in the early 1800s.
BASE
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/hvd.32044086355807
Date of publication supported by date of the sermon as given on the title page and by note by L.S. Cushing, clerk of the House of Representatives, dated Jan. 5, 1832, "to request a copy for the press."--P. [3]. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/hvd.hnxxcy
The tracts collected under the above title have individual title-pages. No. 1, 7th ed., 1808; no. 2, 1808; no. 3, 5th ed., 1815; no. 4, speech delivered 1812, no imprint date. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE
The article analyzes the archetype of Serbian political leadership and compares it with the present-day model, on the basis of traditions and expectations of the Serbian society of their leader. ; p. 145-168 ; Sum. pol, rus. ; Artykuł prezentuje analizę charakteru modelu władzy politycznej w Serbii na przestrzeni długiego okresu czasu. Autor prześledził analogie pomiędzy modelami władzy przywódców serbskich w różnych okresach i kontekstach historycznych: księcia Miłosza Obrenowicia (1780‒1860), premiera Nikoli Pašicia (1845‒1926) i prezydenta Slobodana Miloševicia (1941‒2006). Przez cały ten długi czas model sprawowania przywództwa pozostał niemal niezmieniony w odpowiedzi na określone oczekiwania, odzwierciedlające wartości uznawane przez serbskie społeczeństwo za fundamentalne, w szczególności zaś: stabilność relacji społecznych, egalitaryzm, kolektywizm i konserwatyzm. Ponieważ wartości te niemal nie ulegały zmianie w analizowanym okresie, aktualny pozostał archetyp serbskiego przewódcy jako rzecznika egalitaryzmu, wojownika i trybuna ludowego, jaki zrodził się w reakcji na dominację osmańską. ; s. 145-168 ; Streszcz. pol, ros.
BASE
The article presents an analysis of the character of model Serbian political leadership with respect to its endurance over an extended period. The author traces the analogies between the leadership models of Serbian leaders active in diff erent periods and historical contexts: Prince Miloš Obrenović (1780–1860), Prime Minister Nikola Pašić (1845–1926) and President Slobodan Milošević (1941–2006). Over this extended period, the type of leadership remained relatively constant in response to a certain set of expectations that reflected the values regarded as fundamental by Serbian society, and in particular: stability of social relations, egalitarianism, collectivism, and conservatism. As this set of values changed little over the examined period, the archetype of Serbian leader as an advocate of egalitarianism, a warrior and a tribune of the people, that had emerged in response to Ottoman domination, remained relevant. ; Summary in English. ; p. 143-165 ; Text eng. ; The article presents an analysis of the character of model Serbian political leadership with respect to its endurance over an extended period. The author traces the analogies between the leadership models of Serbian leaders active in diff erent periods and historical contexts: Prince Miloš Obrenović (1780–1860), Prime Minister Nikola Pašić (1845–1926) and President Slobodan Milošević (1941–2006). Over this extended period, the type of leadership remained relatively constant in response to a certain set of expectations that reflected the values regarded as fundamental by Serbian society, and in particular: stability of social relations, egalitarianism, collectivism, and conservatism. As this set of values changed little over the examined period, the archetype of Serbian leader as an advocate of egalitarianism, a warrior and a tribune of the people, that had emerged in response to Ottoman domination, remained relevant. ; s. 143-165 ; Tekst ang. ; Streszcz. ang.
BASE
In: Christoffersen , L & Gregersen , N H 2021 , Shaping the Danish People's Church in the Context of Freedom of Religion : A.S. Ørsted (1778-1860) and N.F.S. Grundtvig (1783-1872) . in K Å Modéer & H Vogt (eds) , Law and the Christian Tradition in Scandinavia : The Writings of Great Nordic Jurists . Routledge , London and New York , Law and Religion , pp. 206-241 . https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003015253-18
In this chapter, we investigate the interactions between the "theologizing jurist" A.S. Ørsted and the "historicizing theologian" N.F.S. Grundtvig. Taking our point of departure in their initial conflicts in the 1810s, we show their mutual rapprochement in 1826, and follow in detail their distinctive positions at the 1848-49 constitutional assembly. Ørsted and Grundtvig were among the most active speakers at the assembly that formulated the Danish Constitution of 1849. Both argued for freedom of religion but whereas Ørsted wanted this freedom to be given by law by the legislative decisions to come, Grundtvig wanted the freedom of religion to be given a prominent place in the Constitution. Regarding the People's church, they agreed on the identification of the People's Church as a confessionally defined Evangelical-Lutheran church, though Grundtvig worked for a high degree of freedom for members as well as pastors within the church. We argue that Ørsted and Grundtvig reversed their roles over time. Grundtvig began as a conservative but ended up promoting the most liberal ecclesiastical legislation. Ørsted began as a liberal administrator of church affairs but ended up as a conservative voice in the parliament. Not because he had changed his views, but because the society had changed – from the age of an open-minded absolutism to the age of democracy. ; In this chapter, we investigate the interactions between the "theologizing jurist" A.S. Ørsted and the "historicizing theologian" N.F.S. Grundtvig. Taking our point of departure in their initial conflicts in the 1810s, we show their rapprochement in 1826 and follow in detail their distinctive positions at the 1848-49 constitutional assembly. Ørsted and Grundtvig were among the most active speakers at the assembly that formulated the Danish Constitution of 1849. Both argued for freedom of religion, but whereas Ørsted wanted this freedom to be given by law in the legislative decisions to come, Grundtvig wanted freedom of religion to have a prominent place in the Constitution. They agreed on the identification of the "People's Church" as a confessionally defined Evangelical Lutheran church, though Grundtvig worked for a high degree of freedom for members as well as pastors within the church. We argue that Ørsted and Grundtvig reversed their roles over time. Grundtvig began as a conservative but ended up promoting the most liberal ecclesiastical legislation. Ørsted began as a liberal administrator of church affairs but ended up as a conservative voice in the Parliament-not because he had changed his views, but because the society had changed from the age of an open-minded absolutism to the age of democracy.
BASE
v. 1. Life & evidences.--v. 2. Evidences, Horace Paulinae & Tracts.--v. 3. Moral & political philosophy.--v. 4. Natural theology.--v. 5-6. Sermons. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; conv llm
BASE
XLVII, 443, [2] pages, [1] table cards folded, [22] table cards ; 20 cm ; On the title page: Mit 23 Kupfern ; Index ; XLVII, 443, [2] strony, [1] karta tablic złożona, [22] karty tablic ; 20 cm ; Na stronie tytułowej: Mit 23 Kupfern ; Indeks
BASE
Vols. 1-2 edited by B. Erdmannsdörffer; v. 3-5 by K. Obser. ; Each v. has also special t.p. ; Letters in German and French. ; Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ; 1. Bd. 1783-1792 -- 2. Bd. 1792-1797 -- 3 Bd. 1797-1801 -- 4 Bd. 1801-1804 -- 5. Bd. 1804-1806 -- 6. Bd. Ergänzungsband, 1783-1806. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE