Suchergebnisse

Рассмотрен вопрос государственного регулирования развития российского среднего класса, а также предложены основные направления реформирования его основополагающих социальных институтов. ; The question of state regulation of development of the Russian middle class is considered, and the main directions of reforming of his fundamental social institutes.

The article analyzes various theoretical approaches to the problem of correlation of social and economic rights, as well as definitions of the concept and system of these rights. It is proposed to consider social and economic rights as interrelated and interdependent, which, together with civil and political rights, constitute a single complex of the legal status of the individual and serve as an indicator of the effectiveness of the entire system of human rights.

В статье рассматриваются, с одной стороны, основные особенности развития зеленого движения в России и политизации его части с начала перестройки до наших дней, и появление «зеленой» повестки в политических партиях - с другой. В контексте трансформации политических институтов и характеристик гражданского общества анализируются основные характеристики новых форм гражданской активности в экологической сфере и алгоритмы взаимодействия партий с «зеленым» движением. ; In Russia ecological movement at the transformation initial stage was the first and the most effective direction in the activities of the informal groups which have quickly turned to public protest movements. After the first cycle of semi free elections differentiation started: some organizations and active workers began to be engaged in political activities, and some turned to the ecological organizations. During the previous decade alongside with the deecolagization the Russian policy of ecological movement also changed. On the one hand, influence and possibilities of the ecological organizations decreased due to the introduction into law certain actions about NGO and charge of some the organizations and their leaders in espionage activity that strengthened their politicization. On the other hand, the most influential umbellate ecological movement («Green Russia»), failed the task of a party creation because of stiffening the law about political parties and was compelled to create a fraction in «YABLOKO» party.

Российская империя в годы Первой мировой войны столкнулась с беспрецедентными миграционными процессами. Миллионы беженцев двинулись из западных территорий во внутренние губернии. Государственная система не смогла в полной мере дать адекватный ответ социогуманитарным вызовам эпохи, вследствие несогласованности действий гражданских и военных властей, бюрократической неповоротливости, ложных этноконфессиональных фобий. Все это привело к слабой реализации программ адаптации беженцев, разрушению социально-экономической инфраструктуры внутренних регионов, принимавших беженцев. В статье проводится и компаративный анализ российского и французского миграционного опыта. ; Russian Empire during the First World War has faced unprecedented migration. Millions of refugees moved from the western territories to the interior provinces. The state system was not able to give an adequate response to the challenges of socio-humanitarian era, due to lack of coordination of civil and military authorities, bureaucratic slowness, false ethno-religious phobias. All this has led to weak implementation of adaptation programs of refugees, destruction of social and economic infrastructure of inland regions which hosted refugees. The article presents a comparative analysis of the Russian and French immigration experience.

Статья посвящена исследованию социальных, нравственных и политических последствий Гражданской войны в США (1861—1865 гг.). В работе рассматривается влияние войны на трансформацию всех государственных систем Соединенных Штатов, а также отражение последствий конфликта в идеологии жителей Северных и Южных штатов. На основании данного исследования приводятся выводы о политических просчетах, сначала приведших страну к Гражданской войне, а затем к затягиванию и неудачам Реконструкции Юга.The article is devoted to study the social, ethical and political consequences of the American Civil war (1861—1865). The paper examines the impact of war on the transformation of all state systems of the United States, as well as the reflection of consequences of the conflict in the ideology of the inhabitants of the Northern and Southern States. On the basis of this research are presented conclusions about the political failures that first led the country to a Civil war, and then to the delays and failures of the Reconstruction of the South.

Статья затрагивает проблему, касающуюся «скрытого» содержания гражданского образования в школе. Рассмотрена проблема разграничения политических и гражданских самооценок студентов, обучающихся в рамках педагогического направления, профессиональная деятельность которых в будущем будет связана с гражданским образованием школьников ; The article concerns the problem of definition of teacher's political and civic orientations, the contradiction, connected with some requirements of the law, on the one hand, and the needs of practice, on the other hand. The basic question of the article is whether students during the period of their professional development are capable of setting apart their own political preferences and civic beliefs (expectations). The article highlights a number of some latent problems: about half of students who took part in the research do not differ their political and civic roles; some of them consider themselves as political actors limited with neither civil nor civic obligations; moreover, among the future teachers there are those who consider themselves as citizens but only within a concrete political context, etc. These aspects, their causes notwithstanding, also can be seen as an informal part of civics and need to be taken into consideration while planning educational processes.

Отмечается, что эйфорию по поводу безграничных возможностейИК-технологий в трансформации государственного управленияпутем повышения прозрачности правительства и улучшения еговзаимодействия с гражданами сменили более взвешенные оценки. При практической реализации этих концепций возникло много проблем в области разработки политики совершенствования процессов государственного управления, концепции демократического участия, а также возможного нанесения ущерба политической системе со стороны информационных рисков и угроз. Даже на уровне правительств и политических сил ряда ведущих стран пока не удалось сконцентрировать внимание на решенииряда наиболее ключевых вопросов применения на практике социально ориентированных интернет-технологий. Административные усилия зачастую сосредоточены на повышении эффективности деятельности правительства, стремлении содействовать оказанию услуг гражданам путем внедрения более эффективных управленческих процессов и технологий. СоциальныеИК-технологии, как и электронные СМИ, могут иметь значительноевлияние на правительства и практику взаимодействия сгражданским обществом. Но эти действия вызывают существенные проблемы, требующие осмысления. У значительной части населения отсутствует доступ в Интернет, особенно у сельских жителей; недостаточно развит широкополосный доступ; многие современные пользователи интернет-услугами недовольны низкой скоростьюсоединений, возникающими проблемами оплаты стоимости услуг связи. Даже технически грамотные пользователи, участники гражданского общества испытывают трудности в поиске и размещении нужной информации, а отсутствие необходимой технологической грамотности, недостаточное знакомство со структурой правительства, недостаток знания об э-управлении, языковые барьеры не позволяют многим людям использовать ИКтехнологии в полной мере.Одним из способов формирования доверия и знакомства гражданс инициативами электронного правительства в области социальных ИК-средств является установление партнерских отношений с доверенными общественными организациями. ; The paper states that the euphoria about endlesspossibilities of IC technology in the transformation of public administration by improving government transparency and improving its interaction with citizens has been replaced by more sober assessment. The practical implementation of these concepts led to many problems in the area of policydevelopment and improving government processes, the concept of democratic participation, as well as possible damage to the political system by the information risks and threats. Even governments and political forces of a number of leading countries have not been able to concentrate on solving some of the most critical issues and initiatives to apply in practice socially oriented Internet technologies. Administrativeefforts often focus on improving the efficiency of the government, seeking to promote the provision of services to citizens through more efficient management processes and technologies. Social IC technology as well as electronic media can have a significant impact on the government and the practice of interaction with civil society. But these actions cause significant problems that require serious reflection. A significant part of the population does not have access to the Internet, especially in rural areas, broadband access is underdeveloped, many current users of Internet services are dissatisfied with slow connections, and there are problems of paying for communications services. Even experienced users participating in civil society have difficulties in findingand placing the right information, and lack of necessary technological literacy, lack of familiarity with the structure of government, lack of knowledge about e-government, language barriers prevent many people from using IC technology to the full.One way to build trust and familiarity of citizens with egovernment initiatives and social IC to partner with trusted public organizations.

Приводится анализ институтов, ограничивающих пассивное избирательное право в России. Охарактеризованы прямые ограничения избирательного права, партизация как фактор ограничения пассивного избирательного права, институты избирательного залога, заградительного барьера, муниципальный фильтр, периодичность и соблюдение сроков проведения выборов. В 2000-е гг. правящие группировки в России проводили определенный эксперимент по ограничению пассивного избирательного права. Институты для реализации пассивного избирательного права ограничивались настолько, насколько позволяла ситуация. Новеллы в электоральном законодательстве 2011-2013 гг. можно охарактеризовать как «коррекцию курса». В статье сформулированы выводы относительно дальнейших перспектив изменения институтов ограничения пассивного избирательного права. Продолжение курса на ограничение пассивного избирательного права может угрожать дальнейшей политической дестабилизацией и кризисом легитимности правящих группировок России. Гражданское общество и политические партии заинтересованы в значительной либерализации электорального законодательства. ; The article offers an analysis of the institutions that limit passive suffrage in Russia. The author considers direct suffrage restrictions, such as partyaffiliation as a factor limiting the passive suffrage, the institutions of the electoral pledge, the electoral threshold, the municipal electoral quota, frequency and timeliness of the elections. Since the beginning of the 2000s ruling groups in Russia have been trying to limit passive suffrage by an experiment. Institutions for the implementation of passive electoral rights have been limited as far as the situation permits. Electoral novel legislations in 2011-2013 can be described as «line improvement» caused by the crises in election system. The article makes predictions about the prospects of further changing institutions limiting passive suffrage. The policy of passive suffrage restriction is fraught with further political destabilization and crisis of the present Russian authorities' legitimacy. Russian civil society and political parties are concerned with significant liberalization of the electoral legislation. Almost all opposition parties offer similar suggestions about liberalization of passive suffrage.

Эта статья касается изучения гражданско-культурной идентичности жителей приграничных территорий России и Украины. Согласно названию, в ней описываются социальные условия, которые формируют идентичность жителей Белгородской и Харьковской области. Следует подчеркнуть различие между терминами гражданская идентичность и культурная идентичность. Кратко описывается специфика приграничных территорий Белгородской и Харьковской областей, а также исторические предпосылки их формирования. Большое внимание уделяется сравнительному анализу ответов респондентов, участвующих в исследовании, которое проведено в 2013 и 2014 годах. Показано, что мнения респондентов, проживающих в Харьковской области, меняется из-за сложившейся политической ситуации. Делаются попытки проанализировать и дать рекомендации в области сотрудничества приграничных территорий России и Украины. ; This article deals with civil and cultural identity of residents in the border areas of Russia and Ukraine. According to the title, it describes the social conditions that shape the identity of citizens of Belgorod and Kharkov regions. It is necessary to emphasize the distinction between the terms of civil identity and cultural identity. We briefly describe the specificity of the border areas of Belgorod and Kharkov regions, as well as the historical background of their formation. The special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of responses involved in the study which was conducted in 2013 and 2014. It is shown that the opinions of the respondents living in Kharkov region are changing due to the current political situation. The author makes attempts to carry out the analysis and to make recommendations on cooperation within the border areas of Russia and Ukraine.

Эта работа посвящена социальным аспектам трансформации в России и Украине. «Классовый» вопрос, как правило, не рассматривается при изучении трансформации постсоветских государств, тогда как наиболее распространено исследование направляемых элитой «системных сдвигов» к рынку и демократии. Трансформация государственного социализма также обычно объясняется как «системный сдвиг», подразумевающий переход к капитализму и демократии. Альтернативно этот процесс рассматривается как революция, которая привела к всеобъемлющему изменению социально-политических и экономических институтов, идеологии и отношению с иностранными государствами. Авторы таких мнений, однако, разделяют идею, что главным двигателем изменений в обществе является элита. И если прежнее поколение ученых исследовало социальные изменения на основе социальной и классовой революции, то к концу XX в. объектом анализа становятся «системные сдвиги» и элита. ; This paper considers the social basis of the transformation in Russia and Ukraine. This study does not substantiate the widely accepted views of the 'decline of class' as a form of social identification. People have many identities, social class being one of the most import of them. Moreover, there is a common pattern of class linked ideological orientations in Russia and Ukraine. Occupational position, age, and to a lesser extent, gender, place and size of area of living are systematically linked to political ideology on a right-left basis. While there is generalized support for a 'market system', it is strongly infused with backing for state activity-giving social-democratic ideas the most widespread support with respect to the reform process. 'Class matters': no other variable is found to be as consistently associated with ideological position as class. 'Left' views were subscribed to by the industrial and agricultural workers, especially women among them, and older people. The 'right' was constituted predominantly by the new entrepreneurial/management classes and students, and concentrated in the urban areas (especially Moscow and St Petersburg). The positive identification with the market by students is a remarkable indication of the link between aspiring members of the bourgeois classes and marketisation. There is one main difference between Russia and Ukraine a distinct regional bias of the Western Ukraine towards patriotic ideology and more right wing policies. This association, however, is compounded by a more peasant and rural population and a less industrial social structure. The consequences of transformation have left a considerable part of the population, concentrated in the lower classes and sections of the previous socialist intelligentsia, with a feeling of loss and opposition to reform. In the former state socialist societies there have been rising levels of tension. As dislike of the consequences of reform is widespread, why has there been relatively little political opposition? Part of the answer lies in the organization of protest and the articulation of an alternative strategy. There is little evidence of wide-scale popularly based oppositional class movements as opposed to the developing associations of businessmen and entrepreneurs. Political parties are weak, with ineffective levels of support and small memberships. (Many protest movements, such as the 'coloured' revolutions have been financed and supported by foreign organisations supporting movements for market reform and pluralist political organisation.) The new managerial and business classes have a keen sense of class interest indicated by support for a market system, though there is considerable backing for state involvement an indication of a lack of confidence. Opposition has been directed at non class actors: the state administration, authority figures and national identities have become a political focus for many. Another explanation of the weakness of social movements of protest is to be found in the forms of intermediary groups constituting civil society both before and following state socialism. The economic space has not been filled by autonomous capitalist entrepreneurs in any significant numbers. Though social networks in state socialism were far greater than recognised in much of the civil society literature, they were to a considerable extent dependent on the state either directly or indirectly. The communist opposition has inherited and been weakened by this legacy. The creation 'from the top' of civil society organisations, sponsored by the West in the post-communist period, has been relatively unsuccessful and civil society associations without foreign donor support have remained fragile. 'Civil society' organisations, moreover, have had a neo-conservative function of weakening state institutions and replacing them with charities, voluntary associations and privatised 'service providers'. Despite the high formal membership of trade unions, they are largely de-ideologised and economistic in orientation. There is a defensive bourgeois class. Civil society networks can provide the ballast not only for stable democracies but also for political opposition, protest and change. The weakness of civil society has prevented the rise of counter elites and social movements by the dispossessed and others opposed to the introduction of the market and private property. There is clearly a potential for counter revolution in the unstable social conditions of Ukraine and Russia'. It is therefore leadership, organisation and a counter ideology to the reform programme which is lacking not forms of class consciousness. The political stability of the post-socialist countries has been due to an elite consensus which has not only guided these countries to a market type society, but has also neutralised ideological opposition.

The subject of the analysis was the content and forms of interaction between the highest state institutions and the population of the country in the framework of political participation processes. The possibilities for the inclusion of the population in the processes of political participation by the Institute of the President of the Republic of Belarus, the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Belarus are considered. The available resources for the improvement of these processes in the field of expanding opportunities for the expression of public (civil) legislative initiatives, as well as in the part of expert participation of citizens and public associations in the discussion of the relevance and draft bills, are indicated. ; Предметом анализа стали содержание и формы взаимодействия между высшими государственными институтами и населением страны в рамках процессов политического участия. Рассмотрены возможности по включению населения в процессы политического участия со стороны института Президента Республики Беларусь, Национального Собрания Республики Беларусь, Совета Министров Республики Беларусь. Обозначены имеющиеся ресурсы по совершенствованию данных процессов в области расширения возможностей для выражения общественных (гражданских) законодательных инициатив, а также в части экспертного участия граждан и общественных объединений в обсуждении актуальности и проектов законопроектов.

Formulation of the problem. The urgency of a comprehensive study of the institute of political parties is conditioned by several illustrative circumstances. The past election campaign in the Ukrainian parliament in 2019 was marked by the fact that it was held under the old "rules of the game." It is known that the parliamentary election campaigns of 1998, 2002, 2007, 2012 also used a mixed system of elections, in which 50% of parliamentarians were elected in majority constituencies and 50% of people's deputies were elected on a proportional basis for party lists. According to the current rules of elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, candidates for the People's Deputies will be nominated by a political party, which were registered in accordance with the established procedure no later than one year before the elections. Despite the fact that the institute of self-nomination of candidates for the People's Deputies remains, political parties have become the main political players, the only active actors in the electoral process of Ukraine and have received a strong impetus for their development.The purpose of this article is to reveal the history of political party formation in order to gain a better understanding of the essential nature of these important political entities and to identify promising moments in the development of parties in Ukraine.Analysis of recent research and publications. In the world and Ukrainian partology, it should be noted that well-known foreign experts J. Sartori, M. Duverge, A. Leiphart, S. Avineri, G. Almond, E. Wind, S. Lipset, S. Rokkan, S. Neumann in characterization the current state and prospects of the development of parties as political institutions indicate a direct connection and mutual influence between the party and electoral systems. Particular attention of domestic partologists M. Primus, N. Goncharuk, A. Pakharev, I. Kresina, O. Erzhov, V. Lytvyn, G. Malkin, Y. Shvedy focuses on the problem of the influence of the electoral process on the formation of the party system in Ukraine. Recently, in connection with the growing role of parties in the political life of our country, studies of new aspects of their activity have appeared: L. Gonyukova considers political parties as an institute of state policy and governance, O. Sakiri concentrates attention on the principles of constructing the image of a political party, O.Nikogosyan considers the peculiarities of the development of political parties and party systems in the post-communist space, A. Tetyanich explores the constitutional and legal principles of state control over the activities of political parties, etc.The article deals with the history of the formation and development of political parties as socio-political institutions, from the time of antiquity to the emergence of mass parties in the second half of the nineteenth century. The latest trends in the evolution of the institution of political parties as subjects of democratic politics in polyarchy systems are analyzed. It is noted that political parties have become the main political players, the only active actors in the electoral process of Ukraine and have received a strong impetus for their development. Modern political parties emerge as institutions of democratic politics, they "grow" from the bottom, are created by politically active citizens for the protection of their own interests, and therefore represent first and foremost an important segment of civil society, which unites it with public authorities. For a long time, the division of the parties into the left was adopted (the Communists, the Social Democrats were referred to here), the centrists (those who tried to defend the interests of the majority), the right (who stood for an elitist understanding of politics). However, as most political parties shifted to the middle class in the 20th century, only two of them became right-wing: center-right and center-left. At the same time, the ranking scale itself remained the same. At the end of the twentieth century. significant changes occurred in the political sphere of society. Political parties began to lose their traditional class character and appeal not so much to certain social strata as to all groups of the population. American political scientist J. Lapalambara called this type of political party a "grab all party" and then a "voter party". This trend is also confirmed in modern Ukraine (Party of Servants). Parties have stopped offering ways to develop society, politicians are only interested in voter votes, not ideological issues.It is concluded that modern Ukrainian parties need to go a long way in their development to meet all the criteria of a democratic political party. Ukrainian parties must undergo a transformation from political additions of oligarchic holdings to truly mass popular structures based on the principle of modernization, and then there will be a significant increase in real support.A promising direction for further research is to consider the organizational foundations of the functioning of political parties in polyarchies and under hybrid political regimes.Remarks are made about the prospects of party building in contemporary Ukraine. ; В статье рассматривается история создания и развития политических партий как социально-политических институтов, начиная со времен античности до возникновения массовых партий во второй половине XIX века. Цель данной статьи состоит в раскрытии истории формирования политических партий для лучшего понимания сущностной природы этих важных политических образований и определении перспективных моменты в развитии партий в Украине. Анализируются новейшие тенденции эволюции института политических партий как субъектов демократической политики в системах полиархии. Отмечается, что политические партии превратились в главных политических игроков, единственных действенных субъектов в электоральном процессе Украины и получили мощный импульс для своего развития. Современные политические партии возникают как институты демократической политики, они «вырастают» снизу, создаются политически активными гражданами для защиты собственных интересов, и поэтому представляют из себя прежде всего важный сегмент гражданского общества, котрій объединяет его с органами государственной власти. Делаются замечания о переспектив партийного строительства в современной Украине. ; У статті розглядається історія утворення та розвитку політичних партій як соціально-політичних інститутів, починаючи від часів античності до виникнення масових партій у другій половині ХІХ ст. Мета даної статті полягає у розкритті історії формування політичних партій задля кращого розуміння сутнісної природи цих важливих політичних утворень та визначенні перспективних моментів у розвитку партій в Україні. Аналізуються новітні тенденції еволюції інституту політичних партій як суб'єктів демократичної політики у системах поліархії. Зазначається, що політичні партії перетворилися на головних політичних гравців, єдиних дієвих суб'єктів в електоральному процесі України та отримали потужний імпульс для свого розвитку. Сучасні політичні партіївиникають як інститути демократичної політики, вони «виростають» знизу, створються політично активними громадянами для захисту власних інтересів, і тому представляють з себе насамперед важливий сегмент громадянського суспільства, який поєднує його з органами державної влади.Робляться зауваження щодо перспектив партійного будівництва у сучасній Україні.

Formulation of the problem. The urgency of a comprehensive study of the institute of political parties is conditioned by several illustrative circumstances. The past election campaign in the Ukrainian parliament in 2019 was marked by the fact that it was held under the old "rules of the game." It is known that the parliamentary election campaigns of 1998, 2002, 2007, 2012 also used a mixed system of elections, in which 50% of parliamentarians were elected in majority constituencies and 50% of people's deputies were elected on a proportional basis for party lists. According to the current rules of elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, candidates for the People's Deputies will be nominated by a political party, which were registered in accordance with the established procedure no later than one year before the elections. Despite the fact that the institute of self-nomination of candidates for the People's Deputies remains, political parties have become the main political players, the only active actors in the electoral process of Ukraine and have received a strong impetus for their development.The purpose of this article is to reveal the history of political party formation in order to gain a better understanding of the essential nature of these important political entities and to identify promising moments in the development of parties in Ukraine.Analysis of recent research and publications. In the world and Ukrainian partology, it should be noted that well-known foreign experts J. Sartori, M. Duverge, A. Leiphart, S. Avineri, G. Almond, E. Wind, S. Lipset, S. Rokkan, S. Neumann in characterization the current state and prospects of the development of parties as political institutions indicate a direct connection and mutual influence between the party and electoral systems. Particular attention of domestic partologists M. Primus, N. Goncharuk, A. Pakharev, I. Kresina, O. Erzhov, V. Lytvyn, G. Malkin, Y. Shvedy focuses on the problem of the influence of the electoral process on the formation of the party system in Ukraine. Recently, in connection with the growing role of parties in the political life of our country, studies of new aspects of their activity have appeared: L. Gonyukova considers political parties as an institute of state policy and governance, O. Sakiri concentrates attention on the principles of constructing the image of a political party, O.Nikogosyan considers the peculiarities of the development of political parties and party systems in the post-communist space, A. Tetyanich explores the constitutional and legal principles of state control over the activities of political parties, etc.The article deals with the history of the formation and development of political parties as socio-political institutions, from the time of antiquity to the emergence of mass parties in the second half of the nineteenth century. The latest trends in the evolution of the institution of political parties as subjects of democratic politics in polyarchy systems are analyzed. It is noted that political parties have become the main political players, the only active actors in the electoral process of Ukraine and have received a strong impetus for their development. Modern political parties emerge as institutions of democratic politics, they "grow" from the bottom, are created by politically active citizens for the protection of their own interests, and therefore represent first and foremost an important segment of civil society, which unites it with public authorities. For a long time, the division of the parties into the left was adopted (the Communists, the Social Democrats were referred to here), the centrists (those who tried to defend the interests of the majority), the right (who stood for an elitist understanding of politics). However, as most political parties shifted to the middle class in the 20th century, only two of them became right-wing: center-right and center-left. At the same time, the ranking scale itself remained the same. At the end of the twentieth century. significant changes occurred in the political sphere of society. Political parties began to lose their traditional class character and appeal not so much to certain social strata as to all groups of the population. American political scientist J. Lapalambara called this type of political party a "grab all party" and then a "voter party". This trend is also confirmed in modern Ukraine (Party of Servants). Parties have stopped offering ways to develop society, politicians are only interested in voter votes, not ideological issues.It is concluded that modern Ukrainian parties need to go a long way in their development to meet all the criteria of a democratic political party. Ukrainian parties must undergo a transformation from political additions of oligarchic holdings to truly mass popular structures based on the principle of modernization, and then there will be a significant increase in real support.A promising direction for further research is to consider the organizational foundations of the functioning of political parties in polyarchies and under hybrid political regimes.Remarks are made about the prospects of party building in contemporary Ukraine. ; В статье рассматривается история создания и развития политических партий как социально-политических институтов, начиная со времен античности до возникновения массовых партий во второй половине XIX века. Цель данной статьи состоит в раскрытии истории формирования политических партий для лучшего понимания сущностной природы этих важных политических образований и определении перспективных моменты в развитии партий в Украине. Анализируются новейшие тенденции эволюции института политических партий как субъектов демократической политики в системах полиархии. Отмечается, что политические партии превратились в главных политических игроков, единственных действенных субъектов в электоральном процессе Украины и получили мощный импульс для своего развития. Современные политические партии возникают как институты демократической политики, они «вырастают» снизу, создаются политически активными гражданами для защиты собственных интересов, и поэтому представляют из себя прежде всего важный сегмент гражданского общества, котрій объединяет его с органами государственной власти. Делаются замечания о переспектив партийного строительства в современной Украине. ; У статті розглядається історія утворення та розвитку політичних партій як соціально-політичних інститутів, починаючи від часів античності до виникнення масових партій у другій половині ХІХ ст. Мета даної статті полягає у розкритті історії формування політичних партій задля кращого розуміння сутнісної природи цих важливих політичних утворень та визначенні перспективних моментів у розвитку партій в Україні. Аналізуються новітні тенденції еволюції інституту політичних партій як суб'єктів демократичної політики у системах поліархії. Зазначається, що політичні партії перетворилися на головних політичних гравців, єдиних дієвих суб'єктів в електоральному процесі України та отримали потужний імпульс для свого розвитку. Сучасні політичні партіївиникають як інститути демократичної політики, вони «виростають» знизу, створються політично активними громадянами для захисту власних інтересів, і тому представляють з себе насамперед важливий сегмент громадянського суспільства, який поєднує його з органами державної влади.Робляться зауваження щодо перспектив партійного будівництва у сучасній Україні.

У запропонованій статті характеризуються основні політичні інститути демократії.Підкреслено важливість ефективного функціонування таких інститутів в процесі демократизації суспільства ; В предлагаемой статье характеризуются основные политические институты демократии.Подчеркнуто важность эффективного функционирования таких институтов в процессе демократизации общества. ; This article highlights the main political institutions of democracy. Stressed the importance of the effective functioning of such institutions in the process of democratization. Particular attention is paid to the quality of the institutions of democracy. A detailed analysis of the basic democratic institutions such as the election of officers; open and free vote , freedom of speech , access to alternative sources of information, the autonomy of associations , general civil law.There are different ways of understanding of democracy as a whole, and its institutions necessary for the effective functioning of democracy itself. Democracy has its own characteristics and criteria that allow you to identify it as a separate form of government, but for a real assessment of the state of affairsit is necessary to conduct an analysis to compare the declared political institutions with their practical implementation. Indicated above democratic institutions based on the principles of representative democracy and in one form or another is implemented in practice, the state board. It is therefore called the institutions of democracy in this publication are considered by us as a base.There are other approaches to the definition of the political institutions of democracy, but the actual difference is only to a greater or lesser degree of specificity consider the basic institutions regarding the practice of a young state.A brief analysis of the basic institutions of democracy gives the opportunity to see the key problems in the functioning of these institutions in our country. Without this, not declarative functioning of democratic institutions there can be no question of the success of the democratic transition and reform. The main institution of democracy is the foundation, without which it is impossible to build a democratic society.