Suchergebnisse

Данная работа посвящена деятельности политической партии «Союз правых сил» в четырех регионах Восточной Сибири, в том числе участию в выборах в органы представительной власти в 2000-2010 гг. ; The work examines activity of the political party "the Union of Right Forces" in four regions of Eastern Siberia, as well as its participation in local elections in 2000-2010-s.

Российские правые партии не приняли новую систему власти, созданную политическими реформами эпохи революции 1905-1907 гг. Они требовали расширения власти монарха и ограничения полномочий представительных учреждений. Несоответствие реально существующей политической системы представлениям об оптимальных формах ее организации стало важнейшей причиной пассивности правых в феврале-марте 1917 г.The Russian rightists did not come to terms with new political system, created by the Revolution of 1905. They insisted on increasing of the monarch's power and limiting of the power of the representative institutions. The inadequacy of the political system to the Right's vision of the optimal forms of its organization became the important cause of their passivity in February and March of 1917.

Излагается позиция правых партий России начала ХХ в. относительно столыпинской программы модернизации экономики. На материале печатных изданий партий российского традиционализма доказывается, что их агитационно-пропагандистская деятельность заключалась в критике наиболее уязвимых аспектов программы модернизации экономики и формировании негативного общественного мнения; по мнению автора статьи, это сыграло не последнюю роль в неприятии обществом столыпинского варианта модернизации России. ; There were many detailed investigations of Stolypins reforms in the sphere of economics in the columns of the right press at the beginning of the 20th century. The traditionalists attitude to capitalism and to capitalists themselves was ambiguous. On the one hand, the right saw opponents, who rival with the nobleman-landowner in influence and power. On the other hand, they were their allies in their struggle with the worker-socialist aspiring to expropriate both capitalists and landowners. Such duality defined their ambiguous assessment of the tax system modernization offered by P.A. Stolypin. Appraisal of the tax changes depended on the fact whether they were considered as a threat to all proprietors or (especially, when it came to the income tax) they were regarded as a measure affecting generally commercial and industrial interests. Among the most important events in the sphere of economics, the agrarian reform suggested by P.A. Stolypin had a crucial significance. Monarchists gave it an indistinct appraisal. As any criticism of national policy meant opposition to the tsar, and as behind the figure of P.A. Stolypin there was the Emperor, moderate right-wingers tried to remain neutral, and in some cases they even stated support to the governmental initiatives. On the other hand, the extreme right wing met the reform with undisguised indignation. First of all, press organs of traditionalists opposed the violent destruction of a community. Besides they emphasized the harmful consequences of farmstead for the mentality of peasants. No less important constituent was the activity of the Peasants Land Bank, which was criticised by the right. In the judgment of the traditionalists the majority of the peasants who had bought land by means of the bank did not prove to be able to make fixed-date payment regularly, and the land was put up for auction sale or remained the property of the bank. Resettlement policy, as a part of the agrarian reform, received unconditional support and approval of the right. However, the difficulties in the resettlement business became the reason for pejorative criticism of the government, which executed the will of the Emperor badly. Thus, in the camp of the right there was no agreement of opinion concerning the economic transformations of P.A. Stolypin. In the majority they tended to keep the position of benevolent neutrality, repudiating the positive prospects of P.A. Stolypins economic policy. However, traditional desire of the right to preserve everything as before inevitably caused attack against the government measures directed at transformation of Russia. From our point of view, constant traditionalists assaults on the reformative activity of the cabinet of ministers, criticism of the most vulnerable aspects of P.A. Stolypins reforms played a significant role in the formation of negative public opinion towards them and in rejection of P.A. Stolypins variant of modernization of Russia by the society, as a consequence.

In the article the evolution process of «the right wing» definition in political sciences in the countries of postcommunist space is observed. Signs and characteristic criteria for these movements in the indicated countries are determined ; В статье анализируются проблемы эволюции дефиниции «правица» в политологической науке стран посткоммунистического пространства. Определяются признаки и критерии характерные для этих движений в данных странах ; У статті аналізуються проблеми еволюції терміна «правиця» в політологічній науці країн посткомуністичного простору. Визначаються ознаки та критерії характерні для цих рухів у даних країнах

В статье анализируются вызовы, с которыми столкнулись страны «левого поворота» в связи с избирательными кампаниями 2014-2015 гг., и их последствия для международных отношений в регионе. Особое влияние уделено анализу электоральных кампаний в конкретных государствах региона Сальвадоре, Уругвае, Чили и Бразилии. Сделан прогноз по поводу перспектив взаимоотношения ряда стран «левого поворота» с интеграционными блоками в Западном полушарии (ALBA и Меркосур) в свете завершившихся электоральных кампаний. ; The article deals with the analysis of the challenges for the Latin American left-wing governments throughout the electoral campaigns of 2014-2015. Up to the moment these electoral campaigns and their results were not researched and analyzed in the scientific literature. However, it was not the only aim of the article. The authors consider necessary to explain how the achievements made by the Left-Wing political forces may affect and determine the general political situation and international panorama of the region. Consequently, the special attention is paid to the analysis of the electoral rallies in some key countries for the Left-Wing block as whole. These countries are Brazil, Uruguay, Chile and Salvador as they represent different patterns of Left-Wing turn in the region. As almost all of them form part of some Latin American subregional integration groups, the authors also make some prospects about the possible shifts in the system of international relations in the region as a consequence of these electoral campaigns. Within the marks of the article the authors analyze possible transformations of South American Common market (MERCOSUR) and the Bolivarian Alliance for Americas (ALBA) and explain how the results of elections of 2014 would affect the envolvement of some Leftist governments into these integration groups. According to authors' criteria, the Pirric triumph in Salvador should inevitably put in question the plans of Salvadoran close envolvement into the ALBA. Additionally, the visible weakening of Leftist government in Brazil will bring the redetermining of its relationship with the USA and can also affect Brazil's leading role in the Mercosur. The authors confront the statistical data and the results of elections with the known facts of political behavior of Left-Wing governments in respect of the economical and political integration and relationship with the USA, China and Russia. The main object of the research was to measure the priorities for the foreign policy of Uruguay, Salvador and Brazil with a purpose to conclude the shape of their future political and economical participation in blocs and groups. As the official political declarations not always correspond to the real behavior of many governments, we also often confront them with the political remarks made by some politicians and governmental officials trying to understand the authentic line of their foreign policy determined by different factors.

For a long time Sweden was treated as an exception as far right political parties slowly but steadily gained inflence in many others European countries, including neighboring ones but not in Sweden. Despite the fact that such parties emerged and participated in political life of this country, none of them gained enough support to become an inflential part of the party system. They remained marginalized and managed to get very limited representation and only on the local level. The situation changed in 1991 when rather unexpectedly newly established far right party New Democracy was elected to the parliament, gaining 6.7 percent of votes. It was a major success and a fist breakthrough for a far right political party in a country, considered to be traditionally leaning towards public consensus and tolerance. However, the New Democracy did not sustain gained support and lost representation in the parliament after the next elections in 1994. Gradually, it lost representation in regional and local councils as well. Nevertheless, such breakthrough was very important as it brought previously marginalized issues, such as immigration, to public agenda. As a result, a demand for political parties that would not ignore polarizing issues but rather present possible solutions became more and more visible. The Sweden Democrats successfully occupied this niche. Starting from 2000s, the party gained enough support for entering municipal and regional councils and, in 2010, it crossed the threshold and became elected to the parliament. Unlike the New Democracy, the party succeeded in using its momentum to the fullest. Currently its support is only rising. In 2014, the party became third largest in the parliament. The study is devoted to distinguishing main factors that contributed to such success as well as discussion of the ideology of Swedish far right political parties with the most emphasis on Sweden Democrats. ; Раскрыто предпосылки становления и активизации крайне правых политических партий в Швеции. Охарактеризованы наиболее известные крайне правые шведские политические партии. Подробно рассмотрена история и идеологические основы партий Новая демократия и Шведские демократы ; Розкрито передумови становлення та активізації крайніх правих політичних партій у Швеції. Охарактеризовано найбільш відомі крайні праві шведські політичні партії.Детально розглянуто історію та ідеологічні засади партій Нова демократія та Шведські демократи.

Цель данной работы заключается в анализе польской партийной системы в условиях пост-коммунизма. Во вступительной части статьи представлены основные понятия, связанные с анализом партийной системы, а также описаны основные аналитические подходы. Затем статья анализирует специфику пост-коммунистических партийных систем и генезис польской партийной системы. Рассматривает также правовую институционализацую и развитие системы финансирования политических партий, делая особый акцент на растущий объем государственных расходов. Рост госрасходов на политические партии, в свою очередь, подносил порог входа для новых политических субъектов, которые не имели финансовых средств. Еще одной особенностью польской партийной системы является специфика деления на левые и правые, которая в течении долгого времени была основана на отношении коммунистическому прошлому, биографии и институциональной принадлежности элиты переходного периода. С 2005 года, однако постепенно возрастает роль экономического деления и апелляции к Смоленской катастрофе. ; The aim of the article is to analyze the specific features of the Polish party system in the postcommunist context. In the introductory part of the article it presents the main concepts of the analysis of the party system and describes basic analytical approaches employed to scrutinize party systems. Then the article points out the major characteristics of the post-communist party systems and the genesis of Polish party system. Furthermore, it discusses the legal institutionalization and the evolution of the state funding of political parties. It is argued that systematically growing expenditures on political parties has introduced high threshold for new political actors with no state mone and limited financial resources. Another feature discussed in the article is the specific content of the left-right division, which in Poland is grounded predominantly in the communist past and biographical choices and institutional affiliations of the transition elite. Since 2005, however, one can notice the growing role of the economic cleavage and the political divisions related to the Smolensk catastrophe.

Актуальной проблемой мирового сообщества сегодня стал сдвиг вправо политического сознания. Почти повсеместно активизировались правые партии и группы, в том числе занимающие радикальные позиции. В связи с этим представляет серьезный интерес наличие и распространенность праворадикальных идеологем в сознании студенческой молодежи, которая всегда выступает передовым отрядом любого политического движения. Проведенный социологический опрос позволил не только выявить уровень распространенности правой идеологии в среде студентов Ростовской области, но и установить наиболее значимые идеологемы правого радикализма в их общественном сознании. ; Today the shift of political consciousness to the right has become relevant problem for the world community. Almost everywhere right-wing parties and groups intensified, including those with radical position. In this terms the presence and incidence of right-wing ideologies in the minds of students, who have always been the core of any political movement becomes the issue of great concern. Sociological survey helped not only to identify the degree of incidence of right-wing ideology among students in Rostov region, but also to find out the most important ideologemes of right wing radicalism in their public consciousness.

Статья представляет собой исследование важного аспекта политической программы российского правомонархического движения начала ХХ в. Речь идет об отношении правых идеологов к обновленному в ходе революции 1905-1907 гг. государственному строю Российской империи. Источниковую базу исследования составляют материалы монархической периодической печати за период 1905-1917 гг., а также эпистолярное наследие ведущих теоретиков консерватизма того времени. Авторы обращают внимание на такие вопросы, как отношение правых к Государственной думе как институту народного представительства, трактовка ими положения монарха в новой политической модели. В статье оцениваются объективность и содержательность критики правой публицистикой недостатков и противоречий «третьеиюньской политической системы». Авторы обосновывают вывод, что российская консервативная публицистика начала ХХ столетия смогла показать несовместимость парламентарной модели представительства и традиционной для страны самодержавной формы правления. Однако в силу специфики некоторых своих особенностей отечественная консервативная мысль не смогла предложить альтернативную модель политической модернизации страны. ; Article represents research of an important aspect of the political program of the Russian monarchic movement of the beginning of the 20th century. It is about the relation of the right ideologists to the political system of the Russian Empire updated during revolution of 1905-1907. The documentary base of research is made by materials of monarchic periodicals during 1905-1917, and also epistolary heritage of the leading theorists of conservatism of that time. Authors pay attention to such questions as the relation right to the State Duma as institute of national representation, the analysis those provisions of the monarch in new political model. In article objectivity and pithiness of criticism are estimated by the right journalism of shortcomings and contradictions of the Third of June political system. Authors prove a conclusion that the Russian conservative thought of the beginning of the XX century could show incompatibility of parliamentary model of representation and the autocratic form of government, traditional for the country. However owing to specifics of some features the domestic conservative thought could not offer alternative model of political modernization of the country.

Национальная организация австрийских мусульман в первые десятилетия своего развития (1979-2000 гг.) улучшала диалог между представляемым сообществом и государством, внесла весомый вклад в интеграцию мусульман в австрийское общество. Современные реалии в Австрии таковы, что мусульмане воспринимаются не как часть общества, а как угроза; правые партии выигрывают до 30% голосов на выборах разного уровня; самые крупные организации австрийских мусульман находятся под турецким патронажем, в той или иной степени испытывают влияние фундаментализма. Правительство поддерживает возведение мечетей и исламское образование в государственных школах, но результаты могут быть противоположными интересам власти, общества и самих мусульман. ; The national organization of Austrian Muslims in its first phase (1979-2000) was to improve dialogue between the state and Muslims, thereby making a contribution to the social integration of Muslims and their religious law and to social cohesion and so counteract social polarisation and segregation. Reality is more complicated: Muslims are not seen by others as part of Austrian society (right parties win up 18 to 30% by national and local elections) and their largest organizations are influenced by Turkish authorities or foreign fundamentalists. The construction of mosques and religious instruction at schools, supported by government as an important step towards the integration of Islam in Austria, can reach opposite goals, as the leaders of new Muslim's political movements in Austria caution in mass-media. The activities of these new liberal movements can create a new scheme of Muslim-society cooperation and mutual understanding, in order to overcome irrational aggressive Islamophobia and sometimes reasonable Anti-Muslim prejudices.

В статье содержится критический обзор принятых систем классификации политических партий применительно к условиям постсоветской России. В частности, автор доказывает, что традиционная модель партийной линейки с дифференциацией партий на правые, левые и центр в условиях России не работает. Автор обосновывает собственную двухмерную модель классификации, а также дает определение левоконсервативной партии как специфического феномена постсоветской России.The critical survey of accepted political parties' classifications in relation to post-Soviet Russia's conditions is carried out in the article. In particular the author proves that the traditional model of the party scale differentiating parties into right, left and central does not work in Russian conditions. The author substantiates his own two-dimensional model of classification and gives the definition of a left-conservative party as a specific phenomenon of post-Soviet Russia.

Анализируются причины относительных успехов крайне правой Британской национальной партии (БНП), выразившихся в избрании ее кандидатов в Европейский парламент. В этом контексте рассматриваются как долговременные, так и краткосрочные факторы, определившие благоприятную для крайне правых конфигурацию политической среды. ; The article analyzes the reasons behind the relative successes of the far right British National Party (BNP) in elections to European Parliament. In this context, the author traces both long-term and short-term factors, which contributed to the configuration of the political environment, which favours the Far Right.

Рассматриваются программные документы «третьих» политических партий США как основных оппонентов участия страны в НАФТА и отношение различных партий к НАФТА. Показано, что американские левые и правые партии склонны видеть в НАФТА основную угрозу политическому суверенитету Соединенных Штатов. Подчеркивается, что, по мнению оппонентов НАФТА, североамериканская интеграция имеет больше общего с интересами элит и транснациональных корпораций, но не с интересами США. ; Active participation of the United States in integration projects in the Western hemisphere, the leading part of the USA in NAFTA, possible leadership in the prospective North American Union cause various reactions within the limits of the American society. The feature of the American party system is not only its steady two-party character, but also the presence of a considerable number of the third parties, whose influence is different, but whose political concepts promote discussions concerning foreign policy of the USA within the limits of the American community, including also participation in NAFTA. The part of parties believe that the activity of the USA directed on integration of North American political space is extremely unprofitable for the USA and ordinary American citizens. Among the third parties in the USA the party «America above all» (America First Party) is allocated. AFP combines adherence to democratic values with moderate political nationalism, using the slogan «America for Americans!», possibly meaning the necessity of deburocratisation of the American political system. On the other hand, like democratic constitutionalists, theorists of AFP specify in necessities to return to the Constitution its former positions in the American political system, to strengthen respect of citizens for the pivotal document of the country. In its political activity AFP starts with a recognition of the fact that the modern United States stay in a condition of deep and long crisis, responsibility for which lies on the previous democratic and republican Administrations. AFP considers that the largest American parties spent years in struggle with each other, without having accurate representation about what America and its citizens really need, spending efforts on politically dangerous and economically unprofitable, in their opinion, integration in NAFTA, weakening values of an original Americanism. AFP in its program document («the Mission Statement») suggests «to save up and keep our people and our independence», «to provide economic growth and independence», «to strengthen traditional values of belief, a family and responsibility», «to guarantee equality before the law and protection of the rights granted by the Founder», «to clear our corrupted political system» without participation of the USA in integration projects. Theorists AFP, as well as other third parties, has the program of development of the American foreign policy. Ideologists of party believe that the foreign policy of the USA should become, on the one hand, more weighed, balanced and thought over, and, on another, to develop with an emphasis on the American values. AFP believes that it is necessary for the USA to uphold the cooperation with other countries under condition of nonparticipation of the USA in the international associations and coalitions. For this reason AFP insists that the USA should leave structure of such international organizations, as NATO and the United Nations. AFP insists on necessity of an exit of the USA from NAFTA, believing that participation in integration processes which can lead to creation of the North American Union, does not correspond to interests of the American citizens. On the other hand, it is declared that the USA should be guided in the foreign policy by necessity of protection of national independence and not admit submission of America to the global government. Degree of a demand of criticism AFP concerning participation of the USA in integration processes within the limits of NAFTA in the American political establishment is insignificant owing to that as M.W. Kirchanoff believes, «party, being activist protest group, is substantially marginal».

В статье рассматривается становление такого политического феномена как «правый кадетизм». Проводится анализ взглядов представителей правого крыла «партии народной свободы» на актуальные политические проблемы 1905-1907 гг. с целью уяснения особенностей их общей идеологии. ; The article considers the establishment of such political phenomenon as «right cadetism». The analysis of the views of representatives of the right wing «of the party of people's freedom» on urgent political problems of 1905-1907, with the aim of understanding the features of their common ideology.