Suchergebnisse

На основе анализа различных типов теорий в статье показано, что понятие «цивилизация» служит для разграничения социальных общностей и определяет модели легитимации властных решений и действий. Прослеживается, как принципы демаркации и легитимации работают в мультии моноцивилизационной парадигмах. ; Today's economic and sociocultural globalization weakens the positions of traditional nation-states. Russia, with its past as an empire, is facing questions about its identity and structural organization. Can Russia be considered a part of some existing civilization or an independent civilization itself? What grounds Russian civilization (if such an entity exists) must be founded upon? The answers to these questions have the direct influence on the development of Russian relationships with other modern civilizations. Many post-Soviet philosophers, historians, and political scientists are concerned with Russia's future and the ways of its better shaping. Prof. Alexander Panarin (1940-2003), D.Phil, Head of the Chair of Political Science (Philosophical Department of Moscow State University) also dealt with the above issues. The subject of my research is evolution of Panarin's views on the 'must-be' basic elements of Russia's formation in today's world. For analyzing it, I have used: (i) historical method (I examine Panarin's views in their chronological development); (ii) comparative method (I intercompare Panarin's ideas of different times to trace their evolution); (iii) systematic method (among the post-Soviet researchers, there are no less than 5 different points of view regarding the development of Russia; so I study Panarin's position as a part of the above variety of views). In my article, I outline two major stages in evolution of Panarin's ideas. The first is connected with the position of Eurasianism. At that time Panarin considered Russia's future to be a civilization state with strong centralized power and adoption of Eurasian values. Foundation for such values Panarin saw in the main texts of Russian Orthodoxy and Islam. The second stage of Panarin's views evolving is their association with Byzantinism position. Byzantine version of civilization state still includes as its key elements strong government and religious values but also adds civil society to it. As for the values, Panarin limits them to the Russian Orthodox views only. In my conclusion, I stress the significance of Panarin's contribution into the development of the concept of 'civilization state'. I also point out the importance of Panarin's ideas of the leading role of spiritual heritage for any civilization state, the peculiarity of the Russian Orthodox civilization, and the emergence of the new territorial entities on the map of the modern world. I think they all are relevant to the modern Russian quest for its successful future.

По мнению автора, в современных условиях, когда решается судьба цивилизаций, тотальное утверждение либерально-демократических ценностей на территории России ведет к гибели православной семьи и брака как социальной основы славяно-православной цивилизации ; Th e author believes that nowadays, when the fate of civilizations is decided, total adoption of liberal democratic values in Russia leads to destruction of Orthodox family and marriage as the social foundation of Slavic-Orthodox civilization

В статье анализируются возможности демократии в православном мире. Обосновывается авторская позиция, согласно которой в соборной специфике выражаются демократические принципы коллективной воли и общего блага, а перспективы демократизации православных стран связаны с укреплением и расширением общественных связей по линии Церквей, возрождением соборной традиции и развитием парламентских систем. ; In today's scientific community attention to the problem of Russian civilizational identity, not excluding in view of the problem of democracy in non-Western countries is increased both in Russian and among Western scholars. It makes interesting comparative investigation of classical Russian and Western approaches to such special issue, as 'Sobornost', which is one of the main concepts among Russian Orthodox models of public life (thus, Fyodor Dostoevsky defined 'Sobornost' as 'nationwide all-brotherly togetherness'). The main subjects of my article are ideas about possibility of Russian forms of democracy in its correlation with Western one, which have been established in Russian and Western thought in the late 19th early 20th centuries. Using institutional, historical and comparative methods, I analyzed views on democracy possibilities in the Orthodox world expressed by Russian and German thinkers, such as Mark Ostrogorsky and Boris Chicherin, and Walter Schubart respectively. In my article, I show there is reason to consider Russia's traditional model of social life, without opposing them against Western ones (in matters of status of the individual within Russian and Western society). Thus, Sobornost is the qualitative state of a holistic community, in which each individual is as holistic, independent, and valuable, as its environment; within Sobornost, individual is not separated from society, but is united with it, gaining even more importance among his own kind. Schubart says Russian people's Sobornost is a manifestation of democracy; thus, in the traditional Russian political order, there are those features that Jean-Jacques Rousseau considered as intrinsic collective agreement. The idea of popular representation is a key element in the writings of Boris Chicherin. This idea means the right of citizens to participate in political governance that is both higher degree of personal freedom, and its guarantee simultaneously. For Chicherin, an indispensable condition of political participation is a moral responsibility. Ostrogorsky considers Western democracy is a means of intimidation of citizens. In order to improve the democratic process, thinker proposes to abandon the old parties in favor of new social organizations. They should be free associations of citizens, movements or league, formed to address specific goals. In the process of governance, it is necessary to give priority not to political institutions, but to personalities, Ostrogorsky says. Summarizing Chicherin's, Ostrogorsky's and Schubart's judgments, I suppose characteristic of democratic principles of collective will and the common good are expressed in the specificity of 'Sobornost' as spiritual collegiality (or union). I conclude the prospects for the democratization of the Orthodox countries are linked with (i) social ties' strengthening and expansion through Churches, (ii) both revival of Sobornost's traditions and parliamentary systems development.

Cамоидентификация белорусов в рамках цивилизационного пограничья оказывает значительное влияние на сложный процесс строительства национальной идентичности. Глава государства и официальный политический курс рассматриваются в качестве ключевых определителей идентичности в геополитическом и цивилизационном смысле. Маятниковая внешняя политика А.Лукашенко определяет основные ориентиры национальной идентичности, российское или западное направление. В конце 2010 г. российские и западные ориентации уравновесились в контексте маневрирования между Москвой и Брюсселем. Это означает, что идентификационная траектория может быть изменена в зависимости от внешнеполитических предпочтений правящей элиты и политической конъюнктуры. Несмотря на наличие европейской идентичности в коде белорусской идентичности, в основном в качестве символа лучших стандартов жизни, ее роль остается нерелевантной. Автор приходит к выводу, что сильные связи с восточной православной цивилизацией будет преобладать в качестве доминирующего вектора национальной идентификации в долгосрочной перспективе. ; The article is focused on Belarusians' self-identification within civilizational borderland as it appears to have a considerable impact on the nation's complex identification process and remains critical in contemporary Belarus under its strongman A. Lukashenko. Significantly, the current head of state and, most importantly, the official political course can be regarded as the key "identifier" of the Belarusian nation in the geopolitical and civilizational dimension. Lukashenko's pendulum-like foreign policy highlights the national identity reference points and defines its either pro-Russian or pro-Western leaning. In the context of regime's relentless maneuvering between Moscow and Brussels, Belarusians' pro-Russia and pro-West orientations reached parity at the end of 2010. It might imply that the country's identification trajectory can be modified in accordance with the ruling elite's foreign policy imperatives and the current political conjuncture. Despite the fact that the elements of European identity are present in Belarusians' identity code, notably as the symbol of better living standards, its role is far from relevant. Instead, strong bonds with the Eastern Orthodox civilization—nurtured within the Pan-Slavic "Russian world" paradigm—will probably prevail as the dominant vector for the nation's identification in the long-term perspective.

Статья посвящена осмыслению научного и аналитического наследия одного из наиболее ярких современных мыслителей А.С. Панарина, в творчестве которого особое место занимают проблемы, возникающие в процессе межцивилизационных взаимодействий в современном мире на фоне качественного изменения глобального политического климата. Предметом исследования стал и непростой жизненный путь Панарина, и особенности его творческого метода, которые позволили ему стать основателем успешно развивающейся российской научной школы и оригинального направления политической философии, а также характерный для его творчества четко прописанный и тщательно отрефлексированный цивилизационный подход. Акцентировано внимание на наиболее продуктивном этапе работы ученого, который пришелся на период начала формирования и институционализации в постсоветской России политических наук. Особое внимание уделено последним работам Панарина, в которых раскрывается природа глобальной стратегической нестабильности и специфика православной цивилизации. ; Modern philosophical discourse, particularly on the question of Russian civilization path, is usually treated from the standpoint of philosophical works formal affiliation to Liberalism, Marxism, or Conservatism (Neo-Conservatism, Eurasianism, and Nationalism). My article examines scientific and analytical heritage of Alexander S. Panarin, who remains one of the most outstanding modern thinkers. In Panarin's works, the problems arising in process of interaction between civilizations in the modern world against the backdrop of a qualitative change in the global political climate, take a special place. In the same time, his creative work directed against a specific anti-state and anti-Russian liberalism, is cannot be unambiguously attributed either to Conservatism or to Eurasianism, or to Marxism or to Nationalism. The subjects of my investigation are Panarin's challenging path of life and peculiarities of his constructive method, which let him become the founder of a successfully developing Russian scientific school and original movement of political philosophy, as well as his clear and deeply reflected approach being typical for his work. For these purposes, I used bio-bibliographical and analytical-reading approaches, as well as comparative method, by means of which I show some common grounds of Konstantin Leontyev's conception and Alexander Panarin's philosophical views. In my article, I write about Professor Panarin's scientific biography, his pedagogical gift and manner of working with students. He was open to discussion with any student, even a freshman, helping to overcome the intellectual servitude, to get rid of fear at the adoption of the philosophical approaches. I also show the reasons for which philosopher Panarin did not become one of 'Westerners'. First, he knew the value of 'Westerners' in the countries of non-West. Those 'Westerners' are not only controlled by the West, but also nothing less than are ashamed of national identity and they are afraid of being caught in the role of conductors of national interests of their countries. Secondly, Panarin too highly valued the achievements of Western culture and scientific thought, to merge with 'obsequious Westernism' that incites the worst forces in the West, and thus leads to the emergency dramatic discredit the West in the eyes of the majority in non-Western world In my article, I focused on the most productive stage of Panarin's work during the period when process of political science's formation and institutionalization had just started in post-Soviet Russia, and I pay special attention to the latest Panarin's works revealing the nature of global strategic instability and specificity of orthodox civilization. Having analyzed in detail Panarin's writings of the last five years of his life, I conclude Panarin was belong to rare cohort of people who are called systems analyst, because he could solve problems not amenable to set of run-in methods, but he was not part of the System of total unification; he was the opponent of such System and, from this point of view, he was a conservative.

Утверждение православных ценностей является основополагающим фундаментом развития русской культуры. Не- обходимо освободиться из-под влияния ложных стереотипов и мёртвых понятий, навязанных извне. Культурные бо- гатства русского народа сохраняют своё духовное влияние в мире. Приобщение к православным ценностям, духовное возрождение, являются мировоззренческой альтернативой для каждой отдельной личности, семьи, для общественной и государственной жизни. Цель. Раскрыть значение православных ценностей русской культуры в контексте преодоления антропологического кризиса ; Approval of Orthodox values is the basic foundation for the development of Russian culture. It should be free from the influence of false stereotypes and notions of the dead, imposed from outside. The cultural wealth of the Russian people keep their spiritual influence in the world. An introduction to Orthodox values, spiritual rebirth, are ideological alternative for each individual, the family, for the social and political life. Background: Expand the value of orthodox values of Russian culture in the context of overcoming the crisis of anthropological

Отмечено, что принятие Русью христианства определило цивилизационной путь развития, особенности государственности и идеологии. Православие обусловило духовное единство русского народа основы российской государственности. Существование диалога представителей ислама, иудаизма, буддизма позволяет говорить о российской цивилизации не как о православной, а как о евразийской. Российская национальная идеология и государственность отличались восточными традициями, в основе этого находилось взаимодействие русской и восточных, мусульманских культур. Развивался синтез элементов двух культурных миров, ставших затем основой России как многонационального государства. Русская национальная идеология, выраженная в отечественной духовно-политической мысли, явилась программой становления Русского государства X-XV вв. Русская национальная идеология, разрабатываемая в отечественных политических концепциях XVI-XVII вв., явилась следствием и, в свою очередь, обоснованием укрепления России как суверенного централизованного государства. Православие явилось духовно-политической основой в процессе становления, формирования и развития Российского государства X-начала XV вв., а также обосновало принципы самодержавной власти русских монархов, став духовно-политической основой укрепления государственности и национально-государственной идеологии России как централизованного государства XV-XVII вв. В этот период отчетливо прослеживаются связи православной и мусульманской культур, близость которых усиливалась в процессе восприятия русскими идеи самодержавия, абсолютного повиновения власти, восточных форм государственности. В России в XVni-начале XIX вв. происходит развитие национального самосознания русских, осознания ими величия своего государства, объединившего множество народов, что явилось основой для развития культурного диалога православных и мусульманских народов в процессе развития государственности и национально-государственной идеологии России. Анализируется роль православия и ислама как духовно-политической основы в процессе становления, формирования и развития Российского государства X-начала XX вв. ; The acceptance of the Christianity by Rus has defined the way of the development to civilizations, particularities of state and ideologies. The Orthodoxy has conditioned the spiritual unity of Russian folk a base of the Russian state. The existence of the dialogue of the representatives of the Islam, Judaism, Buddhism, allows to speak of Russian civilization not as about orthodox, but as Eurasian one. The Russian national ideology and state power differed in eastern traditions; the base of this was found in interaction of the Russian and the Eastern, Moslem cultures. The syntheses of elements of two cultural worlds was developed, which had become lately a base of Russia as a multinational state. The Russian national ideology expressed in domestic spiritual-political thought, was a program of the Russian state formation in the X-XV centuries. The Russian national ideology, developing in the framework of domestic political concept in the XVI-XVII centuries, was a result, and in turn, a motivation of the fortification of Russia as sovereign centralized state. The Orthodoxy had become a spiritual-political base in process of the formation, organization and development of the Russian state in the beginning of the X XV centuries. The Orthodoxy had also motivated the cardinal principles of autocratic authorities of the Russian monarchs, being a spiritual-political base of fortification of state and national-state ideology of Russia as a centralized state in the XV-XVII centuries. In this period the relationship between the Orthodox and Moslim cultures is distinctly traced, the closeness of which was increasing in the process of the perception of ideas of autocracy, absolute obedience authorities, eastern forms of state authorities by the Russians. In Russia in XIX beginning of the XVIII centuries the development of national consciousness of the Russians had taken place, the realization of their state's greatnesses, which had united great number of peoples. This was a base for the cultural dialogue of the Orthodox and Moslem folks development in the process of state and national state ideology formation in Russia. In the article the role of the Orthodoxy and Islam as a spiritual-political base in the process of formation, organization and development of the Russian state in the X-beginning of the XX centuries is analyzed.