Suchergebnisse

Статья посвящена актуальности вопроса на самоопределение народов и наций на примере Шотландии. Освещены исторические предпосылки независимости, меры, способствующие самоопределению, реальный политический процесс проведения референдума. ; This article is devoted to the issues of self-determination of peoples and nations on the example of Scotland. The historical backgrounds of independence, a real political process of the referendum are touched on and noted in this article.

There are some territories exist in Europe trying to get some level of sovereignty, and recent years have shown that these areas will not be satisfied with limited autonomy or some concessions from their governments. Scotland referendum like the example of this desire took place on September 18, 2014. The results were not legally binding for London, but it was considered by all sides as the most important internal political event which determined the future of their state. Simultaneously it compelled international attention, focused mostly by the separatist movements and central governments in many countries.Referendum background can be considered from two sides – from Scotland, as a territory, which requires independence since the beginning of its existence, and by the UK government, which is quite long delayed implementation of this. London made numerous concessions and there were a line of successful referendums for autonomy so sooner or later direct question about independence would come on the agenda.Besides that, the law of Scotland has the norm, which allowed starting the referendum process if there are 65 people in territory parliament and they are ready to vote for it. After the elections 2011 there were 69 members in parliament, all of them – members of the Scottish National Party, which is fighting for the independence of the territory since its appearance in 1930-ies. As a result, on October 15, 2012 British Prime Minister David Cameron and head of the autonomous government of Scotland Alex Salmond signed an agreement which defines the procedure for holding a referendum in autumn 2014.Referendum for independence caused many questions between its supporters and opponents, because the most important part of independence was not the independence itself but willingness of Scottish Government to solve a number of complicated problems. Opponents of the independence noted that independence – is not only a future possibility as nationalists say, but also a high level of responsibility. Three major questions were kept unanswered before the referendum – the national currency, defense and EU membership. There are equally important questions as relationship with the British Crown, using energy resources and social security status.Before the referendum the British Sociological Agency reported that about 150 000 people did not decide how to vote. It was believed that their choice will decide the fate of the region. As a result, for the Scotland independence from the UK voted 44,7 % of people or 1 617 989 Scots; – against 55,3 % or 2 001 926. The difference amounted to 383 937 persons. Victory of country unity supporters was quite confident. The results of the referendum could be different but the reaction of the British authorities on election forecasts was decisive – all three British parties released document during the last week of the campaign which guaranteed the empowerment of the Scottish government.A referendum in Scotland, conducted democratically, showed that the world can come to compromise in any question, but even failed attempts to legitimate independence left a big sigh on internal and foreign policy of states and territories. ; На внешнюю политику самых влиятельных международных акторов активно влияет внутриполитическая ситуация, поэтому референдум в Шотландии 2014 года привлек внимание международного сообщества как событие, способное повлиять на будущее международных отношений в целом. В статье рассмотрены причины, ход и последствия референдума в Шотландии в 2014 году. В центре внимания – причины проведения референдума и его результаты как для Великобритании, так и для мирового сообщества. Обозначены особенности шотландского выбора, проблемы, которые возникли перед шотландцами на пути к незави-симости в XXI веке. ; На зовнішню політику найвпливовіших міжнародних акторів активно впливає їхня внутрішньо-політична ситуація, тому референдум у Шотландії 2014 року привернув увагу міжнародного співтовариства як подія, здатна вплинути на майбутнє міжнародних відносин у цілому. У статті розглянуто причини, перебіг та наслідки референдуму в Шотландії 2014 року. У центрі уваги – причини проведення референдуму, його результати як для Великобританії, так і для світового співтовариства. Визначено особливості шотландського вибору, проблеми, які постали перед шотландцями на шляху до незалежності в XXI столітті

The Scottish Nationalist Party's majority in the 2011 Scottish parliamentary elections opened up a wide and interesting debate on the variety of options for Scotland's constitutional future (ranging from the status quo through a variety of intermediate options to full independence), and with it, also the innovate possibility of a multi-option referendum, reflecting the preferences of the people of Scotland. However, while the UK Government agreed that the future of Scotland's place within the Union was for the people of Scotland to vote on, it strongly contested the Scottish Parliament's competence to legislate for the referendum, thus ensuring a role for itself and the UK Parliament in its design. After a period of negotiations, the UK and Scottish Governments signed the Edinburgh Agreement on the 15th October 2012, enabling the Scottish Parliament to legislate for a single question referendum, and expressing their commitment to work together in the interests of all involved. This article begins looking at the background, legal framework and negotiations leading up to the Edinburgh Agreement. It then argues that, while the Agreement is notably significant and has allowed for the smooth and fast development of the process so far, by excluding the possibility of including a third option of 'more devolution' on the ballot paper, it is having a series of negative consequences for the current debate, namely that it is more limited, confusing and uncertain, and largely unbalanced in favour of the 'no' side. Adapted from the source document.

In the period before 1990s two concepts were used to describe the Scottish political development: "Nation without nationalism" and "The stateless nation". After the devolution of 1998 and electoral achievements of SNP neither of these constructions can properly characterize the processes, undergoing in Scotland. The forming of new alignment of political powers in Scotland is not yet finished, but so far its development leads to the emergence of political configuration separated from that of All-British, with regard to extreme weakening of "big" parties in Scotland. ; До 1990-х гг. 20 века для описания шотландского политического развития использовались концепты «Нации без государства» и «Нации без национализма». После деволюции 1998 года и электоральных успехов Шотландской национальной партии ни одна из этих конструкций не может верно охарактеризовать происходящие в Шотландии процессы. Формирование новой расстановки политических сил в Шотландии еще не завершено, но на текущий момент, с учетом крайнего ослабления позиций «больших» партий в Шотландии она развивается в сторону появления в стране политической конфигурации, отделенной от общебританской.

This paper discusses the 2014 independence referendum in relation to national identities in Scotland. This is done firstly through reflecting on the referendum franchise and then by examining how people's subjective national identities aligned with key political attitudes relevant to the constitutional question. Using survey data, this analysis compares longer term trends with data from the period immediately preceding the referendum vote, and suggests that the campaign may have given rise to a much closer 'alignment' between national identities and political attitudes. The concluding discussion suggests that national identities in Scotland may be understood as a series of only partially overlapping and shifting constituencies, based on subjective national belonging, residence, political enfranchisement, political-constitutional attitudes, and people's understanding of and sense of affinity with a (British) social union, and that this concept of 'social union' would benefit from further sociological investigation.

This book provides a varied, thorough and informative analysis of how newspapers covered the 2014 Scottish independence referendum in its critical final months. Providing a wealth of new empirical findings, the book engages with the key themes and issues presented by a variety of newspaper outlets. These main observations include: a major focus on the economic aspects of the debate; persistent concerns regarding an independent Scotland's prospects on the world stage, both militarily and strategically; the re-emergence of Gordon Brown as a political heavyweight; and a myopic focus on Alex Salmond, who would come to be framed as personally synonymous with the abstract concept of Scottish independence. The book will be the first point of contact for readers interested in the subject, providing an overview which is meticulously researched, authoritative and engaging, and offering broader insights in the areas of journalism, political communication and media studies.

On 18 September 2014, Scotland held a referendum on the question: Should Scotland be an independent country? This is a most unusual event in modern democracies and engaged the political class, civil society, and the general public to an unprecedented degree, leading to an 85 per cent turnout in the final vote. This was an occasion to debate not just the narrow constitutional issue but the future of the nation, including the economy, social welfare, defence and security, and Scotland's place in Europe and the world. 'Debating Scotland' comes from a team of researchers who observed the debates from close-up and engaged with both sides, with the media and with the public in analysing the issues, while remaining neutral on the independence question

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Foreword -- 1 Scotland and the press in 2014 -- 2 It's the economy, stupit: presenting an uncertain future -- 3 What matters most: the health service and currency -- 4 Scotland's place in the world: military and strategic considerations -- 5 Everyone's got an opinion: celebrities, royalty and the Conservative Party -- 6 Beast mode: Darling, Brown and the Labour Party -- 7 Eck of a story: the focus on Alex Salmond -- 8 The same old script? Thoughts regarding the coverage -- Index.

In March 2013, Scottish First Minister Alex Salmond announced that the long-awaited referendum on Scottish independence would take place on 18 September 2014. More often than not, those in favour of an independent Scotland present their fight as a constitutional means to a socio-economic end. In the words of Alex Salmond himself: ""Progress to independence. Not for its own sake, not 'let's be independent so we can hoist the Saltire'. Let's be independent so we can better the lives of the Scott