Suchergebnisse

There have been many discussions about the intensive use of natural resources in Lapland. For example, several new mining projects have been planned and the exploration of minerals has increased. Consequently, critical voices have been raised and some activists and artists have pointed out the need for natural resource protection. At the same time, sustainable development, reduction of biodiversity, continuously growing energy consumption and pollution have been the subjects of eco-conscious artists for decades. The motive of my doctoral research, 'Artists in the Landscape of Berry Wars and Reindeer Husbandry', was to identify how contemporary artists can participate in environmental politics through art (Huhmarniemi 2016). My Doctoral theses focused on the contemporary value debates and conflicts related to the use of land and natural resources in Finnish Lapland. The topics of the debates centre on the issues that are impacting the environment and communities in the northern region of Finland. I broached these topics with a collaborative and interdisciplinary orientation, working with experts from other fields, creating artistic productions and writing research articles. I also analysed the works of other artists and commentaries on those works, in order to assess the potential collaboration in the international art world between contemporary artists and representatives of different scientific disciplines.

Educating a responsible and ethically sensitive citizen is a challenging task, and pupils should be offered the opportunity to exercise these qualities such as evaluating the ethical issues of nanotechnology. In the European Union, the concept of responsible research and innovation (RRI) was developed to connect both the scientific and industrial processes and their outcomes with the values, needs and expectations of society. RRI helps teachers and pupils engage with scientists, educators, museum workers and the public in doing research and innovations as part of school projects. The aim of the study was to examine how RRI dimensions were understood by Finnish pupils grade five and seven (ages 11-12 and 13-14). The results indicate that the pupils' ideas about RRI are rather difficult to measure; there was no substantial variation in the pupils' answers to the RRI questionnaire. Because the results indicated that learning to act in a socially responsible way should not take place only inside a classroom. ; Educating a responsible and ethically sensitive citizen is a challenging task, and pupils should be offered the opportunity to exercise these qualities such as evaluating the ethical issues of nanotechnology. In the European Union, the concept of responsible research and innovation (RRI) was developed to connect both the scientific and industrial processes and their outcomes with the values, needs and expectations of society. RRI helps teachers and pupils engage with scientists, educators, museum workers and the public in doing research and innovations as part of school projects. The aim of the study was to examine how RRI dimensions were understood by Finnish pupils grade five and seven (ages 11-12 and 13-14). The results indicate that the pupils' ideas about RRI are rather difficult to measure; there was no substantial variation in the pupils' answers to the RRI questionnaire. Because the results indicated that learning to act in a socially responsible way should not take place only inside a classroom.

This article provides a genealogical critique of the history and modernity of dance. In doing so it establishes the political importance of dance as an art not principally of the body and its biopolitical capacities for movement, but of images and imagination. It traces the development of dance as an art of imagination, lost and buried in the works of Domenico da Piacenza, Jean-Georges Noverre, and Loïe Fuller, as well as its counter-movement expressed in the work of Rudolf Laban. It also locates contemporary dance within this political conflict by exploring new works, especially those of Ivana Müller, which call upon beholders to use their imaginations through the evocation of histories and memories. Such works can be understood to be deeply political, it will argue, because they work to transform society by creating time for a belief in the impossible. At its best, dance does not simply incite bodies to move but suspends movement, transforming the very image of what a body is capable of. These aims and practices of dance speak to contemporary concerns within political practice, theory, and philosophy for a reawakening of political imagination in times of crisis and neoliberal hegemony.

This chapter describes the state of digital security in the Barents Region. It aims to integrate digitalisation firmly with human security. The chapter recognises individuals and communities as actors who actively impact security and trustworthiness of digital environment and, thus, the everyday life of themselves and others. The assessment of digital security in the Barents Region examines six themes: access to digital networks, availability of digital services, access to information, digital awareness and skills, digital inclusion policies, and protection of human rights and state of cybercrime and digital abuse. The chapter discusses the availability of culturally and linguistically relevant information, information related to livelihoods within the region, as well as gaps in research. It describes the freedom of information in the Barents. The chapter argues that human security issues need to be brought onto the security agenda as questions of human security in the digital environment.

This article compares three environmental assessment (EA) cases in Nunatsiavut, Nunavut, and the Northwest Territories (NWT) to better understand how resource decision-making processes in northern Indigenous mixed economies are gendered. Advances in Indigenous jurisprudence and Indigenous peoples' assertions of their rights to lands and territories have influenced new cooperative resource management institutions and associated environmental assessment frameworks. Though previous research has pointed to the systemic ways in which EAs undermine self-determination, there has been little attention to how gender influences EA processes and outcomes. This article contributes to emerging scholarship on gender and EAs through a thematic analysis of the environmental assessments for the Voisey's Bay Mine and Mill in Nunatsiavut (1997); the Meadowbank Mine in Nunavut (2004–2006); and the Mackenzie Gas Project (2003–2009). The cases examined reflected a spectrum in the extent to which gender is accounted for and attended to in EA processes. Notwithstanding their differences, Indigenous women's interventions in each case challenged the narrowly scoped treatment of gender in EA processes by describing their broad concerns with development. Furthermore, in each case, EA processes emphasized participation in employment rather than community well-being, and inadequately addressed women's traditional harvesting activities. We argue that in failing to account for the totality of northern livelihoods, the EA process privileges resource extraction, re-inscribes gender hierarchies, and undermines Indigenous mixed economies. We conclude by offering several criteria for the successful inclusion of gender issues in the scope of EAs and reflecting briefly on new developments in the legislative framework for EAs and Indigenous governance initiatives that may support more fulsome inclusion of gender issues.

This chapter argues that political security is intertwined with democracy and human rights but that some issues and concerns subsist in the Barents Region notably in relation to the respect and protection of the rights of citizens and the rights of indigenous people. The right to vote in national, regional and local elections is crucial to ensure the establishment of representative institutions in a democracy, because the authority of the government derives itself from the consent of the governed. The right of the Sami people to self-determination is an essential feature of their human rights, and is the basis for their inclusion in democratic orders that govern them. While political security necessarily entails the negative obligation of the state to refrain from interfering with basic individual freedoms, it also includes positive obligations for national authorities to take necessary measures to safeguard basic political rights.

One of the measures that the Eurozone Member States took in their attempt to combat the financial and debt crisis was to give financial assistance to the crises-ridden states. The purpose of such assistance was to safeguard the financial stability of the euro area as a whole. Thus, these mechanisms can be referred to as financial stabilisation mechanisms. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the different mechanism of financial stabilisation and their constitutional significance. Due to the fact that there are actually several mechanisms, the discussion will focus mainly on the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), the permanent mechanism. Out of the various constitutional questions that such mechanisms give rise to, this paper will emphasise those issues that relate to the asymmetrical structure of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). The choice to focus on issues that relate to the asymmetry of the EMU stems from the fact that these questions are politically most contentious, which also meant that addressing them proved legally difficult.

This book claims to be concerned with 'imagination and fear in the world of contemporary security and capital' (p. 2). It grounds itself in the Hobbesian problem of the ways in which human capacities for imagination and fear are open to manipulation by states and their political leaderships, and how that problem is manifest amid the contemporary war on terror and crisis of capital. As such it explores the notion of 'the universal adversary,' an invention of the project for US homeland security to describe the multiplicity of unknown enemies that—it has been supposed—might possibly attack the United States since 9/11. As the author describes, the concept is a useful way with which to conflate the many disparate sources of imaginable threat to American security, and yet it has apparently not attracted much critical attention. It involves the figure of the terrorist but it is not by any means limited to terror. In effect it is an empty container of a concept into which anything and anyone, potentially, can be thrown—which is, of course, precisely its function. Its nebulousness and flexibility calls into being, we are told, a 'Universal Police Power, acting in the name of all and claiming power over all in its permanent war against the adversary in question' (p. 5). As such the book does not simply ask 'who is the universal adversary?' but explores the nature of its function in service of the police power of the state as well as capital.

This paper reflects upon developments in capitalism of Prunus Africana within a theoretical framework of co-management critique. On the case of Mount Cameroon in Sub-Saharan West Africa, I argue processes of commercialization and socio-economic repercussions surrounding Prunus Africana: a plant that serves for treatment of prostatic diseases – interwoven with bureaucratic initiatives of sustainable management. By reviewing published literature, I argue the involvement of stakeholders in capitalist arrangements from the 1990s to periods following the establishment of Mount Cameroon National Park – significantly scrutinized by Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES), European Commission, and the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN). Major actors include Mount Cameroon Prunus Management Company (MOCAP) endorsed by the state; state subsidiaries Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) and Limbe Botanic Garden (LBG); collaborate buyers – Plantecam and Afriquia Medicament (AFRIMED); and Prunus Africana Harvesters' Unions in nearby villages. Analysis demonstrate benefits in sustainable harvesting of Prunus, whilst raising ontological concerns of resource-appropriation, elite control, unsatisfactory labour wages, and vulnerabilities of traditional ecological knowledge to commercialization.

The article examines the common global phenomenon of indigenous urbanization. In Finland, more than 75 % of the indigenous Sámi children are born outside the Sámi Homeland area. The development is fast and poses different kind of challenges for the entire Sámi society and culture. Youth and women are more likely to settle in urban areas and it is their Sáminess that is to survive or die in the cities. Indigenousness is no longer tied with traditional livelihoods or land use but instead requires other forms of cultural maintenance. In the contemporary situation Sámi have started through their own associations and networks require more appropriate services in the cities, including Sámi language learning in the schools and kindergartens. This is not always satisfactory. The article evaluates the existing international and domestic (Finland) legislation in regard to Sámi language, but also the implementation of these rights in practice. The author would like to acknowledge that the article is based on a joint research project called NUORGÁV – An urban future for Sápmi?, between Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia, where it is studied how Sámi youth organize and network to impact urban Sámi policy. The project is funded by the Research Council of Norway and administrated by Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research (NIBR).

A recent court case in the Netherlands shows that climate change litigation has a significant potential to force states to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. While the current international climate law framework, formed mainly by the 2015 Paris Agreement, is dependent on the political will of governments, strategic climate change litigation based on international human rights treaties such as the European Convention on Human Rights is emerging as a powerful legal tool.

Both directly and indirectly, EU law impacts domestic legal systems. This also applies to maritime affairs. Even though Lithuania's political and economic focus is oriented more towards the major cities, Vilnius and Kaunas, maritime issues, ranging from fishing to transport, tourism to energy, are (or have the potential to become) important aspects of Lithuania's economic and political life. In this text it will be shown how the work of the EU can influence domestic maritime law. This will be done by looking at the interaction of the EU and member states with global international treaties. Among the many types of international treaties concerning maritime affairs, liability conventions are often overlooked by academia but are of significant importance for businesses operating in the maritime sector as well as for the safety of those who interact with maritime actors, such as coastal populations or passengers on cruise vessels or ferries. Using the example of the EU's implementation of the Athens Convention, which regulates the liability for damages suffered by passengers on ships, this text aims at showing some of the potentials, but also complications, which can be created by the EU's entry into a legal field which had already been regulated through international treaties for decades before the creation of the EU