Suchergebnisse

Suicide rates in young people have increased during the past three decades in the world. Suicide accounts for around 6% of all deaths in young males and young females and it becomes prominent as a cause of death in later adolescence and particularly so in young adulthood. Risk factor domains which may contribute to suicidal behaviour include individual and personal vulnerabilities, family adversity, exposure to stressful life events and social, cultural and contextual factors. Frequently, suicidal behaviours in young people appear to be a consequence of multiple risk factors. This paper summarizes current knowledge about main approaches in the prevention suicide in young people. The majority of suicides in young people are preventable and treatable. A small fraction of suicides are committed by mentally ill persons and these kind of suicides are often not preventable. But the majority of suicides are impulsive - a reaction to a very stressful event for example a love affair turning badly or financial debt. For young people who find themselves at margins of their communities, perhaps disengaged from school, perhaps disengaged from their families, those kinds of social circumstances and social stresses we know also to be major risk factors for suicide and they increase across the adolescent years. There is a number of means to decrease suicide. One is training mental health workers and teachers in early detection of depression and pre-suicidal behavior. Another is to reduce alcohol consumption which is rising, particularly among young people. Educating the media in deglamourising suicide is also vital. Comprehensive multi-sectoral approach in prevention of suicide in young people, including both health and non-health sectors, e.g. education, police, justice, religion, law, politics, the media. ; U svetu se stopa suicida mladih u poslednje tri decenije povećava. Suicid čini oko 6% svih smrti mladih muškaraca i devojaka i on postaje istaknuti uzrok smrtnosti u kasnoj adolescenciji, a posebno u ranom odraslom dobu. Rizični faktori koji mogu doprinositi suicidalnom ponašanju uključuju individualne i personalne vulnerabilnosti, porodične nedaće, izloženost stresnim životnim događajima i socijalnim, kulturalnim i kontekstualnim faktorima. Najčešće, suicidalno ponašanje mladih pojavljuje se kao posledica višestrukih faktora rizika. Ovaj rad objedinjuje aktuelna saznanja o glavnim pristupima u prevenciji suicida mladih. Većinu suicida mladih je moguće prevenirati: manji deo samoubistva mladih je učinjen kao posledica mentalnih bolesti i ova vrsta suicida je nepreventabilna. Ali, većina samoubistava mladih je impulsivna - to je reakcija na stresne događaje, kao što su loše okončana ljubavna veza ili finansijski problemi. Za mlade koji se nalaze na marginama zajednica u kojima žive, posebno za one koji imaju probleme u školi, porodici, socijalnom okruženju i koji si izloženi socijalnim stresovima, znamo da ove okolnosti postaju glavni faktori rizika za suicid koji se povećava kroz adolescentne godine. Postoji više načina za smanjivanje suicida. Jedan je obučavanje stručnjaka za rad sa mentalnim zdravljem i nastavnika u ranom prepoznavanju depresije i pre - suicidalnih ponašanja. Sledeće je redukovanje upotrebe alkohola u populaciji mladih. Takođe, od vitalne važnosti je edukacija medija o deglamurizaciji suicida. Savremeni multi - sektorski pristup u prevenciji suicida mladih treba da bude zasnovan na učešću koje uključuje kako zdravstveni, tako i nezdravstevni sektor: obrazovni, policijski, pravosudni, religijski, pravni, politički i medijski.

Genetic medicine is a field progressing at a rapid rate. Even with all the new advancements, there are still minority groups who are less visible when it comes to the uptake of some forms of genetic medicine. African Americans and Hispanic/Latinos have been shown to experience certain conditions more than Caucasians. In the 2008 African American profile for North Carolina, African Americans had higher age-adjusted mortality rates for heart disease, cancer, stroke, diabetes, kidney disease, and chronic liver disease (North Carolina State Center for Health Statistics, 2010). Hispanics/Latinos in North Carolina had higher incidence levels of cancer, HIV and kidney disease as opposed to other races (North Carolina State Center for Health Statistics (b), 2010). Despite these poor health outcomes, African Americans and Hispanic/Latinos are less visible when it comes to participating in medical genetics research opportunities and also in genetic testing (Shavers, Lynch, & Burmeister, 2002). Lack of participation among African-American individuals can attributed to mistrust, due to past misuse in clinical research settings such as the Tuskegee Syphilis Study and a variety of other factors (i.e. access to care, socioeconomic level) (Smith, Thomas, Williams, & Ayers, 1999). Among Hispanic/Latinos, concerns exist about immigration and governmental bias, as well as language barriers and cultural differences between the researcher and participant (Gelman, 2010). These cultural histories have become particularly salient as the field of genomics becomes increasingly reliant on initiatives to increase minority participation in research efforts. In order to explore beyond what previous quantitative studies have found, ethnographic research methods such as focus groups and semi-structured interviews were utilized to understand why members of these two heritage groups are underrepresented. The initial phase of my study was completing two separate focus groups, one with only African Americans and one with only Hispanic/Latinos. The information shared in the focus groups sessions revealed potential areas of exploration for the individual semi-structured interviews. Thus, I conducted 65 semi-structured interviews with African American individuals and 25 semi-structured interviews the other with only Hispanic/Latino individuals. The analysis of the interviews revealed that factors such as age, religion, education level, and finances play key roles in decisions about participating in genetic testing or genetic research. Understanding the views and concerns of African Americans and Hispanic/Latinos could not only help identify potential barriers to genomics research and testing, but could also provide effective means of overcoming them. As an outcome of my study I argued for the need for community input in setting the research agendas. Engaging the community in the design and implementation of genetics research can be a useful method of bridging the trust between minority communities and the research institution. Additionally, community-academic partnerships can be beneficial in addressing the barriers of genomics research and testing by providing useful collaborations in defining perspectives on race and genetics. Moreover, the information gained from community collaborations can be used to develop policy recommendations relating to genomics research (Jones & Wells, 2007). This study was not intended as advocacy for genetic testing, but to lay the foundation for understanding the health care decisions of African Americans and Hispanic/Latinos in this new era of genetic medicine. ; Ph. D.

Узы, связывающие израильских арабов с арабским миром и в частности с палестинцами, придают израильским арабам статус «враждебного меньшинства». Отношения между арабами и евреями можно охарактеризовать как формальные, асимметричные и ведущие к отчуждению и трениям. Проблема урегулирования отношений между евреями и арабами в Израиле остается серьезным испытанием для израильской демократии ; Israeli Arabs account for 20 percent of the population in Israel. The Arabs of Israel were given citizenship, but this did not mean that they enjoyed truly equal rights. For eighteen years they lived under conditions of martial law and, as a result, their freedom of movement was severely curtailed. The position of Israeli Arabs is disadvantaged in the labour market, educational system and democratic values. The Arabs of Israel do not serve in the armed forces. Since in Israel military service has become an admission-ticket to society, the non-service of the Arabs effectively bars them from access to positions of influence. Nevertheless the Arabs of Israel have seen significant improvement in their standard of living; it is estimated that their average salary is equivalent to 75 per cent 239 of the average salary in the Jewish sector. The relationship of Arab citizens to the State of Israel is often fraught with tension and can be regarded in the context of relations between minority populations and state authorities elsewhere in the world. Arab citizens consider themselves to be indigenous people. The increasing population of Arabs within Israel, and the majority status they hold in two major geographic regions are perceived by Israelis as a "demographic bomb". Many Israeli leaders often noted that if the percentage of Arab citizens rose above its current level, Israel would not be able to maintain a Jewish demographic majority. Peace and equality are the two concepts, which have always headed the list of preferences of the Arabs of Israel. It was reckoned that the two were bound together, since a significant proportion of the causes of inequality were rooted in the security situation. The Six Day War marked a dramatic turning point in the lives of Israel's Arab citizens. For the first time since Israel's establishment, Arab citizens had contact with Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. This, along with the lifting of military rule, led to increased political activism among the Arab citizens. The first intifada has helped to establish a new identity for Israeli Arabs, as Palestinian citizens of Israel. But both two intifadas show that problems faced by Israeli Arabs could not be separated from the wider Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The outcome was that today the majority of Israeli Arabs identify themselves as Palestinians by nationality and Israeli by citizenship. Within the Arab communities there have been new developments in recent years. The Islamist movement has gained strength. Some young leaders seek cultural autonomy for Arabs of Israel, while the demand to present Israel as the state of all citizens is heard with increasing frequency among various circles of the Israeli Arabs. Not only Israeli Arabs, but also Jewish Human rights groups and increasing numbers of Israelis and Jews are calling for the State of Israel to be a democratic state for all of its citizens regardless of religion and race. They believed that building healthy Jewish-Arab relations is essential to strengthening Israel's democratic society

Judicial selection for the United States Courts of Appeals has rarely been so controversial. Delay in nominating and analyzing candidates as well as fractious accusations, recriminations, and "paybacks" between Democrats and Republicans have vexed circuit appointments over two decades. Many judgeships remain empty for long periods, while one position has been vacant since 1994. Certain appellate tribunals have confronted acute difficulties. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit recently operated absent half its judicial complement across eight months, and numerous courts labored without one in three members at various junctures. The Senate, which furnishes advice and consent, has accorded particular nominees only minimal consideration.Moreover, the Judiciary Committee, which assumes major responsibility for upper chamber evaluation, increasingly votes along party lines. The 107th and 110th Senates afforded multiple Bush candidates nominal attention for twenty months, and Democrats periodically invoked or threatened filibusters when blocking controversial Republican nominees. The phenomenon of myriad lengthy openings has adverse effects on selection, courts and judges, those who participate in appointments, and counsel and litigants. For instance, extensive vacancies have slowed appellate disposition and undercut inexpensive and fair resolution, while empty judgeships led courts of appeals to cancel oral arguments. The dilemma's persistence has concomitantly undermined regard for all three branches of government. Despite the complications assessed, President Barack Obama and the new upper chamber have a valuable opportunity to rectify or ameliorate the concerns. These ideas demonstrate that appellate court selection requires examination, which this article undertakes. The first part investigates why so many circuit nominees languish over prolonged times and detects a few explanations. Among the most important explanations is the significance of the appellate tribunals. Courts of appeals are basically courts of last resort for geographic areas, especially when they decide controversial issues respecting questions such as the death penalty, religion, and abortion, because the Supreme Court now hears a minuscule number of appeals. Equally responsible is divided government, a regime in which one party controls the Executive Branch and the other controls the Senate. Democratic and Republican presidents, as well as upper chambers, assumed opposing views and deserve similar responsibility for the conundrum. The parties depended on relatively identical approaches once both captured the White House and the Senate, although they might have cured the difficulty by applying the necessary political will. Section two canvasses the appointment of circuit judges across the Bush years. This evaluation finds that multifarious and longstanding considerations-which include tardy nomination and analysis of candidates as well as Republican and Democratic allegations and retorts-hampered the selection process and may have exacerbated the problem. The last segment, accordingly, proffers recommendations which may solve or temper the dilemma. The Chief Executive ought to name attorneys whom upper chamber members approve because they are consensus nominees. The Senate, for its part, might review and adopt numerous concepts which improve appointments. Thus, when senators deem candidates unpalatable, the legislators may want to advocate putative nominees whom they believe superior. A related, efficacious device is consultation, whereby the administration requests, and chamber members provide, frank, informative advice on candidates whom the White House is examining before their actual nomination.

An earlier version of this paper was presented in Workshop 9: 'Changing Party Political Constellations and Public Policy Reform in Southern Europe' at the Tenth Mediterranean Research Meeting, Florence & Montecatini Terme, 25-28 March 2009, organised by the Mediterranean Programme of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute. ; The purpose of this paper is to explore the question of small and incremental reform in Turkish minority policies over the last two decades, contrasting with the dramatic economic, social, and political changes that the country has experienced over the same period. The main focus will be on two partly overlapping groups living in Turkey (Alevis and Kurds); comparison with other Southern European countries will be made as background reference. The reason for this focus is analytical: these two groups are structurally different from minorities found in Italy or Greece in that they are both large enough to carry great electoral weight and politically salient enough to affect Turkey's EU accession prospects. Minority policy is an often overlooked realm of public policy, either because it is considered too sensitive or too case-specific, as opposed to fiscal, labor, family, and immigration policy, which, at least in the European context, are now typically examined and compared by scholars on a more transnational framework. However, minority policy broadly defined (as the recognition and treatment of sections of the population identified as belonging to a special cultural heritage) touches upon a number of diverse policy areas including civil rights, education, regional development, relations between religion and state, language, culture, and national security. In Turkey minority policy in official discourse has historically been linked to the non-Muslim minorities protected by the Treaty of Lausanne, whereas Alevis and Kurds were traditionally accorded no special recognition under the Kemalist Republic. The first part of the paper attempts to theoretically situate minority policy in the context of competitive party politics. What is puzzling about Turkey is why given a climate of increased democratization and confidence after the suppression of the PKK insurgency, the Turkish party system has not been more responsive to the long-standing grievances of Kurds and Alevis. Partly based on existing literature, the author posits that a constellation of factors is necessary for policy reform on minority issues to proceed in a democratic system: the mobilization of the minority group(s) in question and either high external pressure on the state to satisfy minority demands or significant electoral competition for the minority's votes or participation in government of a party that monopolizes the minority vote and is ideologically committed to its agenda. The second part of the paper briefly discusses the history of state attitudes towards Kurds and Alevis in Turkey, as well as more recent developments including the reforms on Kurdish language rights, the abortive Çamuroğlu recommendations regarding Alevi pious foundations, DTP's entry in parliament, and the constitutional amendment process launched by AKP. The third and final part of the paper explains why Turkey's party system for a long time lacked the necessary preconditions for more groundbreaking policy changes, underlining the importance of external pressure from the EU as an engine for reform. ; (Product of workshop No. 9 at the 10th MRM 2009).

1 Introduction -- I. A Brief History of Organised Civil Society -- II. Civil Society and Regulation -- A. England -- B. Australia -- C. Other Noteworthy Reforms -- III. This Book -- IV. A Note on Methodology -- 2 Constitution of Civil Society -- I. Sector Model of Society -- A. Private Sector -- B. Public Sector -- C. Informal Sector -- D. Organised Civil Society -- II. Unpacking Civil Society -- A. Legal Definitions -- B. Financial Definition -- C. Economic Activity -- D. Shared Structural Characteristics -- III. Summary -- 3 Functions of Civil Society -- I. Market Support -- A. Systemic Activities -- B. Environmental Activities -- II. The Provision of Public Goods -- A.Weisbrod's Theory of Market Failure -- B. Hansmann's Theory of Contract Failure -- C. Challenges to Contract Failure Theory -- D. Levitt's Theory of Government Failure -- E. Salamon's Theory of Voluntary Failure -- F. Public Goods and the Public Benefit Test -- III. The Provision of Private Goods Analogous to Public Goods -- A. Intangible Services -- B. Redistribution of Wealth -- IV. The Facilitation of Political Action -- A. Advocacy of Minority Interests -- B. Accountability of Government -- C. Pluralism and Civic Involvement -- V. The Provision of Cultural Services -- VI. The Facilitation of Self-Determination -- A. Altruism -- B. Mutuality -- C. Ideological Expression -- VII. The Facilitation of Entrepreneurship -- A. Freedon to Innovate -- B. Retention of Control -- C. Civil Society Ethos -- VIII. Summary -- 4 Foundations of Civil Society Regulation -- I. Traditional Microeconomic Theories of Regulation -- A. Monopoly Power and Anti-Competitive Behaviour -- B. Excessive Competition -- C. Public Goods -- D. Externalities -- E. Information Deficits and Accountability -- F. Co-ordination and Irregularity of Production -- II. Traditional Social Justifications for Regulation -- A.Windfalls or Economic Rents -- B. Other Social Goals -- III. Justifications Specific to Civil Society -- A. Philanthropic Failure -- B. Challenges to Structural Characteristics -- IV. Limitations of Regulation -- A. Juridification -- B. Contradictory Regulatory Goals -- V. Summary -- 5 Boundaries of Regulation -- I. Blurring of Sector Boundaries -- II. Functional Overlap -- A. Organised Civil Society and the Public Sector -- B. Organised Civil Society and the Private Sector -- C. Organised Civil Society and the Informal Sector -- III. Micro Level Sector Interaction -- IV. Macro Level Sector Interaction -- A. Supplementary Relationship -- B. Complementary Relationship -- C. Adversarial Relationship -- D. Protean Nature of Boundary -- E. Social Origins Theory of Civil Society -- F. Impact on Regulation -- V. Summary -- 6 Regulation and Legal Definitions of Civil Society -- I. The Charitable Sectors in England and Australia -- A. Structure of the Charitable Sectors -- B. Charitable Purposes -- C. Functions of the Charitable Sectors -- C. Non-Charitable CSOs -- II. The Tax-Exempt Sector in the United States -- A. The Charitable Sector -- B. Non-Charitable Tax-Exempt Organisations -- III. The Limits of Existing CSO Regulation -- A. Non-Traditional Religion -- B. The Prohibition on Political Purposes -- C. Public and Private Benefit -- IV. Summary -- 7 Implementing Regulation -- I. Models of Regulation -- A. Regulation by the Legislature -- B. Regulation by the Courts -- C. Regulation by Executive Agency -- D. Regulation by an Official -- E. Supplementing Regulation by the Executive -- II. Strategies of Regulation -- A. Command and Control -- B. Incentive-Based Regulation -- C. Disclosure Requirements -- D. Education and Advice -- III. Summary -- 8 Conclusions -- I. Defining 'Regulation' and 'Organised Civil Society' -- II. Towards a Theory of Regulation -- III. Designing and Implementing Regulation

Taiwán se considera como la cuna de los astronesianos; la isla tiene más de catorce etnias aborígenes reconocidas oficialmente por el gobierno taiwanés el 23 de abril de 2008. Entre ellas, la etnia Taiyal es la que lleva más de cinco mil años, y tiene fama de valiente por el histórico rito de descabezamiento. Los taiyal también son famosos por la cultura de tatuaje fisonómico y la riqueza de su herencia mítica. En la historia colonial, los holandeses, españoles, chinos y japoneses han dejado su huella, y sus invasiones políticas han impacto en la etnia y en sus dimensiones material y espiritual.Según este estudio de la cultura taiyal de Taiwán, encontramos sobre ellos tres interpretaciones especiales. La primera, el inicio de la conformación como sociedad primitiva se relaciona con un mecanismo de sexualidad legítima, o sea, la cultura empieza cuando los seres humanos establecen la normativa necesaria para evitar el incesto. En segundo lugar, podemos decir que la unidad primitiva del desarrollo social se dio en base a la relación de consanguinidad combinada con la red social personal. Última, y la más importante, es que la creencia o el conocimiento sobre la vida y la muerte comienzan cuando tiene lugar el primer caso de muerte. Bajo esa concepción, los taiyal han desarrollado un método especial para prever el sentimiento de lo sobrenatural: la vida y la salud de cuerpo humano son medidas que reflejan el equilibrio universal. Los riesgos naturales se convierten en cultura y los seres humanos no pueden separarse de ellos. ; Taiwan is considered as the cradle of the Astronesian people; the island has more than fourteen native ethnic groups recognized officially by the Taiwanese government on the April 23 of 2008. Among them, the Taiyal ethnic group is the one that takes more than five thousand years, and has fame of brave by the historical rite of head hunter. The Taiyal also is famous by the culture of face tattoo and their rich mythical inheritance. In colonial history, Dutch, Spanish, Chinese and the Japanese all of them have left their track, and their political invasions are impact in the ethnic group and its material and spiritual respects. According to this study about the Taiyal culture of Taiwan, we found three special interpretations. First, the beginning of the conformation as primitive society is, that is to say, related to a mechanism of legitimate sexuality, the culture begins when the human beings put the infrastructure necessary to avoid incest. Secondly, we can say that the primitive unit of the social development occurred on the basis of the relation of consanguinity combined with the personal social network. Last, and the most important, it is the religion belief or the knowledge on the life and the death begins when the first case of death takes place. Under that conception, the Taiyal has developed as special method to anticipate the feeling of the supernatural thing: the life and the health of human body are measured that reflect the universal balance. The nature risks become part of culture and the human beings cannot separate from them.

SUMMARY Lithuania started following Community Directives that define corporate social responsibility for an employee after accession to the European Union. Therefore managers of organisations are supposed to pay more attention to staff management which aims not only at growth of labour productivity rates, but motivation of employees as well as ensuring of appropriate and positive working environment. Ability to manage organisational conflicts is the basis for managing conflicts in the national level. Everyone is a personality, however people depend on each other when they work together. They all have different political ideological beliefs, confess different religions, different background of education and social status of a family. Everyone has prejudice and a certain attitude towards value system. Everyone therefore is unique by its estimations and views and has a right to make mistakes and make their own decisions about good or evil. Moral maturity of businessmen affects not only economic indicators but intercommunication, attainment of goals of organisation as well as entire organisational environment. The paper aims at development of optimal model for solving conflicts within the organisation. The first part of the paper THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF CONFLICTS presents peculiarities of conflict management in organisations. A concept of conflict management, conflict causes and types as well as solution methods is provided based on scientific publications. This part also analyses empirical level of conflict examination in both Lithuanian and foreign organisations. The second part of the paper RESEARCH METHODOLOGY describes methods, aim and objectives of the research planned in local self administration and private organisations. Research sample and procedure of research organisation is also described. Research methods employed: questionnaire, interview and mathematical analysis (used to structure the results). The research proved hypotheses that were raised: • The manager of the organisation influence conflict management; • Proper method for conflict solution helps eliminate the conflict and improve management situation. The third part EMPIRICAL RESEARCH OF ORGANISATIONS, DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS presents structured analysis of research data and research assessment. The results from the private and public organisations are compared. Recommendations for improvement of conflict management process along with optimal conflict solution model are provided based on analysis of the research. Analysis of how different authors interpret the concept of conflict management was carried out in the paper. Such analysis enabled drafting more precise definition of conflict management concept. Causes, types and solution methods of conflicts were structured and peculiarities of conflict management in private and public organisations were explored. Causes of conflicts and solution methods that are most characteristic to these organisations were determined. Importance of conflict management along with its positive and negative effects on organisations and their employees was based on theory. A questionnaire was drafted and employees of both private and public organisations were questioned. Results of the research will help in further surveys of organisations and will allow analysing other peculiarities of organisational conflict management better. The research proved the hypotheses. Recommendations for improvement of conflict management process were provided. Based on the results of the research a new model for solving conflicts was developed. The paper consists of introduction, 3 parts and conclusion. The paper comprises of major part described in 60 pages, including 5 tables and 24 figures.

SUMMARY Lithuania started following Community Directives that define corporate social responsibility for an employee after accession to the European Union. Therefore managers of organisations are supposed to pay more attention to staff management which aims not only at growth of labour productivity rates, but motivation of employees as well as ensuring of appropriate and positive working environment. Ability to manage organisational conflicts is the basis for managing conflicts in the national level. Everyone is a personality, however people depend on each other when they work together. They all have different political ideological beliefs, confess different religions, different background of education and social status of a family. Everyone has prejudice and a certain attitude towards value system. Everyone therefore is unique by its estimations and views and has a right to make mistakes and make their own decisions about good or evil. Moral maturity of businessmen affects not only economic indicators but intercommunication, attainment of goals of organisation as well as entire organisational environment. The paper aims at development of optimal model for solving conflicts within the organisation. The first part of the paper THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF CONFLICTS presents peculiarities of conflict management in organisations. A concept of conflict management, conflict causes and types as well as solution methods is provided based on scientific publications. This part also analyses empirical level of conflict examination in both Lithuanian and foreign organisations. The second part of the paper RESEARCH METHODOLOGY describes methods, aim and objectives of the research planned in local self administration and private organisations. Research sample and procedure of research organisation is also described. Research methods employed: questionnaire, interview and mathematical analysis (used to structure the results). The research proved hypotheses that were raised: • The manager of the organisation influence conflict management; • Proper method for conflict solution helps eliminate the conflict and improve management situation. The third part EMPIRICAL RESEARCH OF ORGANISATIONS, DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS presents structured analysis of research data and research assessment. The results from the private and public organisations are compared. Recommendations for improvement of conflict management process along with optimal conflict solution model are provided based on analysis of the research. Analysis of how different authors interpret the concept of conflict management was carried out in the paper. Such analysis enabled drafting more precise definition of conflict management concept. Causes, types and solution methods of conflicts were structured and peculiarities of conflict management in private and public organisations were explored. Causes of conflicts and solution methods that are most characteristic to these organisations were determined. Importance of conflict management along with its positive and negative effects on organisations and their employees was based on theory. A questionnaire was drafted and employees of both private and public organisations were questioned. Results of the research will help in further surveys of organisations and will allow analysing other peculiarities of organisational conflict management better. The research proved the hypotheses. Recommendations for improvement of conflict management process were provided. Based on the results of the research a new model for solving conflicts was developed. The paper consists of introduction, 3 parts and conclusion. The paper comprises of major part described in 60 pages, including 5 tables and 24 figures.

John Wilkes war eine der aufsehenerregendsten Figuren der englischen politischen Geschichte des ausgehenden 18. Jahrhunderts. 1725 wurde er als Sohn eines vom Nonkonformismus zum Anglikanismus konvertierten Londoner Unternehmers geboren. Es ist bezeichnend für das Streben der Familie nach sozialem Aufstieg, dass er zum Rechtsanwalt ausgebildet werden sollte; diesem Ziel diente auch ein Studienaufenthalt in Leiden. 1747 erwarb er durch die Heirat mit Mary Mead neben verstreutem Landbesitz ein Gut in Aylesbury, das ihm den Weg ins Parlament erleichterte, allerdings nicht verhindern konnte, dass er sich im Zuge des Wahlkampfs hoch verschuldete. Politisch stand er zunächst dem Kreis um William Pitt d. Ä. nahe, was dazu führte, dass er durch den Regierungswechsel, der Georgs III. Krönung folgte, Aussicht auf politische Ämter und das sich daraus ergebende Einkommen verlor. Stattdessen stellte er seine spitze Feder in den Dienst der Opposition, und seine Konflikte mit Regierung und Parlamentsmehrheit wurden bald zur Prinzipienfrage. Im Frühjahr 1763 wurde er wegen eines persönlichen Angriffs auf den ersten Minister des Königs, dem er ein Verhältnis mit der Königinmutter andichtete, erstmals verhaftet - was einen illegalen Eingriff in die parlamentarische Immunität darstellte, der Wilkes zunächst hohen Schadensersatz versprach. Im Herbst 1763 folgte allerdings eine formgerechte Anklage wegen Blasphemie, die sich auf einen pornographischen Text, den "Essay on Woman", bezog. Da seine Position aussichtslos schien, floh Wilkes nach Frankreich; seine Flucht zog die Ächtung nach sich, was wiederum bedeutete, dass er seine Schadensersatz-Forderungen vor Gericht nicht mehr geltend machen konnte. In Paris lebte Wilkes vor allem von mehr oder weniger geheimen Zuwendungen der wohlhabenden Mitglieder seiner 'Partei'. Die wachsende Schuldenlast und das Gefühl, von seinen Gönnern nicht hinreichend unterstützt zu werden, brachten Wilkes 1768 zurück nach England. Der Versuch, sich in den engeren Rat der Stadt London wählen zu lassen, scheiterte; allerdings gelang es Wilkes, sich - auch aus dem Gefängnis - drei Mal in Folge für den Wahlkreis Middlesex im Parlament wählen zu lassen. Die Wahl wurde dreimal annulliert, beim letzten Mal erkannte das Unterhaus den unterlegenen Kandidaten als rechtmäßig gewählt an. Vom unappetitlichen Propagandisten wurde Wilkes so zum Symbol für den Widerstand gegen die politische Willkürherrschaft einer parlamentarischen Oligarchie, die danach strebte, die Zusammensetzung des Parlaments durch Kooptation zu bestimmen. Die Kritik von Wilkes' Anhängern deckte sich in diesem Punkt in mehrfacher Hinsicht mit der Begründung amerikanischer Forderungen nach politischer Unabhängigkeit; ganz weitreichende Interpretationen weisen ihm sogar eine entscheidende Rolle für den Ausbruch der amerikanischen Revolution zu. [1] Wilkes wurde zum Liebling eines radikalen Londoner Kleinbürgertums. Er wurde Londoner Stadtrat, Bürgermeister, Kämmerer und setzte durch juristische Winkelzüge 1774 das Recht durch, über die Debatten eines Parlaments öffentlich berichten zu dürfen, dem er seit 1782 wieder angehörte. Die letzten Jahre seines Lebens sind weniger aufregend und weniger bekannt. In vielerlei Hinsicht wurde Wilkes zum gemäßigten Konservativen, der die Französische Revolution kritisch betrachtete und sogar ein einigermaßen vertrautes Verhältnis zu dem - allerdings nicht mehr ganz bei Verstand befindlichen - Georg III. aufbaute. Von den radikalen Forderungen der 1770er Jahre blieb vor allem die Unterstützung der religiösen Toleranz übrig. Wilkes starb 1797. Das Leben von John Wilkes ist seit George Rudés klassischer Darstellung der Gegenstand einer ganzen Reihe von Monographien gewesen; eine weitere ist angekündigt. [2] Vor diesem Hintergrund geht es Sainsbury weniger darum, noch eine Biographie zu schreiben, sondern Paradoxien der öffentlichen Wirkung von Wilkes zu entschlüsseln. Er fragt etwa danach, wie ein chronisch zahlungsunfähiger und -unwilliger Patron ausgerechnet zum Idol der kaufmännisch orientierten Londoner Bevölkerung werden konnte oder welche Rolle Wilkes sexuelle Ausschreitungen für seine Popularität spielten. Daraus ergibt sich der thematische Aufbau des Buches, das in sechs Teile gegliedert ist: Familie, Ehrgeiz, Sex, Religion, Klasse, Geld. Wilkes erscheint in (fast) allen diesen Bereichen als Grenzverletzer, dem es gelang, seine ungewöhnlichen Verhaltensweisen (Trennung von seiner Frau; aristokratische Ambitionen und Volksnähe) als kalkulierte Provokation gegenüber 'denen da oben' zu präsentieren. Eine solche Strategie war in vielem prekär, da sie auf subtilen Bedeutungsunterschieden beruhte. So versuchten Wilkes' Verteidiger seine sexuellen Ausschweifungen als Zeichen einer Potenz darzustellen, die sich von den verweichlichten, bisexuellen Praktiken einer perversen Aristokratie abhob - obgleich Wilkes diesen später von ihm kritisierten Zirkeln angehört hatte. Auf einer ähnlich spitzfindigen Argumentation beruhte die Unterscheidung zwischen den unvermeidbaren Schulden einer politischen Figur wie Wilkes und der Kaufleute bedrückenden Zahlungsverweigerung sozialer Eliten. Sainsburys sehr lesenswerte Interpretation der vielen Gesichter des John Wilkes beruht auf einer außerordentlichen Kenntnis der Briefe, Flugschriften und Karikaturen der Zeit. Was ihm allerdings auch nicht gelingt, ist, die Jahre nach 1774 stärker in den Mittelpunkt zu stellen. Als es in der Öffentlichkeit Still um Wilkes wurde, verlor auch sein öffentliches Bild offenbar seine Konturen. Anmerkungen: [1] James Lander: A Tale of Two Hoaxes in Britain and France in 1775, in: Historical Journal 49, 2006, 995-1024. [2] Vgl. etwa George Rudé: Wilkes and Liberty: A Social Study of 1763 to 1774. Oxford 1962; Peter D. G. Thomas: John Wilkes: A Friend to Liberty. Oxford 1996; Arthur H. Cash: John Wilkes: The Scandalous Father of Modern Liberty. New Haven 2006.

Au sortir des Guerres de Religion, Henri IV et son ministre Sully entreprennent la reconstruction économique d'une France malmenée par près de 40 ans de guerres intestines. Les transports tiennent dans cette politique une place centrale. Afin de relier les deux axes de navigation de la Seine et de la Loire, et de faciliter l'acheminement des marchandises vers Paris, la monarchie finance, à partir de 1604, la construction du canal de Briare. A la suite d'une inspection conduite par des experts parisiens, les travaux sont interrompus en 1612 et ne reprennent qu'en 1638. L'étude du rapport de visite rendu à Sully en 1612 nous donne l'occasion d'aborder la question des relations entre expertise et innovation. Le succès d'une installation technique est généralement le fruit de la pratique. Or, les experts font intervenir bien d'autres facteurs dans l'élaboration de leur avis : coût, opportunité, prestige. Il importe donc d'élucider les critères de jugement des experts. D'autre part, pour que la procédure soit utile, les commis doivent avoir toute la confiance des autorités commanditaires. La désignation des inspecteurs est donc une étape stratégique qu'il convient d'analyser. Le nécessaire décalage des experts par rapport à l'objet de leur travail et les relations qu'ils entretiennent avec le pouvoir, pose en définitive le problème de l'usage de l'expertise et de son intervention dans la prise de décision. Il nous faudra d'abord déterminer, le plus concrètement possible, l'objet de l'attention des experts. A la lecture de leur rapport, il apparaît que leurs lacunes en matière de techniques hydrauliques les conduisent à ne pas s'attarder sur le canal en lui même mais sur les éléments dont il est constitué (écluses, rigoles) afin d'évaluer leur coût de construction. L'expertise ne porte donc en réalité non pas sur le système en construction mais seulement sur ses composantes. Elle contribue néanmoins à discréditer l'ouvrage aux yeux de la monarchie qui semble accorder une confiance aveugle aux experts qu'elle a elle-même désignés. Leur renommée tranche avec la relative obscurité de l'entrepreneur du canal, Hugues Cosnier. Les experts sont tous des maîtres jurés en maçonnerie ou en charpenterie et tous participent régulièrement à des travaux dans la capitale du royaume. L'analyse de leurs carrières respectives montre une forte proximité avec la ville de Paris et la monarchie qui semble être un critère déterminant dans leur choix. Tout se passe donc comme si leurs carences techniques étaient compensées par leur insertion sociale. Les travaux initiés par Sully suscitent donc l'émergence d'acteurs locaux comme Hugues Cosnier. Lorsque la volonté vient à manquer ou que les caisses sont vides, la monarchie met tout en oeuvre pour reprendre le contrôle des opérations. Pour cela, elle désigne des experts avec lesquels elle a l'habitude de travailler dans le cadre des chantiers parisiens. Le changement d'échelle observé dans « l'aménagement du territoire » s'accompagne donc simultanément de l'émergence d'acteurs locaux et d'un accroissement du domaine de compétences des maîtres jurés parisiens. Une telle étude ouvre trois perspectives de réflexion. La première est relative aux modalités concrètes de l'expertise technique et à son véritable objet. Le deuxième axe concerne la construction de la légitimité de l'expert. A ce titre, la proximité de la capitale apparaît primordiale. Enfin, cet exemple illustre de manière intéressante l'usage que les pouvoirs font de l'expertise.

Yüksek Lisans Tezi ; Coğrafi, ekonomik, kültürel, etnik ve tarihsel açıdan önemli bir bölge olan Balkanlar yüzyıllardan beri Asya ve Avrupa arasındaki en stratejik bölgelerden biri olma özelliğini korumaktadır. Balkan Yarımadası'nın, coğrafi konumu bakımından Avrupa'ya bitişik olması, doğudan Asya'ya ve Afrika'ya kolaylıkla geçit vermesi, tarihte daima çeşitli milletler arasında bir mücadele alanı olmasına yol açmıştır.Sovyetler Birliği'nin çözülme sürecine paralel olarak Varşova Paktının NATO karşısında konumunu kaybetmesi, Balkanlarda da bazı ülkeler dağılma ve yeniden yapılanma süreci yaşamışlardır. Balkanlarda yaşanan krizlerde temel istikrarsızlık kaynağını Yugoslavya'nın dağılması teşkil etmiştir. Balkanlarda bugün Yugoslavya'nın da parçalanmasıyla sayıları 11'e varan siyasi yönetimde en az 9-11 ayrı konuşma dili ve üç semavi dine mensup, 75 milyon insan toprak, sınır ve azınlık sorunları ile yaşar duruma düşmüştür.Türkiye, hem bölgeyi en çok etkileyen bir imparatorluğun mirasçısı, hem de bölgesel güç merkezi rolünü oynayacak, önemli bir jeopolitik mihver olması nedeniyle Balkanların önümüzdeki dönemde barış, istikrar ve işbirliği ortamına kavuşturulmasında anahtar ülke olabilir.Bunun için Türkiye, Balkanlara yönelik bir dış politika oluştururken ve uygularken doğal olarak bölgesel ve ardından küresel güçleri de hesaba katması gerekmektedir.Bu çalışma neticesinde uygulanabilir, gerçekçi, bir bölge politikasının en azından yapı taşlarını örebilmek için, öncelikli olarak Avrupa Birliğine girme sürecinde olan bir ülke olmamız nedeniyle AB'nin, ardından küresel güç olarak adlandırdığımız ABD'nin bölge politikalarını da incelememiz, çatışma ve uzlaşma noktalarını saptamamız gerekmektedir.Bu tezin hedefi, Avrupa Birliği'ne girme sürecinde müzakerelere başlamış olan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin gelecek on yıllarda yürüteceği bir Balkan Politikası'nın ana eksenini çizmektir. ; Abstract ; Being an important area with it's geographical, economic, cultural, ethnic and historical ways, the Balkans have been one of the most strategic places between Asia and Europe for countries. As Balkan Peinsulais next to Europe in geographical situation and an easily-possing way from East Asia and Africa, it always caused to be a struggling area between nationalities in history time. As a paralel with the period of dividion of Soviet Union and the Varşova Pakt, some countries also saw the dispersol and reconstruction period. The dispersal of Yugoslavia formed the source of inconsistency in crisis happened in Balkans. Today, with the separation of Yugoslavia , under the control of 11 political administration, 75 million people who are speaking 9 different languages and members of 3 main religions, are surviving in the conditions of soul, border and minority problems. Turkey may be a key country in uniting a peaceful, consistent and cooperative atmosphere in next period of Balkans, as it is not olny an inheritant of the emperor that effects the relion; but also an important geopolitic Protection to play the role of regional power center. Because of this Turkey should take care of firstly the regional and then the spherical powers while constituting and applying the foreign politics directed to Balkans. As a result of this work, in order to build at least loose stones of an appliable, real region politics, we should firstly study the region politics of EU, as we are in the period of entering it, and then USA and Russia that we call them as a spherical power. Also we have to determine the argument and agreement parts of those politics. The aim of this thesis is to draw the main axis of the Balkans politics that the Turkish Republic which has started the conculation in the period of entering EU, is going to carry on coming devade.

After September 11 2001 questions about the nature and society of Islam were asked all over the world. Unfortunately in the rush to provide answers inadequate and even distorted explanations were provided. Muslim groups like the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan with their brutal ways came to symbolise Islam. The need to understand society through a diachronic and in-depth study was thus even more urgent. The following work is an attempt to explain how Muslims organise their lives through an examination of rituals conducted by women. This particularistic account has far-reaching ramifications for the study of Muslim society.This article seeks to contribute to the general debate on Islamic societies. In particular it contributes to the ethnographic discussion on the Pukhtun. First, it seeks to establish the distinctive sociality of Pukhtun wealthy women or Bibiane in terms of their participation, within and beyond the household, in gham-khadi festivities, joining them with hundreds of individuals from different families and social backgrounds. Second, the article makes a case for documenting the lives of this grouping of elite South Asian women, contesting their conventional representation as idle by illustrating their commitment to various forms of work within familial and social contexts. Third, it describes the segregated zones of gham-khadi as a space of female agency. Reconstructing the terms of this agency helps us to revise previous anthropological accounts of Pukhtun society, which project Pukhtunwali in predominantly masculine terms, while depicting gham-khadi as an entirely feminine category. Bibiane's gham-khadi performances allow a reflection upon Pukhtunwali and wider Pukhtun society as currently undergoing transformation. Fourth, as a contribution to Frontier ethnography, the arguments in this article lay especial emphasis on gham-khadi as a transregional phenomenon, given the relocation of most Pukhtun families to the cosmopolitan capital Islamabad. Since gham-khadi is held at families' ancestral homes (kille-koroona), new variations and interpretations of conventional practices penetrate to the village context of Swat and Mardan. Ceremonies are especially subject to negotiation as relatively young convent-educated married Bibiane take issue with their 'customs' (rewaj) from a scriptural Islamic perspective. These contradictions are being increasingly articulated by the female graduates of an Islamabad-based reformist religious school, Al-Huda. Al-Huda, part of a broader regional and arguably national movement of purist Islamization, attempts to apply Quranic and hadith prophetic teaching to everyday life. This reform involves educated elite and middle-class women. These women actively impart Islamic ways of living to family members across metropolitan–rural boundaries. The school's lectures (dars, classes) provide a basis for questioning 'customary' or Pukhtun life-cycle practices, authorizing some Bibiane to amend visiting patterns in conformity to the Quran. The manipulation of life-cycle commemorations by elite and middle-class women as a vehicle of change, Islamization and a particular mode of modernity furthermore becomes significant in the light of recent socio-political Islamic movements in post-Taliban Frontier Province. More broadly, the article contributes to various sociological and anthropological topics, notably the nature and expression of elite cultures and issues of sociality, funerals and marriage, custom and religion, space and gender, morality and reason, and social role and personhood within the contexts of Middle-Eastern and South Asian Islam.

Batı Trakya Yunanistan'ın Kuzey Doğusunda bulunmaktadır. Evros (Meriç) ile Nestos (Karasu) nehirleri arasında kalan 8578 kilometre karelik bir alanı kapsamaktadır. Lozan Barış Konferansında Türkiye ile Yunanistan arasında varılan bir antlaşma gereği iki ülke arasında zorunlu ahali mübadelesi yapılmıştır.Ancak İstanbul'un Rum nüfusu ile Batı Trakya'nın Türk nüfusu zorunlu mübadelenin dışında tutulmuş ve bulundukları ülkedeki devletin güvencesi altında dinsel azınlık konumunda bırakılmıştır. Söz konusu azınlıkların azınlık ve yurttaşlık hakları tanınmıştır.Bununla beraber Yunanistan kendi vatandaşı olan bu insanları hiçbir gerekçeye dayanmaksızın ulusal bütünlüğü tehdit olarak görmekte ve bu insanlara karşı uluslararası ve ikili antlaşmalarla belirlenen sorumluluğu yerine getirmediği gibi azınlık üzerinde baskı ve asimilasyon politikasını devlet denetiminde planlı,kararlı ve sürekli bir şekilde uygulamaktadır. Avrupa Birliği'nin temel dayanağına baktığımızda;hukukun üstünlüğü,insan hakları,demokrasi kavramını görmekteyiz.Yunanistan 1981 yılında Avrupa Birliği'ne tam üye olmuştur. 1990'ların ikinci yarısına kadar Batı Trakya Türk azınlığının durumunda herhangi bir değişiklik görülmemekte,1990'ların sonunda azınlık haklarında kısmen iyileştirmeler yapılmıştır. Ancak hassas ve hayati konularda herhangi bir değişikliğe rastlamak mümkün değildir. Avrupa Birliği azınlık hakları konusunda Yunanistan'ı bir çok defa uyarmış ve kınama kararları vermiştir.Ancak sorunların giderilebilmesi için Avrupa Birliği'nin daha etkİli yaptırımlar uygulaması gerekmektedir.Yunanistan kendi vatandaşı olan Batı Trakya Türkleri'nin ikili antlaşmalardan doğan haklarını iade etmeli ve kendi taraf olduğu uluslararası antlaşmaların gereklerini yerine getirmelidir. Ancak bu sayede Batı Trakya Türkleri'nin sorunlarının çözümü mümkün görünmektedir. ; West Thrace is located in the northeast of Greece,moreover,it comprises 8578 square kilometre open space between the rivers Evros (Meriç) and Nestos (Karasu).As a result of Lozan Peace Pact an obligatory exchange agreement had done betweenthe two countries,Turkey and Greece.However, Istanbul's Greek population and WestThrace's Turk population had been kept out of this obligatory exchange,furthermore,Turk's and Greek's in the country where they existed they left in the position of religion minorityunder the name of government assurance.Also,to the minorities above mentioned had givencitizenship and minority rights.Neverthless,Greece sees Turks,who they are his own citizens,as a threat to thenational integrity without based on at any justification,what is more,not only doesGreececarry out the responsibility which was mentioned by the bilateral agreements,but alsocarries out a permanent,determinend,designed policy plan under the governments control overto the minorities,for to assimilate and press them.When we look for the basic mainstay of European Community we are confrontedwith the concepts the superiority of laws and the democracy of human rights. Greecebecame an entire member to European Community in 1981.We hadn't seen any changes at thesituation of West Thrace Turk's minority until 1990's second half but in the and of 90's Greece had partially done improvements.In spite of this,it is not possible to come across toany changes in vital and sensible matters.European Community has warned Greece manytimes for the minority rights,moreover,Greece has been given many disapproval resolutions.However European Community have to apply more effective sanctions to remove theproblems.Greece should return the rights of the people who are his own citizens West ThraceTurks had arisened from the bilateral agreements,moreover,Greece should carry out thenecessities of the international agreements that are from his own side.As a result of this, WestThrace Turks problems solution is seen possible.

Gender, as Joan Scott asserted in 1986, is a useful category of historical analysis.1 In the last quarter century, gender has emerged as a lively area of inquiry for historians and other scholars. Gender analysis has suggested some important revisions of the "master narratives" of national histories-that is, the dominant, often celebratory, tales of the successes of a nation and its leaders.2 These narratives, like all histories, are provisional and incomplete and, to varying degrees, reflect the changing material, discursive, and ideological contexts of their times.3 To mention just two of the fields of history that had traditionally formed the core of national(ist) narratives-colonial history and political history- bringing in gender has begun to alter the dominant narratives in those fields.4 Recent colonial studies examine such issues as gendered notions of expansion; virility among colonizers and colonized; and relations between men and women, women and women, and men and men on the colonial periphery. Because political histories look at the meanings of citizenship and participation, gender, like race and class, clearly has utility as a category of analysis. While modern Japanese history has not yet been restructured by a foregrounding of gender, historians of Japan have, indeed, begun to embrace gender as an analytic category. Interested readers can barely keep up with the exciting new scholarship in the form of journal articles and monographs in both Japanese and Western languages. If the experience of previous turns in Japanese historiography is any guidefor example, in the 1950s and beyond, interest in the course of Japan's modern development led to the categorizing of historical patterns as stages of modernity, and interest in social groups defined by categories such as material circumstances, cultural identities, occupation, religion, or residence has complicated and enriched the master narratives of Japanese history-gender too will emerge as an important issue in redefining master narratives in modern Japanese history. This interdisciplinary volume attempts to ignite the process of redefinition by bringing together research by Western-trained historians of Japan and historically minded scholars in other disciplines. 5 Problematizing gender in an anthology on modern Japanese history recognizes the stimulating developments in that field of scholarship. 6 A number of Japan scholars, including some of our contributors, have been engaged in research in women's history for over a decade, and are now producing works in the area of gender history. Gender history emerged from women's history outside the Japan field as well, although the sometimes rivalrous tension between women's history and gender history in other fields has not been replicated in Japan studies.7 This volume, which assembles articles on men as well as women, on theories of sexuality as well as on gender prescriptions, and on samesex as well as on heterosexual relations, takes the position that history is gendered. To say that history is gendered is to make two interrelated claims. First, historians invariably, though perhaps unconsciously, construct a gendered notion of past events, people, and ideas. That is, we engender the past, creating ways of thinking about the past through our notions of gender (and other categories we take for granted) in the present. A gendered history, like any type of history, is an invention of historians. History attempts to view ideologies, discourses, practices, bodies, and institutions as both derived in part from notions of gender and, conversely, constantly reifying these notions.