Search results

"Der Beitrag geht von folgenden Hypothesen aus: 1. Der transsäkulare Rückgang interpersoneller Gewalt bis in die 50er Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts beruhte a) auf der Herausbildung eines staatlichen Gewaltmonopols, das im Laufe der Zeit durch gesetztes Recht domestiziert, durch demokratische Verfahren legitimiert und durch den Ausbau sozialstaatlicher Sicherungssysteme in eine Struktur institutionalisierter Gerechtigkeit eingebettet wurde, b) auf einer Erosion kollektivistischer Gesellschaftsstrukturen, in denen die Gemeinschaft (das 'Kollektiv') eine höhere Wertschätzung genoss als die Individuen. Auf der Basis dieses Strukturwandels vollzog sich c) ein Umbau der modalen Persönlichkeitsstrukturen, in dem die Fremdkontrolle zunehmend durch Selbstkontrolle ersetzt wurde. 2. Die Erosion des Kollektivismus wirkt dauerhaft pazifizierend nur in dem Maße, wieder erstarkende Individualismus dem Idealtypus des kooperativen (oder 'moralischen') Individualismus im Sinne Durkheims entspricht. 3. Seit Mitte des vorigen Jahrhunderts werden kollektivistische Orientierungsmuster und Strukturen zwar weiter zurückgedrängt, gegenüber dem kooperativen gewinnt jedoch der desintegrative Individualismus zunehmend an Gewicht. Damit verbunden ist die Stärkung eines egoistischen Instrumentalismus, der das Gewalttabu auflockert. 4. In diesem Prozess, der durch die sich beschleunigende Internationalisierung der Politik und der Wirtschaft Auftrieb erhält, werden die Regulierungskompetenzen und die Legitimitätsgrundlagen nationalstaatlicher Politik geschwächt. Der kausale Nexus von Effektivität und Legitimität des Gewaltmonopols erodiert. Beschleunigungs- und Entgrenzungsprozesse führen außerdem zu einer 'chronischen' Anomie, die ihrerseits gewaltaffine Formen eines regressiven Kollektivismus begünstigt. Vorgestellt werden die ersten Ergebnisse aus dem Projekt 'Sozialer Wandel und Gewaltkriminalität' an der Universität Halle. Es wird der Versuch unternommen, die oben genannten Hypothesen anhand von Entwicklungen in Westdeutschland, England/ Wales und Schweden zu überprüfen." (Autorenreferat)

"Es ist davon auszugehen, dass der gegenwärtige ökonomische Wandel die Probleme kollektiven Handelns, wie sie sich Arbeitgeberverbänden stellen, verschärft. Auf der Grundlage eines internationalen Vergleichs untersucht dieser Aufsatz, wie Arbeitgeberverbände auf diese Herausforderung reagieren. Dabei werden zum einen die Auswirkungen des ökonomischen Wandels im Verhältnis zum Einflussgewicht institutioneller Faktoren auf die Mitgliederstärke der Arbeitgeberverbände analysiert. Zum anderen wird der Frage nachgegangen, welche Anpassungsstrategien angesichts der veränderten Rahmenbedingungen von den Arbeitgeberverbänden eingeschlagen werden." (Autorenreferat)

Qualidata berät qualitativ Forschende ebenso wie Institutionen und Projekte, die qualitative Datenbestände vorhalten, in vielfacher Weise. Dabei stehen immer wieder insbesondere Fragen des angemessenen Datenschutzes im Mittelpunkt des Interesses, wenn es um die Archivierung von Daten geht. Qualidata fühlt sich hierbei gleichermaßen den Rechten der Forschungsteilnehmer(innen) wie der Integrität und Freiheit von Forschung verpflichtet und bemüht sich um ein verantwortliches Umgehen mit diesen Fragen im Kontext qualitativer Archivierungsbemühen. In unserem Beitrag werden die wesentlichen Probleme und einige Lösungsvorschläge für derartige Forschungskontrakte behandelt bzw. vorgestellt, also z.B. Datenschutzvereinbarungen, die sowohl den Umgang mit Daten im Forschungsprozess als auch deren Archivierung regeln helfen. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit schenken wir darüber hinaus möglichst effektiven Anonymisierungstechniken und Wegen der Sicherung des Zugangs zu bereits existierenden Datenbeständen. Hintergrund unserer Ausführungen ist die nunmehr siebenjährige Erfahrung mit unterschiedlichsten qualitativen Datensorten, u.a. Interviews mit öffentlichen Persönlichkeiten und die Rohdaten aus einigen der wichtigsten britischen empirischen Studien.

This study gives an overview of the pathways from work to retirement in Britain and
Germany. Although the institutional incentives differ considerably, both countries face a
trend towards early retirement. In Germany, this development was mostly attributed to the
favourable conditions in the social security system. In the UK, the increasing coverage of
occupational and private pensions seems to be responsible for the low labour force
participation of older persons. For the duration analysis, a distinction is made between
various exit paths from work. The results indicate that the social security or occupational
pension schemes have a strong impact on the age a person leaves the labour force for
retirement. Pension incentives can less explain the moves into other states of nonemployment.

 Last night, thanks to a nearby conference, I was able to go to the 100th Anniversary Gala of Camp Airy and Camp Louise in Baltimore.  Camp was a huge part of my child/teen-hood, as I lived 44 weeks each year for the eight weeks in the hills of rural Maryland.  With a crowd of 700 or so people, I had guessed I might bump into something like 20 people (3%) given that I was there for 11% of its history.  Well, I fell a bit short than that,
but it didn't matter as some of the most important people in my time at
camp were at the Gala.The place has a heap of history They had a video that addressed the fireand how they are coming back from thatTwo events cast a shadow.  First, during the summer of 2022, the camp's main building, its dining hall and offices, burnt down at the start of the summer session.  No one was hurt, and the community rallied to provide food and tents and other stuff so that the summer could and would go on.  So, this gala was partly a fundraiser for replacing the dining hall.  The insurance may have been good enough to cover the replacement of a 100 year old building but not to create a 21st century dining hall--ADA compliance, fire suppression systems (made me think of The Bear), and all the rest.    I made the montage!  Didn't hurt that I am palswith the ace archivist--Eric TThe second event was Gaza.  These are Jewish camps--lightly so as it only meant kosher meals, basic Friday night/Saturday morning services, Israeli counselors to join the other foreign counselors (British mostly), and such.  So, it came up during the speeches with an appropriate tone of sorrow rather than revenge or hate as well as concern for of the Israelis who had cycled through Airy and Louise, including campers last summer.  I do have fond memories of the Israeli counselors who crossed my path in my 11 years with those on the outdoor staff (hiking, climbing, etc) driving us to various sites to climb/hike/raft/camp/etc as Israelis didn't seem to understand what brakes were.  Jon cleaned up better than I did.  We were in the same bunks from when we were 13 to when we were 17 as CIT's.  And as he noted last night, as the rare kids staying all summer, we knew the place better than damn near anyone else, and with knowledge comes power.There were some folks who mentioned concerns with safety as this time as 700 Jews might make a good target for revenge.  There were some cops at the front of the event.  I hadn't thought of violence aimed at this gala, and I thought this was a bit much, but I can't blame some folks for worrying.In the past, I have discussed my ambivalence about my Jewish identity.  One reason why I never really got religion or understood its power for others is that the various temples/synagogues my family joined in the various we lived when I was growing up didn't provide a real sense of community.  On the other hand, these camps did that for me in a big way, and I may not have realized that before last night.  I felt a connection to everyone there, I loved camp because I felt like I belonged, it was a place where I excelled in most things and in those things where I didn't excel, I still had lots of fun and firsts (that would be romance).Fun to see Tracy (c) and Jim (r) during the Wacky Olympics, and, yes, I still havethat shirt.Speaking of such stuff, I wanted to share this story and this book.  Nope, none of the ladies I pursued long ago attended the Gala, but I am not surprised.  More by happenstance than anything else, those girls that interested me way back were not those who were lifers at Louise.  Anyhow, I only realized this weekend that this summer was the, gasp, 40th anniversary of my last summer as a camper--as a counselor in training.  I stuck around for three more years as a counselor.  And I think the last time I visited the place was in 2001 while moving myself and my dogs to Virginia for the year in the Pentagon.  It has been too long.  Time to start scheming to visit the place again... It was great to see both the old friends and the rest of the lifers who fell in love with those special places up in the hills.  The gala had a theme -- camp is ....--and while they let folks fill it out themselves, they also did suggest something... making camp have something common with soylent green:Reminds me of one of the songs burned into my heads.  During my era, they regularly sang a song that had the music from Charlie Brown.... Happiness is a summer at Airy ....   and indeed, it was and is.

International audience ; This article contrasts a policy of commemoration of slavery in post-revolutionary Tunisia with the gradual and very slow history of the demise of slavery in this country since the beginning of the 19th century. It explores the choice of the Tunisian state to commemorate the abolition of slavery in Tunisia with reference to the promulgation of a decree enacted in 1846, and the way in which the end of West and East African slavery became central to civic memory in Tunisia.The first part of the article is based on recent, innovative and stimulating scholarly research by Inès Mrad Dali, Séphanie Pouessel, Maha Abdelhamid and Marta Scaglioni on black communities in Tunisia. The second part relies on works on European captives and the Mamluks or Muslim slaves and servants of often Caucasian origin in the Maghreb.The first section places the issue of the commemoration of slavery in the context of the emergence of civic claims from black activists in Tunisia since the 2011 Revolution. The profound transformations that black communities have undergone since decolonization in the 1950s have shaped these claims. Indeed, the categories of national belonging to a Tunisian civic community, and therefore the debates on collective memory and the historical representations of the nation, have become more decisive for these anti-racist activists than the narratives of local origins which aimed to explain or even legitimize the subordinate positions of these communities, especially in the south of the country.The second section broadens the discussion to include Christian male and female captives and especially the cases of male and female slaves of Caucasian origin converted to Islam (Mamluks and Odalisques) in 19th-century Tunisia. This section shows that the descendants of European captives are less concerned with the commemoration of the abolition of slavery. Their role in the country's history is greater because of their contribution to the founding of the Tunisian nation and its state. The uneven integration of the descendants of slaves into Tunisian society, in addition to the separate relationship with the memory of slavery of these groups explain over a long period of time the presence today of the differential treatment of Tunisians on the basis of skin colour.The article concludes with two observations: Tunisian anti-racist activists wanted to fight against racist discourses and categories. From this point of view, they succeeded in advancing their cause by giving official status to the commemoration of the abolition of 1846. Henceforth, the fundamental and difficult question of the unequal distribution of resources in post-revolutionary Tunisia remains to be asked. ; Cet article confronte la politique de mémoire de l'esclavage dans la Tunisie post-révolutionnaire à une histoire graduelle, et très lente, de la fin des esclavages dans ce pays depuis le début du xixe siècle. Il explore le choix de l'État tunisien de commémorer l'abolition de l'esclavage en Tunisie en référence à la promulgation d'un décret de 1846, et montre comment la fin de l'esclavage des Africains de l'Ouest et de l'Est est devenue un élément central dans la construction d'une mémoire civique.Cet article s'appuie, dans une première partie, sur les travaux récents, novateurs et stimulants d'Inès Mrad Dali, Stéphanie Pouessel, Maha Abdelhamid et Marta Scaglioni sur les communautés noires de Tunisie. Il convoque, dans une seconde partie, d'autres travaux sur les captifs européens et sur les mamelouks ou esclaves et serviteurs musulmans au Maghreb, souvent d'origine caucasienne.La première partie resitue la commémoration de l'esclavage dans le contexte de revendications civiques portées par des militant⋅e⋅s noir⋅e⋅s en Tunisie depuis la révolution de 2011. Les transformations profondes qu'ont connues les communautés noires depuis la décolonisation des années 1950 ont façonné ces revendications. En effet, pour ces militant⋅e⋅s anti-racistes, ce qui est devenu déterminant, plus que les récits locaux qui visaient à expliquer voire à légitimer les positions subalternes de ces communautés – en particulier dans le sud du pays –, ce sont les catégories nationales d'appartenance à une communauté civique tunisienne et, en conséquence, les débats sur la mémoire collective et les représentations historiques de la nation.La seconde partie élargit la réflexion aux captives et captifs chrétiens et surtout aux esclaves, hommes et femmes, d'origine caucasienne convertis à l'islam (mamelouks et odalisques) dans la Tunisie du xixe siècle. Cette partie montre que les descendants de captifs européens sont moins concernés par la commémoration d'une abolition de l'esclavage. Ils s'intègrent davantage à l'histoire du pays en fonction de leur contribution à l'édification d'une nation tunisienne et de son État. L'intégration plus que contrastée des descendants d'esclaves à la société tunisienne, et plus encore le rapport distinct de ces groupes à la mémoire de l'esclavage, confirment sur le temps long, le constat dressé aujourd'hui d'un traitement différencié des Tunisiens en fonction de leur couleur de peau.L'article conclut sur deux constats : les militant⋅e⋅s anti-racistes tunisiens ont voulu lutter contre des discours et des catégorisations racistes. Ils ont réussi, de ce point de vue, à faire avancer leur cause en rendant officielle la commémoration de l'abolition de 1846. Ils ont désormais à poser la question fondamentale et ardue de la distribution inégalitaire des ressources dans la Tunisie post-révolutionnaire.

Expanding infrastructure is crucial in bringing about development in the rural off-grid areas of developing countries. In the last decade, energy access and electrification has come to the forefront as crucial infrastructure for the currently unserved, a priority of national governments and international bodies. The United Nations for example designated the year 2030 as the target to extending modern energy and electricity access to all, according to its UN Sustainable Energy for All goals. Decentralised energy solutions using renewable sources especially solar energy have been touted as a model that can bring about accelerated access to the currently unserved. However, since their deployment became popular on the African continent, there has been a gap in their ability to match anticipated potential. Of the numerous barriers facing the successful deployment of decentralised energy solutions, this PhD research is hinged on the critical role institutions play, in meeting the urgent and timely delivery of the energy for all goals. Using a socio-technical approach, the research did the following; i. Made the case for dividing the institutional processes into two main components – Actors (users and providers) and the Object (the domain of governance), using the theoretical standpoints of the Innovation System Analysis and common pool resource (CPR) theory. The functions of innovation systems (FIS) framework and the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework were used as a tool for analysis to reveal the system functions required for successful technological transitions and what influences and incentivises these processes respectively. ii. Highlighted the systematic linkages between these two domains (generating a qualitative conceptual framework FIS-IAD) to understand the processes that happen when actors and object co-evolve within delivery institutions. iii. Identify collapse scenarios of moral hazard and adverse selection outcomes generated by these processes in order to counteract the momentum towards unsustainability in decentralised rural electricity provision using mini-grids. In executing the steps mentioned above, an event history analysis based on the FIS framework was carried out to capture the breakdown and build-up of institutional structures within the governance of solar PV rural electrification infrastructure. Using Nigeria as a case study, the key findings of the research reveal a misalignment between the users and providers of mini-grid electricity infrastructure as a major reason for the unanticipated outcomes of the mini-grid provision. This misalignment is between the usage rules as stated by the providers and the expectation (driven by social norms of the users) of ownership and control that exist within the local context. Sustainable outcomes are further jeopardised by a lack of clarity on the agency and capabilities of the different actors due to a lack of formal regulation identified within the kilowatt space for energy provision. This finding called for a case of capacity redefinition especially about the belief of user groups on owning and operating the system. Subsequently, a questionnaire survey carried out on two mini-grid case studies complemented the event history analysis findings - by showing how the mini-grid electrification model has performed in terms of social expectations and norms based on selected evaluation criteria. Empirical data from the survey used to generate a causal loop analysis revealed three key findings. First, the balance of control between the providers and the producers of the infrastructure are predominantly reinforcing excludability, thereby affecting utilization levels and preventing the expansion of the infrastructure to other services. Secondly, the authorised actions for the users, defined entry conditions and the creation of positions for community managers of the mini-grid are building blocks toward sustainable usage of the mini-grid model. Lastly, as an expansion to productive usage results mainly from the design and finance choices of the providers and less on the current energy practices by users, the growth of much-needed information rules and learning by doing is inhibited. This study concludes that the existing polycentric management of the off-grid electricity infrastructure in the case studies presented some opportunities for ensuring scalable delivery to meet the energy access goals. Institutional design for electricity access thus needs greater coordination between formal providers of infrastructure and its users is vital to making the mini-grid model for electricity delivery a sustainable option. Crucially, it has been found that the continued supply of electricity is not a guarantee for sustainability, except institutional configurations facilitate the rational choice of individuals to cooperate by embedding the livelihood and coping strategies of the social system in electricity access planning. Overall, stakeholders need to further the debate from techno-economic efficiency to institutional barriers as scalability depends not only on increasing kilowatts but also on the perception and pay off based on future use by consumers. The novel qualitative FIS-IAD framework presented in this research generated an understanding and clarity on expectations from users to bring about the alignment of the incentives of the providers and users of sustainable mini-grid electricity infrastructure models. ; Open Access

In modern political science and social sciences, interest in cross-cultural research in the framework of various scientific methodologies is growing. The article is devoted to the study of one of the most pressing problems of our time, which is of great interest to Azerbaijan and Greece. This article describes in detail the historical situation in which the Greeks were forced to settle in the Caucasus. The article discusses the main reasons for the creation of the first Greek settlements in Azerbaijan. The author in a broad context considers the activities of the Greeks in Azerbaijan. The article analyzes the main reasons for the unification of the Greeks of Azerbaijan, and the creation of the Greek Philanthropic (charity) society. Moreover, the article focuses on the activities of the theater group "Evripidis", operating in this society. It should be noted that the football team "Embros" (Forward) was a source of pride for the Greeks living in Baku. The article also mentions the repression and mass arrests of the "Father of the Nations" against the Greeks. At the same time, it is emphasized that, as a result of Stalin's policy, the Greeks living in Baku were resettled in the deserts of Kazakhstan in difficult conditions. The article analyzes the political motives of the resettlement of Greeks from Azerbaijan. At the same time, a large place in the article is devoted to the recollections of Azerbaijani Greeks forced to resettle in inhuman conditions. Documents and their photographs from the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History and from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History on the resettlement of the Greeks, and according to the NKVD Directive No. 50215 of December 11, 1937, protocols No. 46, 61, 91 of the sentences of the Greeks living in the Azerbaijan SSR were first presented the scientific community of our country. The article also analyzes the integration of the Greeks into Azerbaijani society and their contacts with the multicultural environment of Azerbaijan. The article also discusses the activities of the Greek community "ARGO", created by the Greeks living in the country after the restoration of independence of Azerbaijan. ; В современной политологии и общественных науках возрастает интерес к кросскультурным исследованиям в рамках различной научной методологии. Статья посвящена исследованию одной из самых актуальных проблем современности, которая представляет большой интерес для Азербайджана и Греции. В данной статье подробно описывается историческая ситуация, в которой греки были вынуждены поселиться на Кавказ. В статье рассматриваются основные причины создания первых греческих поселений в Азербайджане. Автор в широком контексте рассматривает деятельность греков в Азербайджане. В статье анализируются основные причины объединения греков Азербайджана, и создания Греческого филантропического (благотворительного) общества. При этом в статье особое внимание уделяется деятельности театральной группы «Эврипидис», действующей при этом обществе. Следует отметить, что футбольная команда «Эмброс» (Вперед) была источником гордости греков, проживающих в Баку. В статье также упоминается о репрессиях и массовых арестах «Отца народов» против греков. В то же время подчеркивается, что в результате сталинской политики греки, проживающие в Баку, были переселены в пустыни Казахстана в тяжелых условиях. В статье анализируются политические мотивы переселения греков из Азербайджана. В то же время большое место в статье отведено воспоминаниям азербайджанских греков, вынужденных переселяться в бесчеловечных условиях. Документы и их фотографии из Российского государственного архива новейшей истории и из Российского государственного архива социально-политической истории о переселении греков, и согласно директивы НКВД СССР № 50215 от 11 декабря 1937 года протоколы № 46, 61, 91 приговоров греков, проживающих в Азербайджанской ССР, впервые представлены научному сообществу нашей страны. В статье также анализируется интеграция греков в азербайджанское общество и их контакты с мультикультурной средой Азербайджана. В статье также рассматривается деятельность греческой общины «АРГО», созданной греками, проживающими в стране после восстановления независимости Азербайджана. ; У сучасній політології та суспільних науках зростає інтерес до кросскультурних досліджень у межах різної наукової методології. Стаття присвячена дослідженню однієї з найактуальніших проблем сучасності, яка представляє великий інтерес для Азербайджану і Греції. У цій статті докладно описується історична ситуація, в якій греки були змушені оселитися на Кавказ. У статті розглядаються основні причини створення перших грецьких поселень в Азербайджані. Автор в широкому контексті розглядає діяльність греків в Азербайджані. У статті аналізується основні причин об'єднання греків Азербайджану і створення Грецького філантропічного (благодійного) суспільства. При цьому в статті особлива увага приділяється діяльності театральної групи «Евріпідіс», що діє при цьому суспільстві. Слід зазначити, що футбольна команда «Емброс» (Уперед) була джерелом гордості греків, які проживають в Баку. У статті також згадується про репресії і масові арешти «Батька народів» проти греків. У той же час підкреслюється, що в результаті сталінської політики греки, що проживають в Баку, були переселені в пустелі Казахстану у важких умовах. У статті аналізуються політичні мотиви переселення греків з Азербайджану. У той же час велике місце в статті відведено спогадам азербайджанських греків, вимушених переселятися в нелюдських умовах. Документи та їх фотографії з Російського державного архіву новітньої історії і з Російського державного архіву соціально-політичної історії про переселення греків, і відповідно до директиви НКВС СРСР № 50215 від 11 грудня 1937 року протоколи № 46, 61, 91 вироків греків, що проживають в Азербайджанській РСР вперше представлені науковому співтовариству нашої країни. У статті також аналізується інтеграція греків в азербайджанське суспільство й їх контакти з мультикультурної середовищем Азербайджану. У статті також розглядається діяльність грецької громади «АРГО», створеної греками, що проживають в країні після відновлення незалежності Азербайджану.

Proyecto presentado como requisito para Cumplir Homologación de idioma para estudiantes del programa Tejiendo Interculturalidades. La lucha de los pueblos indígenas por la conservación y la recuperación de su legado ancestral no es tema de los últimos años, al contrario, la lucha ha sido constante desde hace varios siglos en donde la que la comunidad, los Taytas y mamas son sus principales protagonistas. Las luchas de estos pueblos se traducen en diferentes aspectos tales como: evitar el rompimiento de los lazos comunitarios, mantener y/o recuperar sus formas de organización social, político y económico la cual está estrechamente vinculada al reconocimiento y recuperación de los territorios ancestrales, que han sido despojados, reducidos u ocupados en diferentes momentos y mediante variadas estrategias de colonización o de liquidación jurídica. En búsqueda de la reconstrucción del tejido comunitario, desarticulado por agresivos influjos externos, la comunidad de los Pastos ha emprendido un trabajo de memoria comunitaria que trata de reconstruir a través de la memoria oral la historia del territorio ancestral o lo que para nuestro trabajo denominaremos narrativas territoriales. Dicho trabajo ha contado con la colaboración de Taytas los cuales a través de sus relatos se ha podido reconstruir los hechos más importantes que han incidido en la configuración del territorio. Es esa la razón por la cual, hoy, queremos realizar este trabajo, y que con la ayuda de diferentes fuentes tanto orales como escritas, se pueda llevar a cabo un acercamiento a la reconstrucción de esa memoria histórica del territorio del pueblo de los Pastos, Resguardo de Cumbal poco visible hasta el momento, dándole en este caso un mayor valor a las narrativas de sus mismos pobladores, ya que la lucha territorial no solo es la lucha por un bien común sino es la recuperación de su misma historia, de su misma memoria, por eso lo denominaron claramente, que recuperar el territorio, era recuperarlo todo. La memoria de este pueblo se enfocara particularmente en las décadas de los 70´s, 80´s y 90´s en la que los pastos la han denominado la recuperación de la tierra, no sin antes hacer un breve recorrido histórico a partir de algunas las fuentes disponibles que datan de estos hechos en particular en el Departamento de Nariño, Pueblo de los Pastos, Resguardo de Cumbal, para contraponer al mismo tiempo la forma como ha sido relatada y como la relatan las mismas comunidades a partir de sus vivencias, y de sus cotidianidades: las narrativas territoriales. ; Project presented as a requirement to fulfill language homologation for students of the Tejiendo Interculturalidades program. The struggle of indigenous peoples for the conservation and recovery of their ancestral legacy is not the subject of recent years, on the contrary, the struggle has been constant for several centuries in which the community, the Taytas and Mamas are their main protagonists. The struggles of these peoples translate into different aspects such as: avoiding the breaking of community ties, maintaining and / or recovering their forms of social, political and economic organization, which is closely linked to the recognition and recovery of ancestral territories, which they have been dispossessed, reduced or occupied at different times and through various strategies of colonization or legal liquidation. In search of the reconstruction of the community fabric, disarticulated by aggressive external influences, the community of the Pastos has undertaken a work of community memory that tries to reconstruct through oral memory the history of the ancestral territory or what for our work we will call narratives territorial. This work has had the collaboration of Taytas, who through their stories have been able to reconstruct the most important events that have influenced the configuration of the territory. That is the reason why, today, we want to carry out this work, and that with the help of different sources, both oral and written, an approach can be carried out to the reconstruction of that historical memory of the territory of the town of Los Pastos, Resguardo de Cumbal little visible so far, giving in this case a greater value to the narratives of its own inhabitants, since the territorial struggle is not only the fight for a common good but it is the recovery of its own history, of its own memory, that is why they clearly called it, that to recover the territory, was to recover everything. The memory of this town will focus particularly on the decades of the 70's, 80's and 90's in which the pastures have called it the recovery of the land, but not before making a brief historical tour from some of the Available sources dating from these events in particular in the Department of Nariño, Pueblo de los Pastos, Resguardo de Cumbal, to contrast at the same time the way it has been related and how the same communities relate it from their experiences, and from their daily lives: territorial narratives.

Historical maps, like other thematic maps, have their specifics that need to be taken into account when preparing them. A historical map is compiled by a cartographer and a historian. These are professionals with different education (humanistic and technical) and different approaches to work. This results in different authors' trains of thoughts, which may be a source of mistakes in upcoming historical maps. Hidden errors that none of the experts thinks about because they do not know about them or because they seem to be irrelevant in their point of view, are especially serious. The objective of the article is to present the most common unknown unknowns in the preparation of historical maps which the authors acquired during the design of the Academic Atlas of Czech History, the Czech Historical Atlas and other historical maps. Incorrectly portrayed historical boundaries is the first type of error. If the main topic of a map are historical boundaries in particular, i.e. a political or administrative map is designed, the historian specializing in political affairs usually prepares the documents for the cartographer with great care. But if the historian asks for displaying historical boundaries only as support information for the map readers (e.g. for a migration map), they only specify a general requirement (e.g. borders up to 1938). Sometimes, they also provide a background map with these boundaries, which, however, is often in a too small scale. The cartographer, who is inexperienced in the creation of historical maps, then adopts the underlying map uncritically without asking or searching for more detailed sources (larger scale maps, text description of the boundaries) on their own. Also, the cartographer usually does not have deep knowledge of historical development. Then, the cartographer might miss some territorial change, which leads to omissions in the map. Alternatively, a certain part of the border is depicted to a wrong date. The historian does not alert the cartographer to the error because they consider (from their point of view) this small border deviation to be within the limit of the map language. Or, they have no idea what can be considered generalization for the given map scale and what goes beyond that. For historians, in general, the map is rather an illustration complementing their relevant text. The historian also often does not distinguish maps according to their positional accuracy (i.e. it is generally true that a map with a topographic background, harmonized with thematic elements, is more reliable than a map in the form of "colour spots") and it is sufficient for them if a phenomenon or a territory is described in the legend or in the text accompanying the map (written view). Therefore, the cartographer must notify the historian of inappropriate background sources and ask for better quality ones. The historian often demands in good faith that the upcoming map will capture several historical boundaries of different years. However, the cartographer must verify each partial state, harmonize it with other boundaries and water features and solve different levels of generalization of the data sources. As the number of boundaries increases, the map key is becoming more complicated (issues of colour and map sign structure resolution, border line overlaps). This leads to a substantial increase in the time needed for the preparation of the map. In addition, more information (boundaries) degrades the readability of the map and the map user may not be able to understand it correctly despite the hard work on the cartographer's part. In these cases, it is advisable to explain patiently the principle that less is more or, if there is no other way, divide a complex subject into multiple maps. The way how to write names of sites and locations (settlements) can also be an unknown unknown for both parties. There are usually no problems with current names of settlements based on the Latin script. More difficult, but manageable, is to agree on a system of romanization of non-Latin-script names (e.g. Arabic to Czech). A problem arises in historical maps. The historian and the cartographer should, after mutual discussion, find out whether they will use current names, historical names or common exonyms. Should historical names be used, it is necessary to determine what system of romanization will be used – whether from the official language for a given place and epoch or otherwise. In the case of the preparation of an atlas, it is necessary to enforce that the proposed system will be used by all authors to ensure the uniformity of the work. The cartographer must also consider the technical limitations of computer fonts, which rarely contain all required glyphs for proper romanization. The examples of unknown unknowns in historical maps preparation show that the ideal state would be if the mapmaker graduated from both cartography and the appropriate discipline of history or historical geography. However, in Czechia, there is insufficient demand for historical maps so that such an expert could hardly make a living off making historical maps only. Thus, cooperation of historians and cartographers is crucial. Communication, mutual learning, high-quality sources for maps and the willingness to discuss the upcoming map with other experts are the key prerequisites to success in eliminating errors. Enough time to prepare maps is another essential precondition.

Proyecto presentado como requisito para Cumplir Homologación de idioma para estudiantes del programa Tejiendo Interculturalidades. La lucha de los pueblos indígenas por la conservación y la recuperación de su legado ancestral no es tema de los últimos años, al contrario, la lucha ha sido constante desde hace varios siglos en donde la que la comunidad, los Taytas y mamas son sus principales protagonistas. Las luchas de estos pueblos se traducen en diferentes aspectos tales como: evitar el rompimiento de los lazos comunitarios, mantener y/o recuperar sus formas de organización social, político y económico la cual está estrechamente vinculada al reconocimiento y recuperación de los territorios ancestrales, que han sido despojados, reducidos u ocupados en diferentes momentos y mediante variadas estrategias de colonización o de liquidación jurídica. En búsqueda de la reconstrucción del tejido comunitario, desarticulado por agresivos influjos externos, la comunidad de los Pastos ha emprendido un trabajo de memoria comunitaria que trata de reconstruir a través de la memoria oral la historia del territorio ancestral o lo que para nuestro trabajo denominaremos narrativas territoriales. Dicho trabajo ha contado con la colaboración de Taytas los cuales a través de sus relatos se ha podido reconstruir los hechos más importantes que han incidido en la configuración del territorio. Es esa la razón por la cual, hoy, queremos realizar este trabajo, y que con la ayuda de diferentes fuentes tanto orales como escritas, se pueda llevar a cabo un acercamiento a la reconstrucción de esa memoria histórica del territorio del pueblo de los Pastos, Resguardo de Cumbal poco visible hasta el momento, dándole en este caso un mayor valor a las narrativas de sus mismos pobladores, ya que la lucha territorial no solo es la lucha por un bien común sino es la recuperación de su misma historia, de su misma memoria, por eso lo denominaron claramente, que recuperar el territorio, era recuperarlo todo. La memoria de este pueblo se enfocara particularmente en las décadas de los 70´s, 80´s y 90´s en la que los pastos la han denominado la recuperación de la tierra, no sin antes hacer un breve recorrido histórico a partir de algunas las fuentes disponibles que datan de estos hechos en particular en el Departamento de Nariño, Pueblo de los Pastos, Resguardo de Cumbal, para contraponer al mismo tiempo la forma como ha sido relatada y como la relatan las mismas comunidades a partir de sus vivencias, y de sus cotidianidades: las narrativas territoriales. ; Project presented as a requirement to fulfill language homologation for students of the Tejiendo Interculturalidades program. The struggle of indigenous peoples for the conservation and recovery of their ancestral legacy is not the subject of recent years, on the contrary, the struggle has been constant for several centuries in which the community, the Taytas and Mamas are their main protagonists. The struggles of these peoples translate into different aspects such as: avoiding the breaking of community ties, maintaining and / or recovering their forms of social, political and economic organization, which is closely linked to the recognition and recovery of ancestral territories, which they have been dispossessed, reduced or occupied at different times and through various strategies of colonization or legal liquidation. In search of the reconstruction of the community fabric, disarticulated by aggressive external influences, the community of the Pastos has undertaken a work of community memory that tries to reconstruct through oral memory the history of the ancestral territory or what for our work we will call narratives territorial. This work has had the collaboration of Taytas, who through their stories have been able to reconstruct the most important events that have influenced the configuration of the territory. That is the reason why, today, we want to carry out this work, and that with the help of different sources, both oral and written, an approach can be carried out to the reconstruction of that historical memory of the territory of the town of Los Pastos, Resguardo de Cumbal little visible so far, giving in this case a greater value to the narratives of its own inhabitants, since the territorial struggle is not only the fight for a common good but it is the recovery of its own history, of its own memory, that is why they clearly called it, that to recover the territory, was to recover everything. The memory of this town will focus particularly on the decades of the 70's, 80's and 90's in which the pastures have called it the recovery of the land, but not before making a brief historical tour from some of the Available sources dating from these events in particular in the Department of Nariño, Pueblo de los Pastos, Resguardo de Cumbal, to contrast at the same time the way it has been related and how the same communities relate it from their experiences, and from their daily lives: territorial narratives.

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :국제대학원 국제학과(국제지역학전공),2019. 8. Sheen, Seong-Ho. ; 개발원조는 외교 정책을 수행하는 데 있어 중요한 도구 중 하나이므로 이는 공여국과 수원국의 국가이익, 외교전략 및 국가비전을 뚜렷하게 드러낸다. 동남아시아에서 미국과 중국의 원조 경쟁이 점점 치열해지고 있는 가운데, 점차 떠오르는 중국의 저우추취(走出去)전략에 있어, 미국은 공여국의 지배적인 위치를 점하지 못하고 있다. 동남아는 미국의 아시아 태평양 지역전략의 중추적인 위치에 놓여있고, 중국의 인접지역 이므로, 미 - 중의 경제와 안보에 밀접히 연관된 지역이다. 동남아시아의 지정학적 특성상 미 - 중 양국이 자신의 국가이익을 수호하고자 개발원조의 수단으로 지역 세력균형을 유지하기 위해 양국의 경쟁이 이 지역에서 펼쳐지고 있다. 본 논문은 캄보디아와 필리핀 두 지역을 사례로 아래의 두 연구 목적을 달성하고자 한다: 1) 21 세기에 중국과 미국이 캄보디아와 필리핀에 제공 한 개발원조에 초점을 맞추어, 성격이 다른 두 개의 개발원조 및 수원국의 반응의 유사점과 차이점을 비교하고자 한다. 2) 개발원조의 관점에서 캄보디아와 필리핀이 미국과 중국 사이에서 망설이는 이유를 설명하고자 한다. 물론, 캄보디아는 중국과 냉전이후부터 이어진 전통적 우호관계에 있는 국가이고, 필리핀은 미국의 동맹국으로서 아세안국가에서 가장 많은 군사적원조를 받고, 미국의 의제에 굳건히 따르는 나라이므로, 두 나라는 아세안 국가에서 서로 정반대의 입장을 취하고 있는 나라라고 할 수 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 21세기 초부터, 특히 중국이 '일대일로' 사업을 추진하고 난 후, 양국은 미국을 점차 멀리하고 중국의 개발원조에 관심을 갖기 시작했고, 이는 양국의 외교정책이 변화하고 있음을 시사한다. 개발원조를 기점으로, 동남아시아 지역의 세력균형이 변화되고 있는 모습을 발견할 수 있다. 본 논문은 공여국과 수원국의 시각에서 이 현상에 대해 설명하고자 하며, 이는 국가이익의 변동, 미 – 중이 제공하는 개발원조의 차이, 그리고 캄보디아와 필리핀의 국가 지도자 자체가 두 강대국에 대한 태도의 변화로 이어졌다고 주장하는 바이다. ; Foreign aid has always been one of the most important tools in implementing foreign policy, and offers a distinct perspective to observe one's national interests, foreign strategy and objective, either for the donors or the receivers. With China's rising and its implementation of going out policy, U.S. can no longer keep its position as the dominant donor around the world. Especially when we come to the area of Southeast Asia, one of the most important strategic region for U.S. as a pillar in Asia-Pacific and for China as key neighborhood both in economic and security, the competition of foreign aid has become much more intense in order to achieve one's own national interests as well as trip each other in balancing of power. This article selects Cambodia and the Philippines as two targeting cases, trying to achieve two purposes, 1) focus on the foreign aid provided by China and the United States to Cambodia and the Philippines in the 21st century, trying to compare the similarities and differences between the two-different kind of foreign aid and the responses of recipient countries; 2) explain Cambodia and Philippine's swing between U.S. and China through the perspective of foreign aid. Cambodia has been a traditional ally of China since the Cold War, while the Philippines act as the traditional security ally of the United States who receive the most U.S. military assistance in ASEAN and always been firmly following the U.S. in the international agenda. Through the whole research, although Cambodia and the Philippines can be two different types of country representing ASEAN in playing between U.S. and China, as they always show opposite stands towards China and U.S. in ASEAN, however, since the beginning of the 21st century, especially since China proposed the Belt and Road Initiative policy, both the two countries show a tendency to drift apart from the United States but approach China in terms of foreign aid, which can be seen as a symptom for their changes of foreign policy. Taking foreign aid as an entry point, we can see the direction of power balancing changes in the southeast Asia region. This article tries to explain this interesting phenomenon through both of the perspective of the donors and the recipients. I argue that it is the national interest changes, the different features between the foreign aid offered by China and U.S., as well as the national leader themselves led to their different attitudes towards two great powers. ; Chapter I Introduction 2 1. Background of the study 2 2. Literature review 5 3. Methodology 9 Chapter II The Foreign Aid from U.S. and China 12 1. Definition of foreign aid 12 2. Comparison between U.S. and China offering foreign aid 16 3. The history of foreign aid in ASEAN from U.S. 21 4. The history of foreign aid in ASEAN from China 26 Chapter III Foreign Aid to Cambodia since 21th Century 29 1. Change of foreign aid from U.S. and China 29 2. Comparison of foreign aid between U.S. and China 31 3. Cambodias changing attitudes between U.S. and China 40 Chapter IV Foreign Aid to the Philippines since 21th Century 45 1. Change of foreign aid from U.S. and China 45 2. Comparison of foreign aid between U.S. and China 47 3. The Philippines changing attitudes between U.S. and China 53 Chapter V Conclusion 58 Bibliography 61 ; Master

Historical maps, like other thematic maps, have their specifics that need to be taken into account when preparing them. A historical map is compiled by a cartographer and a historian. These are professionals with different education (humanistic and technical) and different approaches to work. This results in different authors' trains of thoughts, which may be a source of mistakes in upcoming historical maps. Hidden errors that none of the experts thinks about because they do not know about them or because they seem to be irrelevant in their point of view, are especially serious. The objective of the article is to present the most common unknown unknowns in the preparation of historical maps which the authors acquired during the design of the Academic Atlas of Czech History, the Czech Historical Atlas and other historical maps. Incorrectly portrayed historical boundaries is the first type of error. If the main topic of a map are historical boundaries in particular, i.e. a political or administrative map is designed, the historian specializing in political affairs usually prepares the documents for the cartographer with great care. But if the historian asks for displaying historical boundaries only as support information for the map readers (e.g. for a migration map), they only specify a general requirement (e.g. borders up to 1938). Sometimes, they also provide a background map with these boundaries, which, however, is often in a too small scale. The cartographer, who is inexperienced in the creation of historical maps, then adopts the underlying map uncritically without asking or searching for more detailed sources (larger scale maps, text description of the boundaries) on their own. Also, the cartographer usually does not have deep knowledge of historical development. Then, the cartographer might miss some territorial change, which leads to omissions in the map. Alternatively, a certain part of the border is depicted to a wrong date. The historian does not alert the cartographer to the error because they consider (from their point of view) this small border deviation to be within the limit of the map language. Or, they have no idea what can be considered generalization for the given map scale and what goes beyond that. For historians, in general, the map is rather an illustration complementing their relevant text. The historian also often does not distinguish maps according to their positional accuracy (i.e. it is generally true that a map with a topographic background, harmonized with thematic elements, is more reliable than a map in the form of "colour spots") and it is sufficient for them if a phenomenon or a territory is described in the legend or in the text accompanying the map (written view). Therefore, the cartographer must notify the historian of inappropriate background sources and ask for better quality ones. The historian often demands in good faith that the upcoming map will capture several historical boundaries of different years. However, the cartographer must verify each partial state, harmonize it with other boundaries and water features and solve different levels of generalization of the data sources. As the number of boundaries increases, the map key is becoming more complicated (issues of colour and map sign structure resolution, border line overlaps). This leads to a substantial increase in the time needed for the preparation of the map. In addition, more information (boundaries) degrades the readability of the map and the map user may not be able to understand it correctly despite the hard work on the cartographer's part. In these cases, it is advisable to explain patiently the principle that less is more or, if there is no other way, divide a complex subject into multiple maps. The way how to write names of sites and locations (settlements) can also be an unknown unknown for both parties. There are usually no problems with current names of settlements based on the Latin script. More difficult, but manageable, is to agree on a system of romanization of non-Latin-script names (e.g. Arabic to Czech). A problem arises in historical maps. The historian and the cartographer should, after mutual discussion, find out whether they will use current names, historical names or common exonyms. Should historical names be used, it is necessary to determine what system of romanization will be used – whether from the official language for a given place and epoch or otherwise. In the case of the preparation of an atlas, it is necessary to enforce that the proposed system will be used by all authors to ensure the uniformity of the work. The cartographer must also consider the technical limitations of computer fonts, which rarely contain all required glyphs for proper romanization. The examples of unknown unknowns in historical maps preparation show that the ideal state would be if the mapmaker graduated from both cartography and the appropriate discipline of history or historical geography. However, in Czechia, there is insufficient demand for historical maps so that such an expert could hardly make a living off making historical maps only. Thus, cooperation of historians and cartographers is crucial. Communication, mutual learning, high-quality sources for maps and the willingness to discuss the upcoming map with other experts are the key prerequisites to success in eliminating errors. Enough time to prepare maps is another essential precondition.

The Regional History Project at UC Santa Cruz has rich collections of interviews with generations of narrators, ranging across the administration, faculty, and staff. In the early years of the campus, founding director Elizabeth Spedding Calciano conducted two rounds of interviews focused on the student experience at what was then the newest campus of the University of California. Those interviews, conducted in 1967 and 1969 as the campus was still adding a new college every year, give a window into the original UCSC experiment, and into a time of sociocultural transformation as students responded to the Vietnam War and other social justice issues of the time. While the Project's archive includes various individual interviews with students conducted in the intervening years, in 2016 a decision was made by director Irene Reti to launch a follow-up endeavor focused specifically on the student perspective at UCSC today. The ensuing project, Student Interviews: 50 Years Later, consists of fourteen interviews conducted in April and October 2017 in a conference room the McHenry Library. In many ways, it was a very different endeavor from the original Student Interviews. At the beginning of 1967, there were only two colleges at UCSC; in 2017, there were ten, and the student population had boomed exponentially from less than 1,000 to more than 18,000. UCSC has grown into a major research university, offering more than sixty undergraduate majors and dozens of graduate programs across the divisions. In selecting students, there were new challenges of scale, and the challenge of finding a scope of voices that could speak to meaningfully different and diverse experiences on campus became a project in itself. However, while many things have changed at UCSC, this was a venture of continuities as well. Like the original Student Interviews, we accepted from the beginning that it was neither possible nor desirable to strive for a group that could fully represent the student story at UCSC. In addition to that story being far too plural and varied, we know that surprise and singularity are as much an element in oral history work as trends and commonalities. This is a gathering of unique and powerful life histories. That said, we did seek a group that could illustrate distinct points along the range of student experience here. Taking our cue from the '67 and '69 interviews, we contacted the provost of each college for recommendations, compiling a long list that we narrowed down to our final candidates. We also reached out to the directors of the resource centers, EOP, the graduate division, and selected student organizations. As a result, all ten colleges are represented here, as are many resource centers. While the group is mostly undergraduates, we do have graduate students as well. We also made certain that we had majors from all divisions, and strove for an intersectionally diverse and dynamic group, exploring relationships to place and space through the lens of racial and ethnic identity, sexuality, gender, class, and other markers of social difference. For 50 Years Later, this task was baked into our larger exploration of our narrators' academic and extracurricular work at UCSC, as well as their life histories, inspirations, struggles, and aspirations. One notable bias of our selection process is that, since we largely relied on faculty and staff recommendations, we tended to locate students that were exceptionally involved in their residential or academic communities, and were therefore especially visible to their recommenders. There are, of course, many other students who choose different spheres of involvement, or who, especially in the context of a growing research university, may simply not find the same recognition. For those who are struck by the thoughtfulness, eloquence, and importance of the stories included in this compendium, it is our hope that this reading can be the beginning of a greater curiosity and connection with the breadth of the student experience at UCSC. These are voices that need to be heard more widely and more clearly when it comes to the present and future of this campus. An unexpected parallel between the '67 and '69 student interviews and this new '17 project came through the rise of political awareness, activism, and debate at UCSC in the aftermath of the election of Donald Trump. The Sixties interviews took place in the Johnson and Nixon presidencies, a time when many students here were asking pointed questions about the priorities of their school, the Vietnam War, the nature of their education, and the future of justice in their society. These themes return in our 2017 interviews, as students share their life journeys of coming to this campus, their work finding a place here—more than one narrator describes our campus as a "PWI [predominantly white institution]"—and their hopes for how their UCSC education can shape their opportunities and outlook going forward. While some of their stories are particular to certain colleges or majors, many shine a light on deeper issues about this campus, including who is welcome here, how students adapt and make their way in their education, and what debates, dialogues, and differences mark the institution today. These are stories of community, stories of creativity, and stories of critique alike.

En la actualidad subsisten pocas bandas, tanto civiles como militares, pero a cambio tienen un excelente nivel de ejecución, del que la Música de la Guardia Real es paradigma, por eso se ha utilizado la programación de ésta para realizar este estudio científico. Las programaciones de la Música de la Guardia Real, son un excelente ejemplo para otras agrupaciones musicales; razón por la cual se podrán basar conocimientos de programación sobre esta dilatada recopilación./nEn su historia, la Música de la Guardia Real, antigua de Alabarderos ha tenido más de quince directores que en el transcurso de los años, han programado infinidad de conciertos. En este estudio sobre la programación de esta agrupación musical, solo hemos abarcado los conciertos programados por tres de los directores que estuvieron al frente en esta unidad entre 1973 y 2010. Estos programas han sido analizados, según su año de publicación, el género musical al que pertenece cada pieza, la naturaleza del evento, si fue un concierto militar o cívico-militar, si tuvo repercusión internacional o solo nacional y en qué ciudad tuvo lugar, además de una pequeña síntesis de cuáles fueron las piezas más interpretadas en cada periodo. ; /nDurante este tiempo, una nueva generación de grandes directores que comenzó con José López Calvo (1973-1988), seguido de Francisco Grau Vegara (1988-2008) y Antonio Sendra Cebolla (2008-2010), supieron llevar a buen término el desarrollo del arte musical, llegando a ser protagonistas principales de la vida musical en Madrid. Manteniendo las tradiciones de los Relevos de Palacio, actos protocolarios, desfiles, ciclos de conciertos, giras y demás actividades que tanta labor socio-cultural desarrollaron. Estos directores han sabido elevar al lugar que se merece la música de la Guardia Real, adaptándose a los tiempos que corren y cambiando el repertorio de nuestra banda sinfónica que antiguamente se basaba en transcripciones de orquesta, pasando a interpretar composiciones originales para banda, lo cual da unas sonoridades de planos sonoros mucho más logrados. Estos compositores-directores que han estado al frente de la agrupación, tal y como podemos observar en los programas de mano de los conciertos cívico-militares que hemos recogido y analizado, han compaginado la dirección con la composición, estrenando diferentes obras con esta agrupación. Esta Música siempre ha sido un referente para todos los directores militares que han deseado llegar algún día a ser director de esta prestigiosa banda y también es una imagen a seguir por bandas civiles, pues en la historia de España siempre ha sido una representación extraordinaria. ; Currently there are few bands, both civilian and military, but in return they have an excellent level of execution, of which the Music of the Royal Guard is a paradigm, that is why the program has been used to carry out this scientific study. The schedules of the Music of the Royal Guard, are an excellent example for other musical groups; which is why you can base programming knowledge on this extensive compilation./nIn its history, the Music of the Royal Guard, formerly of Alabarderos, has had more than fifteen directors who, over the years, have programmed countless concerts. In this study on the programming of this musical group, we have only covered the concerts programmed by three of the directors who were at the front in this unit between 1973 and 2010. These programs have been analyzed, according to their year of publication, the musical genre to which each piece belongs, the nature of the event, whether it was a military or civic-military concert, whether it had international or only national impact and in what city it took place, besides a brief synthesis of which were the most interpreted pieces in each period. ; /nDuring this time, a new generation of great directors those began with José López Calvo (1973-1988), followed by Francisco Grau Vegara (1988-2008) and Antonio Sendra Cebolla (2008-2010), and were able to successfully complete the development of the musical art, becoming the main protagonists of musical life in Madrid. Keeping the following traditions; relays of the Palace, ceremonial events, parades, concert cycles, tours and other activities that so much socio-cultural work developed. These directors have managed to raise to the place that deserves the music of the Royal Guard, adapting to the times and changing the repertoire of our symphonic band that was formerly based on orchestral transcriptions, going on to perform original compositions for the band, which gives sonorities sound planes much more successful. These composers-directors who have been at the head of the group, as we can see in the hand programs of the civic-military concerts that we have collected and analyzed, have combined the direction with the composition, premiering different works with this group. This music has always been a reference for all military directors who have wished to one day become director of this prestigious band and is also an image to be followed by civilian bands, because in the history of Spain has always been an extraordinary. ; /n