Suchergebnisse

By way of a chronological analysis of the essays of Christa Wolf -one of the best known authors from socialist Germany since the 60s until now- and of her diaries, this thesis goes in pursuit of the main matters of reflection of the author related to the reality in the Democratic Republic of Germany. It particularly points at those that directly deal with the role of intellectuals and women in society and with the changes that she experienced in her own political engagement as the government position became more and more radical, especially during and after German Reunification. Four narrations, quite different in time and subject, have been selected to verify the reflection of these themes in her literary work, as well as their evolution in time. The analysis and commentary of the essays, diaries and narrations shape the four central chapters of the thesis, which takes them as a source of information in order to define the particular search of an alternative option in front of reality. As hypothesis, it is assumed that this search is defined by the criticism to dualism originated by inherited extreme rationalist mentality, and it is based on the language as its main manipulating instrument. The verification of this hypothesis confirms the work of Wolf as an example of coherence and it reflects a constant effort to assimilate life and literature with a deep pacifist and conciliating will. ; Mitjançant una anàlisi cronològica de l'obra assagística de Christa Wolf -una de les autores més reconegudes de l'Alemanya socialista des del final dels anys 60 fins avui- i dels seus diaris, aquesta tesi presenta un seguiment dels principals punts de reflexió de l'autora pel que fa a diversos conceptes lligats a la realitat de la República Democràtica Alemanya, especialment els que fan referència al paper de l'intel·lectual i de la dona i als canvis experimentats en el seu propi compromís polític, a mesura que la postura oficial del govern s'anava radicalitzant i, especialment, durant i després de la reunificació. Per comprovar el reflex d'aquests temes en la seva obra, així com la seva evolució, s'han escollit quatre relats separats en el temps i alhora significatius quant a temàtica. L'anàlisi i comentari dels textos assagístics i literaris conformen els quatre capítols centrals de la tesi, que els pren com a font d'informació per definir la particular recerca d'una opció alternativa davant la realitat. Es parteix de la hipòtesi que aquesta recerca ve definida per una crítica al dualisme originat per una mentalitat racionalista radical, i té en el llenguatge el seu principal instrument manipulador. La comprovació d'aquesta hipòtesi ve a confirmar l'obra de Wolf com a exemple de coherència i reflexa un esforç constant per assimilar vida i literatura amb un marcat tarannà pacifista i conciliador.

Internet as a new form of communication emerged in the sixties (1969) when the idea of connecting computers into one network spread across the world. While accommodating and processing tremendous information flows Internet raised discussions whether the integration of many texts and voices into its space leads to anarchic or to democratic communication form. German philosopher J. Habermas laid the foundations for the Theory of Publicity's Structural Transformation. When new communication forms emerged it was attempted to apply the model of ideal publicity to the Internet as a means of mass media which can restore the situation of the ideal language and the discussion among different layers of society. The relevance of the topic of this work is based on the attempt to analyze the properties of Internet and to attribute them to the public sphere. Now when it is considered that public spheres are disappearing from our lives it is very important to research the possibilities of Internet and its application to public interests of society. Object of this work – Internet as a public sphere arena. The main problem of this work – specificity of Internet, difficulty in meeting the conditions for the existence of public sphere model. The aim of this work – to uncover the specific features of Internet and its differences from traditional mass media, and to analyze how much Internet matches or does not match the ideal model of public sphere. The main tasks in this work: to analyze Internet in the context of J. Habermas' theory of public sphere; to evaluate Internet as a public sphere arena; to generalize and present the features of Internet users' behavior; to compare Internet to other means of mass media. The hypothesis: Internet meets the preconditions for the existence of the public sphere and stimulates rational discussions. The method of the research carried out: quantitative and qualitative content analysis. Building on the analysis of scientific resources it was concluded that Internet cannot meet all the conditions for the existence of public sphere described by J. Habermas because of its specificity. But contrary to the traditional mass media Internet provides society with the opportunity to freely express its opinions, to react to political events. The research carried out revealed that while discussing in the Internet portal Delfi participants do not start reasonable, rational discussion that would match the rational discussion and ideal language described by J. Habermas and this does not satisfy all the conditions for the existence of public sphere. The hypothesis was improved after analyzing discussion participants' respect and attitude toward others' opinions, respect toward politicians, furtherance of the discussion through questions and answers, striving to reach consensus and stimulation of action. This master's degree paper may be interesting for the teachers and students in the field of communication.

The present thesis, rooted in the history of cultural relations between Europe and Latin America, analyses the concept of Spanish-America as it emerged in Spain in 1892 at the time of the 4th centenary of the discovery of America. Seventy years after its colonial empire had collapsed, in the shadow of the 1st Pan-American Conference (1889-90) in Washington and the 1893 Chicago World's Fair, which proclaimed the United States' dominance over the American continent, Spain organised a celebration intended to revitalise the ties of a transatlantic Spanish-American community founded on a shared language, history and cultural heritage. Officialdom and the professional middle classes joined forces to mount a commemoration that was a kind of quest for an image lost in a mirror, the reflections of which, scattered throughout a series of nationwide ceremonies, congresses and exhibitions, seem to express the mood of a nation seeking to retrieve the feeling of its own existence. Through the looking glass, the Latin American republics were by then in search of international alliances. Their political independence seemed solidly established, but the conquest of genuine cultural independence was still for them at an embryonic stage, requiring a rethinking of their Spanish heritage. In this context of an unprecedented confluence of generations arose the cultural confrontation this study seeks to highlight, disclosing the convergence feeding into the 1892 Spanish-American debate, the real and speculative extensions of which still to this day pervade relations between Spain and Latin America. ; Ancrée dans l'histoire des relations culturelles entre l'Europe et l'Amérique Latine, cette thèse analyse le discours hispano-américaniste qui apparaît en Espagne en 1892 au moment du IVe Centenaire de la découverte de l'Amérique. Soixante-dix ans après l'effondrement de son empire colonial, et alors que la Conférence Panaméricaine de Washington (1889-90) et l'Exposition Universelle de Chicago (1893) scellent déjà la prépondérance des Etats-Unis sur le continent américain, l'Espagne organise une célébration pour raviver les liens d'une communauté hispano-américaine transatlantique fondée sur une langue, une histoire et des traditions culturelles partagées. Orchestrée par les milieux officiels et la bourgeoisie professionnelle, cette commémoration s'apparente à la quête d'une image perdue dans un miroir dont les reflets dispersés au cours des cérémonies, congrès et expositions organisés dans le pays, semblent traduire l'état d'âme d'une nation qui voudrait se redonner la conscience d'exister. De l'autre côté du miroir les républiques latino-américaines recherchent désormais de nouvelles alliances internationales. Mais tandis que leur émancipation politique semble définitivement acquise, la conquête de l'autonomie culturelle constitue encore pour ces pays une démarche embryonnaire qui implique une redéfinition de l'héritage hispanique. C'est dans le cadre d'une confluence générationnelle inédite que se produit la confrontation culturelle que ce travail met en évidence, en révélant la convergence qui alimente le débat hispano-américaniste de 1892 et dont les prolongements réels et spéculatifs imprègnent encore aujourd'hui les relations entre l'Espagne et l'Amérique latine.

The racially-constituted workplaces of South Africa under apartheid have been identified as obstacles to better industrial performance since the mid-1990s. The Department of Trade and Industry's 2003 strategy identifies 'Black Economic Empowerment' (BEE) as being broadbased, inclusive, and part of a sustainable long-term growth and development strategy. In this, it is consistent with the 2001 Black Economic Empowerment Commission report, the ANC 2002 conference resolution and ultimately the ANC's Reconstruction and Development Programme of 1994. This paper uses firm-level information in the metals & engineering industries to examine the actual nature and extent of BEE across the dimensions of ownership, procurement, employment equity and training. Its aim is to examine the relationships between BEE concepts and provisions and the responses that firms took in practice. Direct pressure for BEE in metals & engineering firms arises from legislation and regulatory provisions governing employment equity, skills development and procurement. It also follows from procurement provisions applying to large companies that buy from metals & engineering firms, such as mining conglomerates and State-Owned Enterprises (e.g. Eskom and Transnet). This is a revised version of a paper presented at the workshop 'To BEE or not to BEE: South Africa's Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), Corporate Governance and the State in the South', at the Danish Institute for International Studies Copenhagen, 25-26 June, 2006. We thank all the attendees at the workshop for comments and suggestions. We gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Foundation, and the involvement of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa in the research process. We thank Ganief Bardien and Neo Chabane for their collaboration in the research on which this paper is based. The study would also not have been possible without the participation of the 25 firms interviewed.The Independence of Namibia came about in 1990 as the result of a negotiated decolonisation process. The controlled change implied a perpetuation of the existing socio-economic inequalities under the former liberation movement as the new government. The country's constitution endorsed the status quo in terms of property rights. Ever since then Namibia has remained the country with the highest income discrepancies in the world. In the absence of any coherent socio-economic redistributive measures for the formerly colonised majority, strategies such as affirmative action and Black Economic Empowerment have claimed to uplift the previously disadvantaged groups. The paper shows, that this has so far resulted merely in a slight diversification of the local class structure, with the new political office bearers and its clientele as the beneficiaries. They secure material privileges and individual gains by means of access to the state apparatus and control over resources, while the majority of the people remain poor. Consequently, Namibia's BEE so far translates merely into a classbased interest policy to legitimise the (self-)enrichment of a new small black elite.

Internet as a new form of communication emerged in the sixties (1969) when the idea of connecting computers into one network spread across the world. While accommodating and processing tremendous information flows Internet raised discussions whether the integration of many texts and voices into its space leads to anarchic or to democratic communication form. German philosopher J. Habermas laid the foundations for the Theory of Publicity's Structural Transformation. When new communication forms emerged it was attempted to apply the model of ideal publicity to the Internet as a means of mass media which can restore the situation of the ideal language and the discussion among different layers of society. The relevance of the topic of this work is based on the attempt to analyze the properties of Internet and to attribute them to the public sphere. Now when it is considered that public spheres are disappearing from our lives it is very important to research the possibilities of Internet and its application to public interests of society. Object of this work – Internet as a public sphere arena. The main problem of this work – specificity of Internet, difficulty in meeting the conditions for the existence of public sphere model. The aim of this work – to uncover the specific features of Internet and its differences from traditional mass media, and to analyze how much Internet matches or does not match the ideal model of public sphere. The main tasks in this work: to analyze Internet in the context of J. Habermas' theory of public sphere; to evaluate Internet as a public sphere arena; to generalize and present the features of Internet users' behavior; to compare Internet to other means of mass media. The hypothesis: Internet meets the preconditions for the existence of the public sphere and stimulates rational discussions. The method of the research carried out: quantitative and qualitative content analysis. Building on the analysis of scientific resources it was concluded that Internet cannot meet all the conditions for the existence of public sphere described by J. Habermas because of its specificity. But contrary to the traditional mass media Internet provides society with the opportunity to freely express its opinions, to react to political events. The research carried out revealed that while discussing in the Internet portal Delfi participants do not start reasonable, rational discussion that would match the rational discussion and ideal language described by J. Habermas and this does not satisfy all the conditions for the existence of public sphere. The hypothesis was improved after analyzing discussion participants' respect and attitude toward others' opinions, respect toward politicians, furtherance of the discussion through questions and answers, striving to reach consensus and stimulation of action. This master's degree paper may be interesting for the teachers and students in the field of communication.

Internet as a new form of communication emerged in the sixties (1969) when the idea of connecting computers into one network spread across the world. While accommodating and processing tremendous information flows Internet raised discussions whether the integration of many texts and voices into its space leads to anarchic or to democratic communication form. German philosopher J. Habermas laid the foundations for the Theory of Publicity's Structural Transformation. When new communication forms emerged it was attempted to apply the model of ideal publicity to the Internet as a means of mass media which can restore the situation of the ideal language and the discussion among different layers of society. The relevance of the topic of this work is based on the attempt to analyze the properties of Internet and to attribute them to the public sphere. Now when it is considered that public spheres are disappearing from our lives it is very important to research the possibilities of Internet and its application to public interests of society. Object of this work – Internet as a public sphere arena. The main problem of this work – specificity of Internet, difficulty in meeting the conditions for the existence of public sphere model. The aim of this work – to uncover the specific features of Internet and its differences from traditional mass media, and to analyze how much Internet matches or does not match the ideal model of public sphere. The main tasks in this work: to analyze Internet in the context of J. Habermas' theory of public sphere; to evaluate Internet as a public sphere arena; to generalize and present the features of Internet users' behavior; to compare Internet to other means of mass media. The hypothesis: Internet meets the preconditions for the existence of the public sphere and stimulates rational discussions. The method of the research carried out: quantitative and qualitative content analysis. Building on the analysis of scientific resources it was concluded that Internet cannot meet all the conditions for the existence of public sphere described by J. Habermas because of its specificity. But contrary to the traditional mass media Internet provides society with the opportunity to freely express its opinions, to react to political events. The research carried out revealed that while discussing in the Internet portal Delfi participants do not start reasonable, rational discussion that would match the rational discussion and ideal language described by J. Habermas and this does not satisfy all the conditions for the existence of public sphere. The hypothesis was improved after analyzing discussion participants' respect and attitude toward others' opinions, respect toward politicians, furtherance of the discussion through questions and answers, striving to reach consensus and stimulation of action. This master's degree paper may be interesting for the teachers and students in the field of communication.

[ES] Este libro constituye una visión general interpretativa sobre el desarrollo de las comunidades protohistóricas del Noroeste de Iberia. Parte de fines del segundo milenio a.C. y llega hasta los inicios de la ocupación romana del área (s. I-II d.C.). El trabajo se centra en la organización social y política y plantea cuestiones acerca de cómo el poder se crea, mantiene y transforma a lo largo del tiempo. Se tienen en cuenta tanto las largas duraciones como el tiempo diario para comprender la experiencia social. Por otro lado, se ha realizado un intento de recoger, clasificar y hacer históricamente comprensible una enorme y considerablemente desorganizado elenco de datos. No se había realizado un trabajo tan comprensivo desde el libro, actualmente desfasado, de López Cuevillas (1953), basado en datos recogidos 20 años antes. Además, la teoría social, generalmente ausente en investigaciones anteriores, constituye aquí un elemento fundamental que guía la recogida, organización e interpretación de los datos. Finalmente, frente al trabajo realizado hasta la fecha, se propone un panorama más complejo y fragmentado para el Noroeste en la Protohistoria. No se puede seguir manteniendo la existencia de una sola y única "Cultura Castreña", sino que es necesario tener en cuenta una diversidad de sociedades, rasgos culturales e influencias. Dicha diversidad se materializa en el espacio y en el tiempo a lo largo del primer milenio a.C. ; [EN] This book is an interpretative overview of the development of the late prehistoric communities of NW Iberia. It studies the period comprised between the end of the second millennium BC until the beginnings of the Roman occupation of the area (1st-2nd centuries AD). The work focuses on social and political organization, raising questions about how power is created, maintained and transformed through time. Both longués durées and daily time are taken into account in order to understand social experience. On the other hand, an attempt has been made to collect, classify and interpret a large and mostly disorganized amount of data. No other such wide-ranging work has ever been done in the area since the outdated work of López Cuevillas (1953) based on materials gathered 20 years before. Besides, social theory, which has been generally absent in previous accounts, is given here a prominent place in order to make sense of the archaeological record. Finally, as opposed to the work done so far, a more complex and fragmented panorama is proposed for the NW of Iberia in the Late Prehistory. The existence of a single and unique "Cultura Castreña" –sometimes translated as Hillfort Culture or Castro Culture- can no longer be sustained. A diversity of societies, cultural features and influences is proposed instead. This diversity is materialized both in time and space throughout the 1st millennium BC.

Diez años después del lanzamiento de la estrategia de la UE para América Latina de 1995, las relaciones entre ambas regiones están estancadas y requieren cambios para adaptarla a la nueva situación que viven ambas regiones tras el 11-S. América Latina parece perder peso como socio de una UE que afronta las exigencias de la ampliación y la política de vecindad, la crisis institucional, y las dificultades para mantener el "modelo social" europeo. América Latina atraviesa un periodo de cambios políticos y económicos, de crisis de sus organizaciones de integración regional, aparecen nuevos liderazgos, y enfrenta difíciles dilemas entre una vinculación más estrecha con Estados Unidos, o el nuevo proyecto de Comunidad Sudamericana de Naciones. En este escenario, este documento de política propone cuatro objetivos básicos de la asociación birregional: a) desarrollo y cohesión social; b) autonomía internacional, regionalismo e integración de América Latina; c) la proyección exterior de la UE en América Latina, y; d) el fortalecimiento estratégico de la asociación. Estas propuestas se basan en el estudio "Perspectivas de las relaciones Unión Europea-América Latina. Hacia una nueva estrategia", encargado por la Dirección General de Relaciones Exteriores de la Comisión Europea al Instituto Complutense de Estudios Internacionales (ICEI), y parten del análisis realizado por un equipo de 24 especialistas de las dos regiones; y en las percepciones recogidas en más de 250 entrevistas a personas relevantes tanto de América como de Europa. ABSTRACT: Ten years after the launching in 1995 of the EU's strategy for Latin America, the relations between both regions are stalled and it demands changes in order to be adapted to the new situation that influence both regions. Latin America seems to be losing relevance in a partner of a EU that is facing the challenges of enlargement, constitutional crisis, and the neighbour policy. Latin America is crossing a phase of political and economic change and crisis in his schemes of regional integration. New leaderships are emerging, and difficult choices shell be made between a closer relationship with the United States or the new project of the South American Community of Nations. In this scenario, this policy paper suggest four main goals for the EU-Latin America partnership: a) development and social cohesion; b) international autonomy, regionalism and integration for Latin America; c) EU's presence in Latin America; and d) the strengthening of the strategic partnership. These proposals are based on the study "Latin America-study on Relations between the EU and Latin America: New perspectives", commissioned by the DG-Relex (External Relations) of the European Commission to the Complutense Institute for International Studies. It derived of the research carried out by a team of 24 scholars of both regions, and the views expressed in 260 interviews with European and American relevant individuals.

España Republicana fue el órgano de prensa del Centro Republicano Español de Buenos Aires que, entre 1918 y 1964, resultó un medio esencial para la comunicación de las noticias de España en materia política, cultural, económica y social. Además de constituir un ámbito de información, dio lugar al diálogo entre entidades españolas de la Argentina y sirvió como vehículo a la hora de reunir material de ayuda en los momentos más duros de la Guerra Civil y de la posguerra. En sus páginas, las personalidades más destacadas de la II República aparecen como protagonistas, con sus alocuciones citadas en discurso directo, en plena toma de decisiones y, muchas veces, como firmantes de colaboraciones dedicadas en exclusiva a ser publicadas en el periódico. Dada la importante función que cumplió España Republicana durante la Guerra Civil, hemos creído útil dar a conocer en este número mono-gráfico los detalles de un trabajo que formó parte de un amplio proyecto de investigación de archivos que desarrolla el Ministerio de Cultura español, en colaboración con la Fundación "Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz". En síntesis, la tarea consistió en la microfilmación y elaboración de un índice comentado de cada uno de los más de mil números disponibles de la publicación, con un detallado registro de contenidos, onomásticos e instituciones, entre otros aspectos considerados, a fin de facilitar a los investigadores de todo el mundo la localización de los datos de su interés. ; España Republicana was the organ of press of the Centro Republicano Español de Buenos Aires that, between 1918 and 1964, was essential means for the communication from the news of Spain in political, cultural, economic and social matters. In addition to constitute a scope of information, it gave rise to the dialogue between Spanish organizations of Argentina and it served like vehicle at the time of reuniting material of aid at the hardest moments of the Civil War and the postwar period. In its pages, the most outstanding personalities of the Republic appear like protagonists, mentioned in direct speech, in the heat of decision making and, often, like signers of collaborations dedicated in exclusive right to be published in the newspaper. Given the important as that España Republicana acted during the Civil War, we have believed useful to present in this monographic number the details of a work that comprised of an ample project of investigation of archives that it develops the Spanish Ministry of Culture, in collaboration with the Foundation "Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz". In synthesis, the task consisted of the microshooting and elaboration of an index commented of each one of more than thousand numbers available of the publication, with a detailed registry of contents, names and institutions, among other considered aspects, in order to facilitate to the investigators worldwide the location of the data of its interest. ; Centro de Estudios de Teoría y Crítica Literaria

El objetivo del presente trabajo es determinar la contribución del proceso de descentralización de la última década al avance en los indicadores de acceso a los servicios sociales. La descentralización aumentó las competencias y los recursos de los municipios para la prestación de servicios sociales de educación, salud y agua potable y alcantarillado. Se parte del principio que los dirigentes locales tienen más conocimiento de las necesidades de servicios sociales de la población, y por consiguiente, pueden asignar los recursos fiscales de forma tal que reflejen esas necesidades. No obstante lo anterior, el desempeño en la prestación y aumentos en cobertura en los servicios sociales difiere dramáticamente entre municipios, a pesar de que el marco legal sea idéntico. El origen de esas diferencias es múltiples: recursos, capacidad fiscal, capacidad técnica, participación política, conflicto interno, etc. El trabajo encuentra que -en adición al monto de los recursos- el esfuerzo propio como proporción del gasto total es la variable que tiene el mayor efecto en el aumento de las coberturas educativas y de salud. Por su parte, las transferencias a los municipios como proporción del gasto tienen efecto nulo o negativo en el aumento de las coberturas. El trabajo elabora un conjunto de tipologías municipales basadas en las variables asociadas al desempeño en la provisión de servicios sociales y señala un conjunto de recomendaciones para la futura reforma del Sistema General de Participaciones que es el marco vigente de transferencias intergubernamentales. ; This paper intends to determine the impact of the decentralization policies of the last ten years to the growth of access to social services. The recent decentralization process increased the responsibilities and resources of the municipalities for the provision of social services such as education, health, potable water and sewage. According to the decentralization theory local leaders know better the social services needs of the local population and allocate fiscal resources according with those needs. Nevertheless the performance in the provision of social services differs a great deal between municipalities in spite of they are ruled by the same legal framework. The source of such differences comes from monetary resources, fiscal strength, technical capacity, political participation, domestic conflict, etc. This work finds that -in addition to the amount of monetary resources- municipalities' own resources as proportion of total spending is the variable that has the greatest impact on the expansion of education enrollment and health coverage. Besides, transfers to municipalities as proportion of spending have null or negative impact on social services provision. The paper proposes a set of municipal typologies based on the variables associated with performance in the provision of social services and discusses recommendations for the future reform of the current Colombian system of intergovernmental transfers.

España Republicana fue el órgano de prensa del Centro Republicano Español de Buenos Aires que, entre 1918 y 1964, resultó un medio esencial para la comunicación de las noticias de España en materia política, cultural, económica y social. Además de constituir un ámbito de información, dio lugar al diálogo entre entidades españolas de la Argentina y sirvió como vehículo a la hora de reunir material de ayuda en los momentos más duros de la Guerra Civil y de la posguerra. En sus páginas, las personalidades más destacadas de la II República aparecen como protagonistas, con sus alocuciones citadas en discurso directo, en plena toma de decisiones y, muchas veces, como firmantes de colaboraciones dedicadas en exclusiva a ser publicadas en el periódico. Dada la importante función que cumplió España Republicana durante la Guerra Civil, hemos creído útil dar a conocer en este número mono-gráfico los detalles de un trabajo que formó parte de un amplio proyecto de investigación de archivos que desarrolla el Ministerio de Cultura español, en colaboración con la Fundación "Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz". En síntesis, la tarea consistió en la microfilmación y elaboración de un índice comentado de cada uno de los más de mil números disponibles de la publicación, con un detallado registro de contenidos, onomásticos e instituciones, entre otros aspectos considerados, a fin de facilitar a los investigadores de todo el mundo la localización de los datos de su interés. ; España Republicana was the organ of press of the Centro Republicano Español de Buenos Aires that, between 1918 and 1964, was essential means for the communication from the news of Spain in political, cultural, economic and social matters. In addition to constitute a scope of information, it gave rise to the dialogue between Spanish organizations of Argentina and it served like vehicle at the time of reuniting material of aid at the hardest moments of the Civil War and the postwar period. In its pages, the most outstanding personalities of the Republic appear like protagonists, mentioned in direct speech, in the heat of decision making and, often, like signers of collaborations dedicated in exclusive right to be published in the newspaper. Given the important as that España Republicana acted during the Civil War, we have believed useful to present in this monographic number the details of a work that comprised of an ample project of investigation of archives that it develops the Spanish Ministry of Culture, in collaboration with the Foundation "Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz". In synthesis, the task consisted of the microshooting and elaboration of an index commented of each one of more than thousand numbers available of the publication, with a detailed registry of contents, names and institutions, among other considered aspects, in order to facilitate to the investigators worldwide the location of the data of its interest. ; Fil: Pochat, María Teresa. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

España Republicana fue el órgano de prensa del Centro Republicano Español de Buenos Aires que, entre 1918 y 1964, resultó un medio esencial para la comunicación de las noticias de España en materia política, cultural, económica y social. Además de constituir un ámbito de información, dio lugar al diálogo entre entidades españolas de la Argentina y sirvió como vehículo a la hora de reunir material de ayuda en los momentos más duros de la Guerra Civil y de la posguerra. En sus páginas, las personalidades más destacadas de la II República aparecen como protagonistas, con sus alocuciones citadas en discurso directo, en plena toma de decisiones y, muchas veces, como firmantes de colaboraciones dedicadas en exclusiva a ser publicadas en el periódico. Dada la importante función que cumplió España Republicana durante la Guerra Civil, hemos creído útil dar a conocer en este número mono-gráfico los detalles de un trabajo que formó parte de un amplio proyecto de investigación de archivos que desarrolla el Ministerio de Cultura español, en colaboración con la Fundación "Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz". En síntesis, la tarea consistió en la microfilmación y elaboración de un índice comentado de cada uno de los más de mil números disponibles de la publicación, con un detallado registro de contenidos, onomásticos e instituciones, entre otros aspectos considerados, a fin de facilitar a los investigadores de todo el mundo la localización de los datos de su interés. ; España Republicana was the organ of press of the Centro Republicano Español de Buenos Aires that, between 1918 and 1964, was essential means for the communication from the news of Spain in political, cultural, economic and social matters. In addition to constitute a scope of information, it gave rise to the dialogue between Spanish organizations of Argentina and it served like vehicle at the time of reuniting material of aid at the hardest moments of the Civil War and the postwar period. In its pages, the most outstanding personalities of the Republic appear like protagonists, mentioned in direct speech, in the heat of decision making and, often, like signers of collaborations dedicated in exclusive right to be published in the newspaper. Given the important as that España Republicana acted during the Civil War, we have believed useful to present in this monographic number the details of a work that comprised of an ample project of investigation of archives that it develops the Spanish Ministry of Culture, in collaboration with the Foundation "Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz". In synthesis, the task consisted of the microshooting and elaboration of an index commented of each one of more than thousand numbers available of the publication, with a detailed registry of contents, names and institutions, among other considered aspects, in order to facilitate to the investigators worldwide the location of the data of its interest. ; Fil: Pochat, María Teresa. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

Los tapietes de la provincia de Salta fueron hasta hace cinco décadas atrás un pueblo cazador, recolector y pescador. Este grupo originario del sur de Bolivia se ha caracterizado por mantener relaciones interétnicas con otros pueblos indígenas chaqueños, razón por la cual han recibido influencias culturales y lingüísticas que han incorporado. A partir de la década de 1910, comienzan a migrar temporariamente hacia el norte argentino en busca de trabajo asalariado en los ingenios azucareros, fincas y aserraderos. Estas migraciones se hacen definitivas en las décadas del 40 y 50 cuando un contingente de tapietes se establece permanentemente en la zona periurbana de la ciudad de Tartagal. La historia de este pequeño asentamiento está marcada por desplazamientos y situaciones de marginación. Desde entonces, los tapietes han atravesado un marcado proceso de cambio cultural y complejas relaciones interétnicas con otros grupos indígenas de la zona y con los pobladores criollos. Su lengua, que pertenece a la familia lingüística tupí-guaraní, muestra en la actualidad una marcada perdida del uso e interrupción en la transmisión intergenera-cional. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar dos dinámicas: por un lado, la tensión entre el proce-so de pérdida de la lengua y la reciente valoración positiva del tapiete y, por otro lado, las representaciones culturales y las ideologías lingüísticas en torno al vínculo entre lengua e identidad. Enmarcamos este estudio en los diversos procesos históricos y sociopolíticos que incidieron en la sociedad tapiete. ; The Tapiete Indians from the Province of Salta, were till five decades ago hunters-gatherers and fishermen. This group's originary habitat was southern Bolivia, and they have been characterized for maintaining interethnic relations with other groups of the Chaco region, which influenced them both culturally and linguistically. Since the 1910s they began migrating temporarily to northern Argentina in search of work at the sugar-cane plantations and timber-mills. These migrations became permanent during the 1940s and 1950s when a group of Tapiete settled permanently in the outskirts of the town of Tartagal. The history of this small settlement has been marked by geographic displacement and marginality. Since then the Tapiete have undergone a process of culture change and complex interethnic relations with other indigenous groups and white settlers. Their language belongs to the Tupi-Guarani linguistic family and currently shows a situation of language loss and interruption of intergenerational transmission. The purpose of this article is to analyze the following: on the one hand, the tension between the process of language loss and the recent positive attitudes towards the language, and on the other, the cultural representations and linguistic ideologies embedded in the link between language and identity. We frame this study within the diverse historical and political processes that influenced Tapiete society.

ÖZETBireysel, ülkesel, bölgesel ve uluslararası güvenlik önemlidir. Güvenlik, tehdit algılamasına bağlıdır ve tehdit algılaması da değişmiştir. Günümüzde tehdidin kaynağı, zamanı ve yeri önceden bilinememektedir. Küresel dünyada tehditlerin bu özelliğinden, istikrarsızlığın ve çatışmaların olduğu bir bölge, uzaktaki ülkeyi de ilgilendirmektedir. Bu bölgelerin, kitle imha silahlarının artması, terörizm, etnik çatışmalar, uyuşturucu kaçakçılığı, insan kaçakçılığı ve yasal olmayan göç gibi günümüz tehditlerinin çoğalmasına zemin oluşturduğu belirtiliyor. Bu bölgelerin kontrolü, güvenlik sorunu olmaktan çıkartılması ve entegre bölge yapılmasının dünya güvenliğine katkıda bulunduğu belirtiliyor. Güney Kafkasya coğrafi olarak stratejik, çatışmaların ve önemli oranda enerji kaynakları bulunan bir bölgedir ve birbirleriyle bağlantılı güvenlik algılamaları ve kaygılarının olduğu devletler sistemi bir güvenlik kompleksini oluşturduğu için Güney Kafkasya bir güvenlik kompleksi olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Bu çalışmada NATO'nun Güney Kafkasya politikaları bu açıdan ele alınmıştır ve bu bölgenin güvenlik kompleksi özellikleri analiz edilmiştir. Öncelikle, güvenlik konusunda teorik altyapı sağlanmıştır. İkinci bölümde, NATO'nun kuruluşu ve değişim süreci ele alınmıştır. Güney Kafkasya bölgesinin coğrafi, tarihi, sosyo-ekonomik özellikleri ve de bölgesel ve bölge dışı güçlerin bölgeye ilgisi üçüncü bölümde analiz edilmiştir. Dördüncü bölümde NATO'nun Güney Kafkasya politikaları ele alınmıştır. Güney Kafkasya Avrupa güvenliği içinde değerlendirilmektedir ve Kafkasya ve Orta Asya'ya NATO'da coğrafi öncelik verilmektedir. Bu bölgedeki programların, NATO'nun uzun dönem stratejisi olan reformların teşvik edilmesi ve desteklenmesiyle Avrupa-Atlantik bölgesinde istikrarın artırılmasıyla tutarlı olduğu belirtilmektedir. ABSTRACTSecurity is important in individual, state, regional and international level. Security is determined by threat perception and threat perception has changed. Now, source, time and place of a threat cannot be known beforehand. In globalized world, a destabilized, conflicting area is also concern of a distant country because of the characteristics of new threats. These areas are considered as breeding grounds for contemporary threats, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, ethnic conflicts, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and illegal migration. Their control, desecuritization, and transformation into an integrated region are defined as contributing to world security. South Caucasus is geographically strategic, conflicting region with considerable energy resources and it is defined as a security complex with such characteristics, since the security complex is a set of states with interlinked security perceptions and concerns. In this study, NATO policies in South Caucasus are analyzed from this perspective and security complex characteristics of this region is analyzed. First, theoretical background on security is provided. Formation of NATO, transformation process is analyzed in second chapter. Then, geographical, historical and socio-political characteristics of South Caucasus region and involvement of regional and outer powers are analyzed in third chapter. In fourth chapter, NATO policies in South Caucasus are analyzed. South Caucasus is considered in the European security area, geographic priority is given to South Caucasus and Central Asia. NATO programs in these regions are defined as consistent with NATO's long-term strategy to enhance stability across Euro-Atlantic region by encouraging and supporting reform.

ÖZET Demokrasi modern dünyanın yükselen değeridir. Sivil toplum kuruluşları, modern demokrasilerde devletin bıraktığı boşluğu dolduran sigortasıdır. Demokrasi ile yönetilen ülkelerde yönetim siyasetini sadece yöneticiler ve siyasi partiler belirlemez. Parlamentoları ve bürokratları etkileyen baskı ve çıkar grupları vardır. Bu gruplar ekonomik ve fikri çıkarlarını korumak için mücadele halindedir. Demokrasilerde basın; yasama, yargı ve yürütmeden sonra dördüncü güç kabul edilir. Bu sebeple basın çalışanlarının demokratik duyarlılığının yüksek olması beklenir. Demokratik katılıma önem veren, halkın sorunlarına duyarlı gazetecilerin varlığı da demokrasi açısından son derece önemlidir. Kendi mesleki sorunlarına duyarsız gazetecilerin toplumun sorunlarına da yeterince eğilmeyeceğinden hareketle bu çalışmada basın meslek örgütleri incelenmiştir. Gazetecilerin kendi sorunlarına gerektiği kadar ilgi gösterip, göstermedikleri anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. Gazetecilerin gerek çalışma şartlarının ağırlığı gerekse fikri ayrılıklar neticesinde kendi mesleki sorunlarına yeterince duyarlılık gösteremedikleri görülmüştür. Gazeteciler tarafından kurulan basın meslek örgütlerinin sayısı çok fazla olmasına rağmen, bir güçbirliği oluşturamadıkları için gazetecilerin kazanılmış haklarının bile elinden alındığı sonucuna varılmıştır. Kendi haklarını koruyamayan gazeteciler, toplumun haklarını korumakta başarılı olamayacaklardır. Gazetecilerin gerek toplum sorunlarına, gerekse kendi sorunlarına duyarsızlaşmalarının sebepleri olarak, basında ticarileşme ve tekelleşmeyle birlikte, medya patronlarının basın dışı işlere girmiş olmaları gösterilebilir. Bu durumda demokrasilerde dördüncü güç olan basın güvenilirliğini ve gerçek işlevini yitirmeye başlamış durumdadır. ABSTRACTPRESSURE GROUPS IN DEMOCRACIES AND PRESS ORGANIZATIONSDemocracy is the rising value of the modern world. Civil Society Organizations are supplying the deficiency of the State. Party leaders and political parties are not the only who rule the country in democratic systems. There are some pressure groups and interest groups who have influence on parliaments and bureaucrats. These groups struggle for their ideas and interests. Press is the fourth estate in democracies after legislation, judgement and execution. Because of that, it is a must for press members to be sensitive for democracy. Also the existence of a press member who is sensitive about public problems and who cares about democracy is very important for democracies. It is very clear that who are not caring about their own problems also won't care about public problems. For that reason we analized Press Organizations in this study. We tried to find out that do they care about their own problems or not. It is seen that Press members are not sensitive about their own problems because of their prepossessions and divided opninions. There are many Press Oganizations but they have not enough power and they are not united. Because of that they lost even their vested rights. Press members who couldn't protect their own rights are not going to be able to protect public rights. The reasons of this insensitivity are; commercialization and monopolism in the Press and the commercial relations of media employers. In such a case, the Press which is the fourth estate in democracies will start to lose its reliability and real function.