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Ethnic war is an asymmetrical military contest for power in which vital interests of the groups are clearly at stake. Wining the war is, therefore, the fundamental objective of the com-batants. Compromise is hard to arrive at in negotiations, so long as the asymmetry of power between the ethnic parties is not altered. Thus, power assumes an important factor in determining the outcome. In this context, finding the linkage between both the war and peace processes, with each influencing the other, this article underscores the relevance of the theory of 'ripeness' to explain the phenomenon of war and peace. Power equivalence may induce a negotiation process as a 'mutually hurting stalemate' creates ripe moments for the end of the war. However, conditions to start negotiations are different from situations under which a negotiated political settlement is reached. Peace accords in ethnic wars are about power-sharing and autonomy. Generally, the focus is on creating new ethnically balanced institutions, while dismantling some of the centralised political structures. Reforming the State, constituting a part of the solution, would mean, to change its ethnic exclusive character and make it more inclusive one. A durable political solution in an ethnic war may spell out a new social and political contract between the warring parties for peace and development.

THE AUTHOR CALLS FOR LIBERALS TO REASSESS THEIR BELIEF THAT REAGAN'S POLICY TOWARDS THE USSR WILL LEAD TO WAR. THE LIBERAL OBSTRUCTION OF REAGAN AID TO THE CONTRAS WAS BASED ON THIS MISCONCEPTION. THE LIBERAL ANALOGY BETWEEN THE US INVASION OF GRENADA AND THE SOVIET INVASION OF AFGHANISTAN IS DESCRIBED AS PREPOSTEROUS.

Some scholars have viewed the Soviet state and science as two monolithic entities--with bureaucrats as oppressors, and scientists as defenders of intellectual autonomy. Based on previously unknown documents from the archives of state and Communist Party agencies and of numerous scientific institutions, Stalinist Science shows that this picture is oversimplified. Even the reinstated Science Department within the Central Committee was staffed by a leading geneticist and others sympathetic to conventional science. In fact, a symbiosis of state bureaucrats and scientists established a much more terrifying system of control over the scientific community than any critic of Soviet totalitarianism had feared. Some scientists, on the other hand, developed more elaborate devices to avoid and exploit this control system than any advocate of academic freedom could have reasonably hoped. Nikolai Krementsov argues that the model of Stalinist science, already taking hold during the thirties, was reversed by the need for inter-Allied cooperation during World War II. Science, as a tool for winning the war and as a diplomatic and propaganda instrument, began to enjoy higher status, better funding, and relative autonomy. Even the reinstated Science Department within the Central Committee was staffed by a leading geneticist and others sympathetic to conventional science. However, the onset of the Cold War led to a campaign for eliminating such servility to the West. Then the Western links that had benefited genetics and other sciences during the war and through 1946 became a liability, and were used by Lysenko and others to turn back to the repressive past and to delegitimate whole research directions

For many years, the scholarship of urban politics has drifted away from political science, both theoretically and methodologically. In this article, we systematically examine the boundary between urban political studies and the broader discipline of political science through an analysis of journal citations. We find that the analogy of a "black hole" is apt: No ideas escape the event horizon surrounding urban politics; furthermore, ideas from outside rarely penetrate the subfield's borders. Our evidence suggests that this is mostly due to a stunted solipsism that has engulfed too much of urban politics, but some of the blame must rest with the increasing insularity of political science. We suggest a research agenda that highlights the inherent dynamism in urban politics, and conclude with an endorsement of framework-driven citation analysis as a method of examining the flow of ideas across scholarly boundaries.

This article offers an institutionalist assessment of the more recent chapters of political opposition in Erdoğan's Turkey. There is good reason to suppose that the institutional features of a given regime can explain the performance of opposition parties to a significant extent. That said, the case of Turkey provides impressive evidence that there are striking limits to institutionalizing political predominance, to undermining political oppositions by institutional means, and to explaining the performance of opposition parties with the prevailing institutional resources and constraints. Specifically, attempts at institutionalizing a predominant power status carry particular risks of generating inverse effects, including increased political vulnerability. However, there are no automatic effects. Rather, as the Turkish experience suggests, reasonably vigorous actors to become politically relevant must seize the particular (if usually limited) opportunities arising from advanced institutional autocratization. ; Version of record

The ethnic conflict which erupted in the small South Pacific nation of Solomon Islands in late 1998 resulted in the loss of over 100 lives, the displacement of 30,000 people, the overthrow of an elected government, and severe damage to the country's economy and polity. Actual fighting took place only in and around the capital, Honiara, and in other parts of Guadalcanal between militant groups from Guadalcanal and from the neighbouring island of Malaita. Fighting was initiated by Guadalcanalese youth who believed that immigrant Malaitans had taken their land without proper compensation, were denying them job opportunities, and had been disrespectful of their culture. But the conflict impacted on Solomon Islands as a whole such that the country is now on the verge of bankruptcy, its government is unable to deliver services and relies on cash handouts as a proxy for governing, the police force is compromised and divided, the lack of reintegration of militarised and disaffected gangs of youth continues to threaten community relations already traumatised by the conflict, and most Provinces which make up the Solomons are demanding either separate statehood or independence. ; AusAID

This research looked at the impact of port reforms and concessions on the management of ports in Nigeria, using Apapa and Tin Can Island Seaports as case studies. The study's goal was to ascertain if the concessions at these ports had improved port infrastructure as well as decreased ship waiting time. The research was explained using the New Public Management Theory, which promotes the notion of developing a performance-oriented culture in a decentralised public sector. The survey research was used for the study, and this guided the use of a standardised questionnaire to gather information from the research participants. Hard data from the Nigerian Ports Authority supplemented this. Even though they cannot be compared to international best practices, the study's results indicated that there have been advances in the level of turnaround time for oceangoing vessels, the level of cargo throughput, and the berth occupancy rate. As a result of this discovery, it was suggested, among others, that the government work with the concessionaires to increase infrastructure spending so that it is simple to enter and exit the port facilities. Additionally, steps should be taken to lessen the presence of MDAs and other security personnel at the ports.