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This document is based on the debates of the Santander-CIDOB Future Leaders Forum online session titled "Bridging the digital global governance gap: international cooperation and the regulation of emerging technologies" that took place on November 21st, 2023; and the video interviews with the selected young leaders from the Santander-CIDOB 35 under 35 List. The document is structured in two blocs: first, it introduces the current landscape of international digital cooperation and the key challenges to achieve a global framework to regulate technology; and second, it highlights three proposals for international digital cooperation identified by the participants. The text was finalized on December 21st, 2023.The rapid development of emerging technologies is driving unprecedented changes with profound implications for our societies. On the one hand, innovations such as artificial intelligence, including its generative capabilities, are welcomed by administrations, businesses, and citizens because of their promises of enormous opportunities, the potential solution to global challenges and the positive transformation of our societies. These technological innovations are already being used by governments and businesses alike. AI is increasingly considered as a common good, with the potential to help us in decision-making processes, improving efficiency and service delivery and addressing some of the global challenges, such as climate change or pandemic prevention. On the other hand, the swift progress is also filled with risks, including challenges to fundamental rights, which need to be prevented if possible and mitigated if not. While some of these risks are still unknown, it has become evident that societies cannot afford the cost of not regulating these technologies. The potential disruption of established social structures, rising inequality, the concentration of power in digital companies, the material and social costs linked to new technologies, threats to fundamental rights – such as privacy or freedom of expression – and the increase of cyber threats are some of the reasons why regulation is imperative. This situation has become evident in the past years, with renewed enthusiasm and hyperactivity in the governance of digital technologies alongside the development of multiple initiatives to promote international cooperation in digital and technological issues. However, the ever-changing landscape of emerging and disruptive technologies has evidenced the lack of global governance and international cooperation frameworks capable of responding to the challenges arising from these developments, with many of these initiatives only finding traction in a reactive – rather than proactive – manner. Additionally, as the United Nations highlights, there are still many gaps in global digital cooperation, with multiple areas of digital governance and new technologies still unregulated. Moreover, in those areas where some progress has been achieved, it has been at the cost of fragmentation and voluntary frameworks. Thus, a new push towards global digital cooperation is more needed than ever, especially in a complex context characterised by permacrises, security instability and growing conflict, changing globalisation patterns, and the erosion of democratic governance.1. What is global digital cooperation?In May 2020, as the world was grappling with the impact of the coronavirus pandemic, the United Nations Secretary-General published a report aimed at establishing a Roadmap for Digital Cooperation. This effort, which signals the relevance of digital technologies for rethinking the role of effective multilateralism, aimed to identify a set of five areas – such as the digital economy or the protection of human rights in cyberspace – where the international community should collaborate and cooperate with regards to the use of digital technologies while, at the same time, reducing and mitigating potential risks. One of these five key areas is fostering global digital cooperation, which is defined as a multi-stakeholder effort in which governmental actors and other stakeholders, including the private sector, technology companies, civil society, or academia, among others, jointly work to achieve an interoperable framework for digital technologies. This approach aims to guarantee the adoption of effective, inclusive, and practical solutions and policies in the digital and technological domains (UN, 2020, p. 22).The prioritisation of global digital cooperation within the UN framework was further emphasised under the Secretary-General report in 2021, titled Our Common Agenda. This document invoked the adoption of a Global Digital Compact based on shared principles for an "open, free and secure digital future for all" for the first time (p. 63). Between 2022 and 2023, negotiations between member states and consultations with relevant stakeholders have advanced within the UN with the ambition to avoid the fragmentation of the internet, increase digital connectivity, build trust within cyberspace and promote the regulation of artificial intelligence. The culmination of this process will be the adoption of the Global Digital Compact during the 2024 Summit of the Future. However, the UN hasn't been the sole institution promoting new initiatives of global digital cooperation. Indeed, the unprecedented irruption of generative AI at the end of 2022 set off a global – but also uncoordinated – push towards regulation, with significant advances in technical and standard-setting procedures and around social and ethical aspects of AI. Initiatives by other international organisations, like the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD); plurilateral agreements such as the Bletchley Declaration on security risks of AI adopted by 30 countries – including China – during the United Kingdom's AI Safety Summit in 2023; as well as regulations at national level and guidelines by private actors are rapidly proliferating. The most recent example is the G-7 adoption of the Hiroshima AI Process Comprehensive Policy Framework in December 2023, which includes guiding principles for the development of AI systems (keeping a whole life-cycle approach, from design to deployment and use), and a code of conduct with multiple recommendations for developers and users, with an explicit focus on disinformation, as well as project-based cooperation. The European Union (EU) has been at the forefront of many of these efforts, aiming to provide the world's first comprehensive legislation with solid standards in AI. The AI Act represents an act of "courage", which will establish a series of technical standards, but it will also create moral ones. Through a de-risking approach to regulation, this initiative aims to identify some no-go zones in dthe development, deployment, and use of AI technologies – especially for those considered high-risk. In December 2023, the European Parliament and the European Council reached a provisional agreement on the AI Act, which will be ratified in early 2024.The EU's AI Act is the latest addition to Brussels' arsenal of digital regulations, including the Digital Services Act (DSA) and Digital Markets Act (DMA). In 2022, the EU also adopted the Declaration on European Digital Rights, proposing a digital transition defined by European values and six principles, including a people-centric approach, solidarity and inclusion, freedom of choice, sustainability, safety and security, and participation. Moreover, the EU has also adopted further legislation in highly specialised domains, such as the management of crypto assets, with the adoption of the Markets in Crypto-Assets Regulation (MICA) in 2023. Concurrently, the EU and the United States have strengthened cooperation on standards and technical underpinnings of regulation through the Trade and Technology Council. These elements are setting the framework for the future development of the data economy, the European industry, and the digital future of Europe – but with potential expansion beyond European borders, reminiscing the 'Brussels Effect' after the adoption of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Cities are another actor of utmost relevance. While local governance is embedded and affected by national regulations, cities are also key players in experimentation, cross-border collaboration, and regulation. Trying to close the global governance gap, local governments are also adopting their own regulation – such as AI strategies or public procurement clauses sensitive to elements such as human rights – and even implementing bans on specific applications, including facial recognition technologies. One of the successful examples of good practices on AI governance at this level is the adoption of AI registries by cities such as Helsinki or Amsterdam to ensure transparency and accountability.However, no actor – country, organisation or forum - has become the centre for digital cooperation and technology regulation. While no single approach can address the multiple global challenges of emerging technologies given the transnational nature of the digital and cyber domains, as well as growing digital interdependence, what these examples show is how the current governance landscape is fragmented, nationally and internationally (Fay, 2022). Furthermore, there is a considerable overlap between the different initiatives, regulations and mechanisms addressing digital issues. This creates a highly complex architecture for coordination and cooperation without the certainty of its effectiveness (UN, 2019).2. What are the challenges to adopt an effective global governance framework to regulate emerging technologies?While there have been increasing calls from different stakeholders to adopt a global approach in the regulations of these technologies, especially AI, it is important to ask why we have failed to do so until now.Firstly, given the transnational nature of digital issues alongside the velocity of technological change and development, it is difficult to rely on traditional forms of governance based on sovereignty and territoriality to regulate technology. Our current tools and structures for regulation are insufficiently agile and lack the flexibility to ensure adaptation to future challenges, needs and unknown risks (Wheeler, 2023). Indeed, in the regulation of technologies, deep, continuous international collaboration will be fundamental to adapt to groundbreaking developments and ensure that adopted regulations do not foreclose the opportunity for civil society and latecomer countries to get their perspectives on the table. Moreover, the multidimensional impact of digital technologies cuts across different policy issues which are managed by different governmental structures or international organisations. The lack of a global institution with a substantive mandate to develop a policy model or regulation of technology that is truly universal further complicates the efforts to adopt a global framework for cooperation.Secondly, there has been a lack of consensus on critical and baseline issues. Taking the example of artificial intelligence, the first of these barriers has been the lack of consensus in such fundamental issues such as its definition, the venue or process that is desirable for the governance of disrupting technologies, the authority and responsibility of actors involved in regulation – including the role of the private sector and big tech – or the digital future (a more utopian or a dystopian one?) that we imagine (Colomina, 2023). This lack of consensus is also visible in the lack of a shared understanding of how basic foundations and principles of international law apply to the use of technologies by different actors. As such, there is a lack of focus and agreement on what we are regulating, which tools we have or should create or which areas we should prioritise in global cooperation.Thirdly, past efforts to adopt a global framework have failed given the diversity of interests, values, or approaches to risks. Regulation faces an inherent tension between the promotion and defence of national interests and values, the balance of ethical issues and human rights and fundamental freedoms protection for every citizen. In other words, it is a tension between protecting rights and promoting innovation. A clear example is the more consumer-oriented approach of EU regulation of technologies, which contrasts with the security and control-focused Chinese model or the US' laissez-faire. According to Tiberghien, Luo and Pourmalek (2022) digital governance is fragmenting around the US, European, Chinese and Indian models – marked by multiple splits on the role of state, data ownership, industrial innovation and competitiveness, and protection and fundamental rights. In contrast, there is a significant disparity between the actors involved in global digital cooperation. Developing countries, for example, are still facing significant digital divides and may lack the resources for a successful participation in some of these debates and initiatives, being then forced to follow systems that do not fit their realities, concerns or needs. A similar trend is also visible in a more individual perspective, where non-experts, indigenous communities, women, youth and elderly, and people with disabilities are not able to join the discussions or may lack the capacity to participate in a meaningful way. Fourthly, the most evident challenge is the growing trend of politicization and securitization of digital technologies and its intersection with growing geopolitical rivalries between the United States and China. Together with the European Union and India, these actors are bidding to achieve technological supremacy and dominate the standard setting of these technologies in order to harvest the benefits of their development and use. In parallel, each jurisdiction is becoming wary over the risks from data and digital technologies, prompting the adoption of more protectionist measures to achieve data sovereignty. The centrality of technology in their competition heavily influences the capability to reach consensus on international standards while promoting contrasting approaches to regulate digital issues.The lack of a coherent, global approach is unsettling the international order in digital governance and negatively impacting the delivery of effective and innovative solutions for the governance of digital and technological issues. This situation has consequential risks, such as the splintering of the Internet or the incapacity of successfully responding to critical problems, given the failure to conduct a comprehensive and in-depth assessment of multiple risks, vulnerabilities, and outcomes of digital and technological developments. The different rules and regulations – as well as the existing gaps, for example, the military use of these technologies – can have deep impacts on governance and, as a result, on citizens' lives. And, while paradoxically, guidelines and regulations are more needed than ever in the current context.3. Towards an effective global digital cooperationTaking into consideration the challenges of establishing a set of shared values to guide technology development and deployment, global digital cooperation should be people-centered, transparent, open, ethical, inclusive, and equitable while keeping in mind the multi-level, multi-issue and multi-stakeholder nature of digital and tech governance.Considering the current challenges and developments, the international community should focus on making progress in three different areas: Meaningful multi-stakeholderism The recent hyperactivity in digital advances shows the tension and interplay between two different cultures of governance: a bottom-up multistakeholder approach, for example in the open consultation processes adopted by the UN for the Global Digital Compact, as well as a top-down multilateral approach that still gives primacy to the role of states. However, even in these multistakeholder initiatives, the current objective is a multilateral solution for a better tomorrow – which implies the subordination of multistakeholder processes to multilateral solutions.As a result, the emphasis must be placed on achieving meaningful multi-stakeholderism while upholding inclusivity and effective participation. Current efforts at regulating these technologies are being led and dominated by traditional technological powerhouses – such as the US, the EU or China–, creating a highly specialized conversation with a small pool of countries alongside a small pool of big tech companies. Countries from the Global South are mostly absent or overlooked in ongoing processes. As such, adopted international agreements may not be fit for purpose for non-Western realities.Besides more representative global cooperation in terms of geography, the different actors involved – governmental representatives, civil society actors, academia and the private sector – should have the opportunity to participate and influence the conversations on an equal footing. Diversity of genders, generations, and underrepresented communities – including most vulnerable populations, indigenous communities, and people with disabilities – must also see their participation ensured. This is also especially relevant when addressing and ensuring youth participation – as the decisions taken today will ultimately define their future. Each of these groups can bring a unique perspective to the table and, through communication and trust-building measures, these initiatives can help build consensus and common understandings, and identify shared challenges and risks. In sum, democratic and participatory elements must be incorporated into the governance of technology on national and international levels.Ensuring interoperability across regulatory frameworks and enforcementThe current hyperactivity in the international landscape risks creating a patchwork approach with too many loopholes that allow easy forum shopping. As a result, the most urgent task at hand is the need for coordination. Feedback loops should be established between ad hoc, regional and international initiatives to avoid duplication, overlapping – and contradicting – efforts. As Internet governance is a cross-cutting issue, the current siloed governance should be connected to accurately address and respond to related issues around digital technologies that cross borders, topics, rights, and regulations. As such, for a truly comprehensive and harmonised regulatory framework, intergovernmental processes and global multilateral forums should be aligned, with a clear division of labour and consistency when it comes to the rules that apply to the work of these forums. One of the main concerns and challenges of the current efforts is the need to ensure policy coordination, the interoperability of regulations and the consequent protection of citizens who could be subjected to different jurisprudential criteria depending on applicable legislation. By building international frameworks grounded in consensus-adopted shared values, different jurisdictions should be committed to following this leadership by the international community while retaining enough flexibility to develop regimes tailored to their domestic environments. This can be further encouraged through capacity-building initiatives in the digital and cyber domains at a global level, using cooperation to assist countries with practical insights on regulation and implementation. Moreover, further collaboration through bringing legal expertise and knowledge will be necessary to support other countries in transposing international agreements and standards in their own legislations as well as its implementation and enforcement.Finally, a further challenge will be how to fulfil the promises made in regulations to safeguard rights effectively. Enforcement and sanctioning will be a requirement for the international community and, as such, these international agreements need to become binding. The development of global, joint enforcement mechanisms and a sanctions framework for those who fail to comply should also be part of global digital cooperation debates and efforts. However, while regulation is a fundamental first step, it is important to acknowledge that it is not enough to produce the desired change of cooperation and risk mitigation of emerging technologies. Previous experiences, such as the GDPR, offer relevant insights into the limitations of regulation to promote a shift in business models or different Internet behaviour. While the GDPR established clear obligations on the processing of personal data by operators, some have managed to circumvent or avoid these obligations. The €1.2 billion fine to Meta for violating the data privacy rules established in the GDPR is a clear example of how enforcement is not working. As such, other creative and innovative approaches should be considered – including the establishment of a new, digital social contract. Going beyond regulationBesides the challenges of interoperability and enforcement, global digital cooperation should extend beyond regulation. The unequal development and adoption of technologies around the world and the knowledge of these issues require further research and the development of capacity-building actions. Sharing best practices, promoting training for public administrations and the private sector, and ensuring the exchange of knowledge will be key to ensuring that the benefits of these technological changes are equally shared. In parallel, regulations should also be coupled with awareness-raising campaigns, to ensure that citizens, users, and developers are aware of their rights and responsibilities under these new frameworks.Secondly, given the unpredictable risks and impacts of these disruptive technologies, it is crucial to establish common safe spaces for experimental development, including sandboxes, funded by public bodies. The deployment of these spaces can help us identify and understand in the early stages of the development process the risks of specific technologies, but also, to test the effectiveness of regulations. Furthermore, these spaces will be useful in risk assessments. Adopting standards – based on a value-sensitive design and participatory approaches – for assessing the impact of these technologies before they are deployed in the market will test their respect for human rights and limit their negative externalities.Thirdly, global digital cooperation needs to provide public global goods and technological solutions for all. Government involvement can further enhance innovation, adopting a supporter investor and early customer role for these technological advancements. As such, countries should invest and develop open, shared digital public infrastructure – from computing power to democratically and justly governed data layers –, to boost global digital connectivity, and ensure that it is accessible for entrepreneurs and citizens. More critically, technological transfer will also be key between developed, emerging, and developing countries to leverage the opportunities of digital technologies and close the digital divide.Finally, one ambitious proposal concerns the need to establish new effective and flexible institutions of global governance that manage the profound changes that digital technologies pose for our societies. From international agencies to monitor and verify compliance, to global advisory bodies for truly multistakeholder and all-inclusive processes, public participation must be ensured to build the foundations of the future and take ownership of the governance of the unprecedented transformations for our societies.ReferencesColomina, Carme. "Una IA ética: la UE y la gobernanza algorítmica". CIDOB Opinion, 784 (December 2023). (online) https://www.cidob.org/es/publicaciones/serie_de_publicacion/opinion_cidob/2023/una_ia_etica_la_ue_y_la_gobernanza_algoritmicaFay, Robert. "Global Governance of Data and Digital Technologies: A Framework for Peaceful Cooperation". Center for International Governance Innovation (CIGI), February 2022. (online) https://www.cigionline.org/articles/global-governance-of-data-and-digital-technologies-a-framework-for-peaceful-cooperation/Tiberghien, Yves; Luo, Danielle and Pourmalek, Panthea. "Existential Gap: Digital/AI Acceleration and the Missing Global Governance Capacity". Center for International Governance Innovation (CIGI), February 2022 (online). https://www.cigionline.org/articles/existential-gap-digitalai-acceleration-and-the-missing-global-governance-capacity/United Nations (UN). Report of the Secretary-General's High-level Panel on Digital Cooperation. International Governance Forum, 2019 (online). https://intgovforum.org/en/content/report-of-the-un-secretary-general%E2%80%99s-high-level-panel-on-digital-cooperationUN. Report of the Secretary-General: Roadmap for Digital Cooperation. New York: United Nations, May 2020 (online). https://www.un.org/techenvoy/sites/www.un.org.techenvoy/files/general/Roadmap_for_Digital_Cooperation_9June.pdfUN. Report of the Secretary-General: Our Common Agenda. New York: United Nations, 2021 (online).https://www.un.org/en/content/common-agenda-report/assets/pdf/Common_Agenda_Report_English.pdfWheeler, Tom. "The three challenges of AI regulation" Brookings Commentary, June 2023 (online). https://www.brookings.edu/articles/the-three-challenges-of-ai-regulation/

This Poverty and Social Impact Analysis (PSIA) is part of a broader dialogue on energy tax reform and strengthening social safety nets in Djibouti. As part of a possible reform of energy taxes in Djibouti, the government of Djibouti has sought the support of the World Bank to better understand how such a policy reform can be pro-poor. The study was designed and implemented by a multisectoral committee composed of various stakeholder institutions, including the Ministry of Economy and Finance, the Ministry of Budget, the Secretary of State responsible for National Solidarity (SESN), the Department of Statistics and Demographic Studies (DISED), the Ministry of Energy, and the Ministry of Transport, with whom the teams of the Bank and the IMF collaborated throughout the process of preparation of the study. Technical meetings were held on January 30, February 2, May 25, May 28, and May 29, 2014, in Djibouti to discuss the various scenarios of reform, obtain additional information, and present preliminary quantitative results. Consultation meetings were held on July 2 and November 15, 2014, to present the findings and discuss possible reform options. This executive summary condenses the main findings of the study. The study is available as a separate report with more analyses and background information. The study is based on data from a representative household survey which includes detailed information on household expenditures and receipt of certain cash and in-kind benefits (EDAM 3-2012). The tables in this executive summary show 2014 prices, with inflation rates of 2.5 and 2.9 for 2013 and 2014, respectively.

Problem setting. Modern science of public administration forms a theoretical basis for the study of national development and state-building processes. The urgency of the search for theoretical and methodological foundations of state linguistic policy in Ukraine is caused by unstable state linguistic policy both during the whole period of independence and in the historical perspective, by the unacceptable part of Ukrainian society of Ukrainian as a single state, by the non-formation of Ukrainian national identity for the use of language. society, in the hybrid war against Ukraine, which is no longer a potential but a real threat to Ukraine's existence as a state.In the normative legal acts of Ukraine, in particular in the Constitution of Ukraine, such a term as "Ukrainian nation" is not defined, although it is used together with the term "Ukrainian people", within which "citizens of Ukraine of all nationalities" are united. The researcher notes that at the time the Basic Law was enacted, the term "nation" contained mostly ethnic content (at least such a stereotype prevailed and, apparently, prevails in the mass consciousness), the concept of "nation" did not relate to the concept of citizenship. In this sense, the "Ukrainian nation" is primarily an ethno-cultural, linguistic community.Recent research and publications analysis. In scientific discourse, the nation in various contexts has been the subject of attention of researchers in various fields of science, including public administration, namely: B. Anderson, H. Yevsyeieva, V. Karlova, G. Kasianov, M. Kozlovets, I. Kresina, Yu. Kuts, I. Lopushinsky, L. Nagornaya, S. Rymarenko, O. Ryabchenko, V. Sychova, V. Starosolsky, M. Stepykо and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the available research on theories of the nation, as well as the role of the linguistic factor of national genesis, there has been no study of the science of public administration of theories of the nation as a methodological basis of state language policy in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to hypothesize that the theoretical foundations of nation-building are the methodological basis of the state language policy of Ukraine at the present stage of state formation, since language is one of the defining features of Ukrainian national identity and factors of creation of the Ukrainian nation under conditions of multiethnic society and external threats to the nation.Paper main body. There is neither a universal definition of a nation nor a stable set of features.Having analyzed the various theories of the nation, we conclude that such a set may consist of linguistic, cultural, territorial, economic, social, psychological and political characteristics, and none of them can be dominant in this list.Three constituents of the nation, which stand out in the theories of the nation and are decisive for the Ukrainian nation, are considered in the context of the chosen direction of research: the national linguistic picture of the world, national identity, national identity.Noteworthy is the scientific approach whereby language is recognized as a feature of the nation based on the study of the linguistic picture of the world as a sociocultural phenomenon that reflects a conceptual picture of the world.Each language reflects a particular way of perceiving and conceptualizing the world. The values reflected in it create a coherent system of views, a kind of collective outlook that becomes mandatory for all native speakers.The next constituent of the nation, we define the national consciousness. national consciousness means the collective or individual perception of the national identity of a person or community, the specific traits of one's own nation, national values, a shared historical past and a shared historical future.National consciousness is historically formed in the process of nationalization, through awareness of the ethnicity of its origin and organic connection with its cultural roots, recognition of the original character of the native culture, language, national peculiarities, mentality and sense of national solidarity.The next constituent of the nation that underlies its formation is national identity. We can give the following definition of national identity: it is the identification of oneself with a certain nation by the set of certain characteristics of a nation, the realization of oneself as part of the national community.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. In spite of the methodological pluralism of the theories of the nation, the ambiguous interpretation of the concept of the nation and the instability of its features in many theories, language is regarded as a marker of national identity, a "symbol of social solidarity" (E. Sapir), a means of "transforming disparate individuals into a coherent, organized" Sorokin), "an external criterion by which one can know the existence of a nation" (V. Starosolsky), and others.Although language itself does not play a decisive role in the formation of a nation and national identity, it becomes meaningful when it is transformed into symbolic value and fulfills an integrative role.As constituents of the nation, the article deals with the national-linguistic picture of the world, national consciousness, national identity.The conducted research proves that belonging to a certain nation (national identity) is manifested in the national consciousness, which is formed, including through thinking and language, and is reflected in the national-linguistic picture of the world. In turn, the national-linguistic picture of the world reflects the peculiarities of the conceptual picture of the world of a social community united by certain factors (eg, territory, economy, history and/or modernity, language or metam, etc.).We believe that the process of forming the Ukrainian nation in the modern era was interrupted by a policy of "Sovietization", the creation of a new community, the "Soviet people", linguistic assimilation, and the simultaneous destruction in the 1930s of the Ukrainian intelligentsia and the Ukrainian peasantry as carriers of Ukrainian identity. The consequences of these political actions are still felt by Ukraine today, and it is too early to speak about the established national identity in Ukraine.Researchers agree that the core of the Ukrainian political nation is the ethnic core, whose constituent is language, and Ukraine bears the name of its titular nation and the largest of its indigenous ethnic groups – Ukrainian. This fact should be the starting point of nation-building and state-building and, accordingly, of state language policy, which is based on the model of "state Ukrainian language – languages of national minorities and indigenous peoples", which is in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine. ; Досліджено теорії нації та виділено ті теорії, які можуть бути визначені як методологічна засада формування державної мовної політики в Україні. Для розгляду обрано такі конституєнти нації, як національномовна картина світу, національна свідомість, національна ідентичність. З'ясовано, що основою української політичної нації є етнічне ядро, складовою якого є мова, а Україна носить ім'я своєї титульної нації й найчисленнішого зі своїх корінних етносів – українського. Зазначено, що цей факт повинен бути основою державної мовної політики в Україні.

Problem setting. Modern science of public administration forms a theoretical basis for the study of national development and state-building processes. The urgency of the search for theoretical and methodological foundations of state linguistic policy in Ukraine is caused by unstable state linguistic policy both during the whole period of independence and in the historical perspective, by the unacceptable part of Ukrainian society of Ukrainian as a single state, by the non-formation of Ukrainian national identity for the use of language. society, in the hybrid war against Ukraine, which is no longer a potential but a real threat to Ukraine's existence as a state.In the normative legal acts of Ukraine, in particular in the Constitution of Ukraine, such a term as "Ukrainian nation" is not defined, although it is used together with the term "Ukrainian people", within which "citizens of Ukraine of all nationalities" are united. The researcher notes that at the time the Basic Law was enacted, the term "nation" contained mostly ethnic content (at least such a stereotype prevailed and, apparently, prevails in the mass consciousness), the concept of "nation" did not relate to the concept of citizenship. In this sense, the "Ukrainian nation" is primarily an ethno-cultural, linguistic community.Recent research and publications analysis. In scientific discourse, the nation in various contexts has been the subject of attention of researchers in various fields of science, including public administration, namely: B. Anderson, H. Yevsyeieva, V. Karlova, G. Kasianov, M. Kozlovets, I. Kresina, Yu. Kuts, I. Lopushinsky, L. Nagornaya, S. Rymarenko, O. Ryabchenko, V. Sychova, V. Starosolsky, M. Stepykо and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the available research on theories of the nation, as well as the role of the linguistic factor of national genesis, there has been no study of the science of public administration of theories of the nation as a methodological basis of state language policy in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to hypothesize that the theoretical foundations of nation-building are the methodological basis of the state language policy of Ukraine at the present stage of state formation, since language is one of the defining features of Ukrainian national identity and factors of creation of the Ukrainian nation under conditions of multiethnic society and external threats to the nation.Paper main body. There is neither a universal definition of a nation nor a stable set of features.Having analyzed the various theories of the nation, we conclude that such a set may consist of linguistic, cultural, territorial, economic, social, psychological and political characteristics, and none of them can be dominant in this list.Three constituents of the nation, which stand out in the theories of the nation and are decisive for the Ukrainian nation, are considered in the context of the chosen direction of research: the national linguistic picture of the world, national identity, national identity.Noteworthy is the scientific approach whereby language is recognized as a feature of the nation based on the study of the linguistic picture of the world as a sociocultural phenomenon that reflects a conceptual picture of the world.Each language reflects a particular way of perceiving and conceptualizing the world. The values reflected in it create a coherent system of views, a kind of collective outlook that becomes mandatory for all native speakers.The next constituent of the nation, we define the national consciousness. national consciousness means the collective or individual perception of the national identity of a person or community, the specific traits of one's own nation, national values, a shared historical past and a shared historical future.National consciousness is historically formed in the process of nationalization, through awareness of the ethnicity of its origin and organic connection with its cultural roots, recognition of the original character of the native culture, language, national peculiarities, mentality and sense of national solidarity.The next constituent of the nation that underlies its formation is national identity. We can give the following definition of national identity: it is the identification of oneself with a certain nation by the set of certain characteristics of a nation, the realization of oneself as part of the national community.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. In spite of the methodological pluralism of the theories of the nation, the ambiguous interpretation of the concept of the nation and the instability of its features in many theories, language is regarded as a marker of national identity, a "symbol of social solidarity" (E. Sapir), a means of "transforming disparate individuals into a coherent, organized" Sorokin), "an external criterion by which one can know the existence of a nation" (V. Starosolsky), and others.Although language itself does not play a decisive role in the formation of a nation and national identity, it becomes meaningful when it is transformed into symbolic value and fulfills an integrative role.As constituents of the nation, the article deals with the national-linguistic picture of the world, national consciousness, national identity.The conducted research proves that belonging to a certain nation (national identity) is manifested in the national consciousness, which is formed, including through thinking and language, and is reflected in the national-linguistic picture of the world. In turn, the national-linguistic picture of the world reflects the peculiarities of the conceptual picture of the world of a social community united by certain factors (eg, territory, economy, history and/or modernity, language or metam, etc.).We believe that the process of forming the Ukrainian nation in the modern era was interrupted by a policy of "Sovietization", the creation of a new community, the "Soviet people", linguistic assimilation, and the simultaneous destruction in the 1930s of the Ukrainian intelligentsia and the Ukrainian peasantry as carriers of Ukrainian identity. The consequences of these political actions are still felt by Ukraine today, and it is too early to speak about the established national identity in Ukraine.Researchers agree that the core of the Ukrainian political nation is the ethnic core, whose constituent is language, and Ukraine bears the name of its titular nation and the largest of its indigenous ethnic groups – Ukrainian. This fact should be the starting point of nation-building and state-building and, accordingly, of state language policy, which is based on the model of "state Ukrainian language – languages of national minorities and indigenous peoples", which is in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine. ; Досліджено теорії нації та виділено ті теорії, які можуть бути визначені як методологічна засада формування державної мовної політики в Україні. Для розгляду обрано такі конституєнти нації, як національномовна картина світу, національна свідомість, національна ідентичність. З'ясовано, що основою української політичної нації є етнічне ядро, складовою якого є мова, а Україна носить ім'я своєї титульної нації й найчисленнішого зі своїх корінних етносів – українського. Зазначено, що цей факт повинен бути основою державної мовної політики в Україні.

Досліджується та визначається місце і роль національної ідеї у консолідації українського суспільства. Підкреслюється, що уперше за роки незалежності на весь зріст постало завдання подальшого зміцнення незалежної держави, збереження стабільності і міжнаціональної згоди, протистояння спробам розколоти країну за ідеологічними і національними ознаками. Визначальну роль у цьому процесі повинна відіграти українська національна ідея, яка покликана забезпечити необхідну консолідацію, згуртованість та національну єдність української нації, а також інтеграцію національних меншин до її складу при збереженні та розвитку їх етнокультурних особливостей.Аналізуються стан та перспективи розвитку національної ідеї. В цьому контексті робиться висновок, що українська національна ідея в останні роки стала предметом спекуляції з боку політичної еліти та лідерів і не приводить та й не може привести до консолідації політичних сил. Суспільство, держава повинні мати об'єднуючу ідею, цінності. Протягом багатьох століть такою об'єднуючою ідеєю була незалежність. Але ця ідея продовжувалася до тих пір, поки незалежність не стала реальністю.Сьогодні необхідна ідея, яка б організувала суспільство на створення якісно нового рівня життя. Оскільки мало мати власні кордони, герб, гімн, прапор, парламент, президента. Життя повинно покращуватися, але покращуватися для всіх. Це повинно стати тією об'єднуючою ідеєю для політичної еліти та народу, яку однаково сприймали б і в Києві, й у Львові, й у Мелітополі.Актуалізується та обґрунтовується необхідність формування консолідаційної ідеології, відтворення системи цінностей, які б об'єднували учасників політичного процесу, здатних консолідувати українську громаду і привести український народ до злагоди і процвітання.На наш погляд, ключовими цінностями національної ідеї повинні стати відчуття відповідальності за долю країни, патріотизм, гуманізм, демократія, соціальна справедливість, освіченість.Існування суспільства неможливе без інтегруючої ідеї, цілісність якої визначається духовною, творчою діяльністю особистості. Тому в епоху глобалізації великого значення набуває національна ідея, яка стає мірилом духовності і разом з нею ­ світоглядним забезпеченням способу вільного існування особистості, несе його ключові цінності. Вона протистоїть ідеологіям, що орієнтовані на уніфікацію переконань. Вироблення такої національної ідеї є для України справою надзвичайної ваги й актуальності, тому що власне на її основі повинні визначатися головні орієнтири і цінності розбудови держави в контексті євроінтеграції. ; Досліджується та визначається місце і роль національної ідеї у консолідації українського суспільства. Підкреслюється, що уперше за роки незалежності на весь зріст постало завдання подальшого зміцнення незалежної держави, збереження стабільності і міжнаціональної згоди, протистояння спробам розколоти країну за ідеологічними і національними ознаками. Визначальну роль у цьому процесі повинна відіграти українська національна ідея, яка покликана забезпечити необхідну консолідацію, згуртованість та національну єдність української нації, а також інтеграцію національних меншин до її складу при збереженні та розвитку їх етнокультурних особливостей.Аналізуються стан та перспективи розвитку національної ідеї. В цьому контексті робиться висновок, що українська національна ідея в останні роки стала предметом спекуляції з боку політичної еліти та лідерів і не приводить та й не може привести до консолідації політичних сил. Суспільство, держава повинні мати об'єднуючу ідею, цінності. Протягом багатьох століть такою об'єднуючою ідеєю була незалежність. Але ця ідея продовжувалася до тих пір, поки незалежність не стала реальністю.Сьогодні необхідна ідея, яка б організувала суспільство на створення якісно нового рівня життя. Оскільки мало мати власні кордони, герб, гімн, прапор, парламент, президента. Життя повинно покращуватися, але покращуватися для всіх. Це повинно стати тією об'єднуючою ідеєю для політичної еліти та народу, яку однаково сприймали б і в Києві, й у Львові, й у Мелітополі.Актуалізується та обґрунтовується необхідність формування консолідаційної ідеології, відтворення системи цінностей, які б об'єднували учасників політичного процесу, здатних консолідувати українську громаду і привести український народ до злагоди і процвітання.На наш погляд, ключовими цінностями національної ідеї повинні стати відчуття відповідальності за долю країни, патріотизм, гуманізм, демократія, соціальна справедливість, освіченість.Існування суспільства неможливе без інтегруючої ідеї, цілісність якої визначається духовною, творчою діяльністю особистості. Тому в епоху глобалізації великого значення набуває національна ідея, яка стає мірилом духовності і разом з нею ­ світоглядним забезпеченням способу вільного існування особистості, несе його ключові цінності. Вона протистоїть ідеологіям, що орієнтовані на уніфікацію переконань. Вироблення такої національної ідеї є для України справою надзвичайної ваги й актуальності, тому що власне на її основі повинні визначатися головні орієнтири і цінності розбудови держави в контексті євроінтеграції. ; Investigated and determined the place and role of the national idea in the consolidation of the Ukrainian society. It is emphasized that for the first time for years of independence in all growth faced the task of further strengthening the independent state, the preservation of stability and the interethnic consent, thwarting the attempts to split the country along ideological and national characteristics. The decisive role in this process should play a Ukrainian national idea, which is designed to provide the necessary consolidation, unity and national unity of the Ukrainian nation, as well as the integration of national minorities to its composition at the preservation and development of their ethno­cultural peculiarities.Analyzed the condition and prospects of development of the national idea. In this context, the conclusion is that the Ukrainian national idea in recent years has been the subject of speculation on the part of political elites and leaders, and does not and cannot lead to the consolidation of political forces. Society, the state should have a unifying idea, values. For many centuries such a unifying idea was independence. But this idea lasted up until independence did not become a reality.Today we need the idea that organized society to create qualitatively new level of life. Since not enough to have its own borders, emblem, anthem, flag, Parliament, presidency. Life should improve, but to improve for everyone. This should become the uniting idea for the political elite and the people that are the same perceived from above and in Kyiv and Lviv, and in Melitopol.Updated and the necessity for formation consolidating ideology, reproduction system of values, which would unite the participants of the political process, capable to consolidate the Ukrainian community and to bring the Ukrainian people into harmony and prosperity.In our opinion, the key values of the national idea should be the feeling of responsibility for the destiny of the country, patriotism, humanism, democracy, social justice, education.The existence of society is impossible without integrating ideas, the integrity of which is determined by the spiritual and creative activity of the person. Therefore, in the era of globalization is the great importance of the national idea, which becomes the measure of spirituality and with it, world Outlook ensuring image of freedom of personality, is its key values. It is opposed ideologies that are focused on the unification of convictions. the formation of a national idea for Ukraine is extremely important, because it is on its basis shall be defined baselines and values development of the state in the context of European integration.

Today's announcement by the US Department of State that the US will exercise its rights under customary law to an extended continental shelf (ECS) has long-term, practical implications for the federal bureaucracy and other related maritime organizations. As noted in the announcement, the US has a significant ECS in multiple, far-flung ocean areas: along both the East (Atlantic Ocean) and West (Pacific Ocean) coasts; in the Gulf of Mexico; in the Bering Sea; in the western Pacific off the Northern Mariana Islands (and Guam), and importantly, in the Arctic Ocean north of Alaska. The US ECS Project has estimated that the additional marine areas in question total approximately one million square kilometers. The largest US ECS region is in the Arctic Ocean beyond our 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and extending north into the Central Arctic Ocean (CAO). This is a remote region sandwiched between seabed claims by Russia and Canada. The potential for overlapping claims and the specter of future negotiations require not only effective presence and domain awareness, but also enhanced scientific data on the seabed and subsoils in a potentially contested marine area.Monitoring and surveillance of all the new ECS regions will require enhanced satellite (DOD and NOAA) coverage as well as aerial reconnaissance to fulfill US national security interests. Increased surface ship presence for maritime law enforcement will be required by Coast Guard cutters on routine deployments within all ECS areas; increased operational funding to the Department of Homeland Security will be needed to expand the Coast Guard's global reach. One key challenge for the Coast Guard will providing polar security cutter (polar icebreaker) presence in the Arctic Ocean perhaps initially on a seasonal basis. Coast Guard Cutter Healy is currently the only asset available for extensive operations in Arctic waters that are ice-covered. Recent summer deployments in 2022 to the North Pole and in 2023 along the Eurasian Arctic have proven Healy's robust multi-mission and research capabilities within the CAO. Likely required will be Healy's continued hydrographic and oceanographic operations in the new ECS to further secure the US claim. Notably, Healy has been the primary research platform gathering US seabed and subsoil data during the past two decades. The ECS announcement also provides clear needs and national requirements for the Coast Guard's new polar security cutters (now under construction) that hopefully will be operational by the end of the decade. Domain awareness within the Alaskan EEZ and new ECS will also be provided to the Coast Guard, other federal agencies, and the State of Alaska by the marine traffic information collected by the public-private partnership (and non-profit) Marine Exchange of Alaska (MXAK). Using a network of more than 150 Automatic Identification System (AIS) receivers around Alaska's coasts, MXAK provides vessel tracking, maritime domain management, and a measure of regulatory compliance. MXAK with its newly established Arctic Watch program focused on Arctic marine operations will be an important US asset in monitoring the new ECS areas claimed in the Bering Sea and CAO.Each of the new US ECS areas will require expanded hydrographic surveys and charting by NOAA's National Ocean Service. Continued research by the US Geological Survey (USGS) will be necessary to increase our understanding of the natural resources available in the ECS seabed and subsoils; determination of their future economic viability will also be important for future planning and policymaking. The Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement (BSEE) will also be a player in carrying out its responsibilities for offshore safety, environmental protection, and conservation of natural resources. The Commerce Department (for NOAA) and Interior Department (for USGS and BSEE) will need additional funding to respond to these new ECS requirements.In exercising US sovereign rights in its ESC several federal agencies—especially the Coast Guard, NOAA, USGS and State Department—will be key to providing effective domain awareness, deploying physical presence, continuing scientific research (and data collection), and conducting diplomatic outreach to secure US outer limits to its ECS.

Today's announcement by the US Department of State that the US will exercise its rights under customary law to an extended continental shelf (ECS) has long-term, practical implications for the federal bureaucracy and other related maritime organizations. As noted in the announcement, the US has a significant ECS in multiple, far-flung ocean areas: along both the East (Atlantic Ocean) and West (Pacific Ocean) coasts; in the Gulf of Mexico; in the Bering Sea; in the western Pacific off the Northern Mariana Islands (and Guam), and importantly, in the Arctic Ocean north of Alaska. The US ECS Project has estimated that the additional marine areas in question total approximately one million square kilometers. The largest US ECS region is in the Arctic Ocean beyond our 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and extending north into the Central Arctic Ocean (CAO). This is a remote region sandwiched between seabed claims by Russia and Canada. The potential for overlapping claims and the specter of future negotiations require not only effective presence and domain awareness, but also enhanced scientific data on the seabed and subsoils in a potentially contested marine area.Monitoring and surveillance of all the new ECS regions will require enhanced satellite (DOD and NOAA) coverage as well as aerial reconnaissance to fulfill US national security interests. Increased surface ship presence for maritime law enforcement will be required by Coast Guard cutters on routine deployments within all ECS areas; increased operational funding to the Department of Homeland Security will be needed to expand the Coast Guard's global reach. One key challenge for the Coast Guard will providing polar security cutter (polar icebreaker) presence in the Arctic Ocean perhaps initially on a seasonal basis. Coast Guard Cutter Healy is currently the only asset available for extensive operations in Arctic waters that are ice-covered. Recent summer deployments in 2022 to the North Pole and in 2023 along the Eurasian Arctic have proven Healy's robust multi-mission and research capabilities within the CAO. Likely required will be Healy's continued hydrographic and oceanographic operations in the new ECS to further secure the US claim. Notably, Healy has been the primary research platform gathering US seabed and subsoil data during the past two decades. The ECS announcement also provides clear needs and national requirements for the Coast Guard's new polar security cutters (now under construction) that hopefully will be operational by the end of the decade. Domain awareness within the Alaskan EEZ and new ECS will also be provided to the Coast Guard, other federal agencies, and the State of Alaska by the marine traffic information collected by the public-private partnership (and non-profit) Marine Exchange of Alaska (MXAK). Using a network of more than 150 Automatic Identification System (AIS) receivers around Alaska's coasts, MXAK provides vessel tracking, maritime domain management, and a measure of regulatory compliance. MXAK with its newly established Arctic Watch program focused on Arctic marine operations will be an important US asset in monitoring the new ECS areas claimed in the Bering Sea and CAO.Each of the new US ECS areas will require expanded hydrographic surveys and charting by NOAA's National Ocean Service. Continued research by the US Geological Survey (USGS) will be necessary to increase our understanding of the natural resources available in the ECS seabed and subsoils; determination of their future economic viability will also be important for future planning and policymaking. The Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement (BSEE) will also be a player in carrying out its responsibilities for offshore safety, environmental protection, and conservation of natural resources. The Commerce Department (for NOAA) and Interior Department (for USGS and BSEE) will need additional funding to respond to these new ECS requirements.In exercising US sovereign rights in its ESC several federal agencies—especially the Coast Guard, NOAA, USGS and State Department—will be key to providing effective domain awareness, deploying physical presence, continuing scientific research (and data collection), and conducting diplomatic outreach to secure US outer limits to its ECS.

The purpose of this study was to identify and analyze the precautionary principle of PPAT in the land sale and purchase binding process as a manifestation of legal certainty and the legal consequences of PPAT if it does not use the PPAT caution principle in the land sale and purchase binding process in realizing legal certainty. As for the formulation of the problem. What is the form of the PPAT precautionary principle in the land sale and purchase binding process in realizing legal certainty? What are the legal consequences for PPAT if they do not use the precautionary principle in the process of binding the sale and purchase of land as a manifestation of legal certainty? This type of research uses a normative juridical approach using a statutory approach and a conceptual approach using the precautionary theory, responsibility theory, legal certainty theory and authority theory. The method used in data processing and data analysis used in this study is a qualitative method which refers to a particular problem or is based on the prevailing laws and regulations. The results of the study are a form of sanction against PPAT if they do not use the precautionary principle, namely administrative sanctions in the form of verbal warning, temporary dismissal, dismissal with respect and disrespectful dismissal, both legal consequences of the PPAT deed if they do not use the precautionary principle contained in the article. 22 government regulations number 37 of 1998, namely the PPAT deed can be canceled and null and void by law. Suggestions should be that there are detailed and clear rules regarding PPAT prudence in making deeds so that PPAT is protected and PPAT is expected to be able to understand and then apply the form of prudential principle in carrying out its duties, especially in land transfer using the land sale and purchase agreement process. so that it is able to provide legal certainty for the parties who use its services and is able to provide legal protection for the parties and the PPAT themselves Abstrak Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis prinsip kehati-hatian PPAT dalam proses pengikatan jual beli tanah sebagai perwujudan kepastian hukum dan akibat hukum terhadap PPAT jika tidak menggunakan prinsip ke hati hati an PPAT dalam proses pengikatan jual beli tanah dalam mewujudkan kepastian hukum. Adapun rumusan masalah Bagaimana bentuk prinsip ketahi-hatian PPAT dalam proses pengikatan jual beli tanah dalam mewujudkan kepastian hukum? Bagaimana akibat hukum terhadap PPAT jika tidak menggunakan prinsip kehati-hatian dalam proses pengikatan jual beli tanah sebagai perwujudkan kepastian hukum? Tipe penelitian ini menggunakan metode pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan metode pendekatan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan konsep dengan menggunakan teori kehati-hatian, teori tanggungjawab, teori kepastian hukum dan teori kewenangan. Metode yang digunakan dalam pengolahan data maupun analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif yang mengacu pada suatu masalah tertentu maupun berdasarkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. Hasil penelitian adalah bentuk sanksi terhadap PPAT jika tidak menggunakan prinsip kehati-hatian yaitu sanksi secara administrasi berupa teguran lisan, pemberhentian sementara, pemberhentian secara hormat dan pemberhentian secara tidak hormat kedua akibat hukum terhadap akta PPAT jika tidak menggunakan prinsip kehati-hatian yang terdapat didalam pasal 22 peraturan pemerintah nomor 37 tahun 1998 yaitu akta ppat dapat dibatalkan dan batal demi hukum. Saran hendaknya ada aturan yang secara rinci dan jelas tentang kehati-hatian PPAT didalam membuat akta agar PPAT mendapat perlindungan dan PPAT diharapkan mampu memahami dan kemudian menerapkan bentuk prinsip kehati-hatian dalam pelaksanaan tugas jabatannya khususnya dalam peralihan tanah yang menggunakan proses perjanjian pengikatan jual beli tanah sehingga mampu memberikan kepastian hukum bagi para pihak yang menggunakan jasanya dan mampu memberikan perlindungan hukum bagi para pihak dan PPAT sendiri

The article covers the security aspects of international relations in Eastern and Central Europe in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine. This region is seen by Russia as an area of its domination in which it is ready to fight by all means, including military aggression. The status and prospects of the Intermarium project are determined, the role of the Bucharest Nine in counteracting Russian expansion is outlined, the specific features of the current aggressive policy of the Russian Federation are shown. Russia's aggression against Ukraine and Russia's hybrid actions against the West have put on the agenda the need to strengthen strategic solidarity in Eastern and Central Europe. For all Eastern and Central European countries, the ability to protect oneself from hostile external influences and the ability to guarantee sustainable development are critical. That is why it is important to strengthen the allies' relations in the region with NATO. Strategic communication mechanisms are of key importance in the conditions of Russia's aggressive policy, providing activities aimed at creating public support for democracy, the rule of law, human rights protection, public transparency and long-term democratic orientation in foreign policy. The countries of Eastern and Central Europe are in fact at the epicentre of the struggle between Western and Moscow civilizations. There is no evidence that the Russian leadership is regarding the opportunity to reconsider its approach to relations with the outside world. On the contrary, Russian officials continue to accuse the EU and NATO member states, as well as their allies and partners, of being hostile to Russia, particularly in its recent ultimatums. Moscow blames the West for trying to use the former socialist countries and some former Soviet republics in its policies against the Russian Federation. The challenge to the democratic world from the Russian Federation includes international legal, economic, political, and informational aspects. The consolidation of the West (including Ukraine and all Eastern and Central European countries as an integral part of it) can stop Russian aggression and punish it for systemic violations of international law. ; В статті розкриті безпекові аспекти міжнародних відносин в Східній та Центральній Європі в контексті російської агресії в Україну. Цей регіон розглядається Росією як сфера свого панування в якій він готовий боротись всіма засобами, включно з військової агресією. Визначені стан та перспективи проекту Міжмор'я, окреслена роль Бухарестської дев'ятки Бухарестської дев'ятки в протидії російській експансії, показані особливості сучасної агресивної політики РФ. Російська агресія в Україну, гібридні дії РФ проти Заходу поставили на порядок денний необхідність посилити стратегічну солідарність в Східній та Центральній Європі. Для всіх країн Східної та Центральної Європи критично важливою є здатність убезпечити себе від ворожого зовнішнього впливу та можливість гарантувати сталий розвиток. Саме тому важливо посилення союзницьких відносин країн регіону з НАТО. Ключове значення в умовах агресивної політики РФ мають механізми стратегічної комунікації, які забезпечують діяльність, спрямовану створенню суспільної підтримки демократичного ладу, принципів правової держави, верховенства закону, захисту правами людини, суспільної прозорості та довготривалої демократичної орієнтації у зовнішній політиці. Країни Східної та Центральної Європи фактично знаходиться в епіцентрі боротьби між Західною та Московською цивілізаціями. Немає ніяких свідчень, які б свідчили, що керівництво Російської Федерації розглядає можливість перегляду своїх підходів до відносин із зовнішнім світом. Навпаки, російські офіційні особи продовжують, зокрема в останніх «ультиматумах», звинувачувати держави-члени ЄС і НАТО, а також їхніх союзників і партнерів у ворожому ставленні до Росії. Москва вважає Захід винним у спробах використати колишні соціалістичні країни та деякі колишні республіки СРСР у своїй політиці, спрямованій проти Російської Федерації. Виклик демократичному світові з боку Російської Федерації включають міжнародно-правові, економічні, політичні та інформаційні аспекти. Консолідація Заходу (включаючи Україну і всі країни Східної та Центральної Європи, як його невід'ємну частину) спроможна зупинити російську агресією та покарати її за системні порушення міжнародного права.

Esta investigación de tipo cualitativa se realizó teniendo en cuenta los lineamientos estipulados en la Resolución número 666 de 2020, propuestos por el Ministerio de Salud y Protección Social, en la cual establece un protocolo de bioseguridad general, para el funcionamiento de todas las entidades a nivel nacional, y que éste, debe ser tenido en cuenta por cada empresa y así realizar un diseño adecuado; en este caso me permitiré ajustarlo a la entidad de transporte terrestre del Departamento del Huila, llamada COOTRANSHUILA, con el fin de reactivar su servicio tanto a nivel administrativo, como de transporte terrestre. Lo anterior, debido a que pude evidenciar la carencia del protocolo de bioseguridad en la empresa, ya que la misma no estaba preparada para asumir estos cambios; la falta de conocimiento de la seguridad del personal administrativo y de los conductores frente al virus Sars Cov2, llevó al cierre total de las actividades en la empresa. Una vez analizada las carencias se pudo finalmente diseñar el protocolo de bioseguridad, socializarlo con los administrativos, aprobarlo e implementarlo en la empresa para poder reactivarla. El compromiso y disposición de la Gerencia en la implementación, garantizó la adecuada realización y de esta manera se dio cabal cumplimento a la ejecución e implementación de las actividades a desarrollar, para así mitigar y controlar la transmisión del virus, con el fin de salvaguardar la vida de todos los empleados adscritos a la empresa, como de sus clientes. Para concluir, mi interés como Profesional, es poder aportar, ayudando a mi comunidad a salir victoriosos ante una situación tan adversa como lo ha sido la pandemia del Sars Cov2, que llegó para quedarse, debido a que es una responsabilidad moral ayudarnos, y así proteger nuestra salud, para evitar un mayor contagio, teniendo en cuenta las órdenes impartidas por el Gobierno Nacional. ; This qualitative research was carried out taking into account the guidelines stipulated in Resolution number 666 of 2020, proposed by the Ministry of Health and Social Protection, in which it establishes a general biosafety protocol, for the operation of all entities at the level national, and that this must be taken into account by each company and thus make an adequate design; In this case, I will allow myself to adjust it to the entity of land transport of the Department of Huila, called COOTRANSHUILA, in order to reactivate its service both at the administrative level, as well as land transport. The above, due to the fact that I was able to show the lack of the biosafety protocol in the company since it was not prepared to assume these changes; the lack of knowledge of the safety of administrative staff and drivers against the Sars Cov2 virus, led to the total closure of activities in the company. Once the deficiencies had been analyzed, it was finally possible to design the biosafety protocol, socialize it with the administrative staff, approve it and implement it in the company in order to reactivate it. The commitment and disposition of the management in the implementation, guaranteed the adequate performance and in this way the execution and implementation of theactivities to be developed was fully complied with, in order to mitigate and control thetransmission of the virus, in order to safeguard the life of all employees attached to thecompany, as well as its clients. To conclude, my interest as a Professional is to be able to contribute, helping my community to be victorious in the face of such an adverse situation as the Sars Cov2 pandemic, which is here to stay, because it is a moral responsibility to help us, and so on. protect our health, to avoid further contagion, taking into account the orders issued by the National Government. ; Maestría ; Magíster en Salud Ocupacional y Seguridad Industrial

Introduction. The work environment is the activity that people carry out either as a duty or an activity dependent on the profession to cover their needs and desires, as the result of the interaction of motivational factors and salary. Target. Analyze the effects on employment in times of pandemic in MSMEs through an analysis of the strategies adopted by employers and the measures taken by the government. Methodology. The research design started from the positivist research paradigm, non-experimental and transectional field design with documentary support, descriptive research level, the population was 77,289 and the sample 471, the questionnaire instrument was used, it was validated by trial of experts with experience in the labor area and methodology, qualifying validity, clarity, coherence, and relevance. Results. The reasons for dismissing workers due to the presence of COVID-19 were 40.55% did not have to resort to this measure, however, the main causes for which personnel were dismissed 23.57% opted for untimely dismissal, 12.53% resigned, 11.04 % termination of employment contract, 5.52% termination of the job, 4.03% due to company liquidation, 2.76% took retirement. It was possible to show that there is a high percentage of people who ceased their functions due to the suppression of their activities, these measures were assumed by the business owners due to the temporary nature of the pandemic that resulted in large losses and casualties in the sale of its products and services, due to the temporary suspension of its activities, which led to countless layoffs and closure of companies. Conclution. The negative effects on the economic aspect that the pandemic brings, show that employment has been affected, by the increase in unemployment and underemployment, by the closure and reduction of wages and less access to social protection, however, the prompt The government's response mitigated this panorama through a series of public policies. ; Introducción. El ámbito laboral es la actividad que las personas realizan ya sea como deber o actividad dependiente de la profesión para cubrir sus necesidades y deseos, como el resultado de la interacción de factores de motivación y sueldo. Objetivo. Analizar los efectos sobre el empleo en época de pandemia en las Mipymes a través de un análisis de las estrategias adoptadas por los empleadores y las medidas tomadas por el gobierno. Metodología. El diseño de la investigación partió del paradigma de investigación positivista, diseño de campo no experimental y transeccional con apoyo documental, nivel de investigación descriptiva, la población fue 77.289 y la muestra 471, se utilizó el instrumento del cuestionario, el mismo fue validado mediante juicio de expertos con experiencia en el área laboral y metodología, calificando validez, claridad, coherencia, y relevancia. Resultados. Las razones de despido de trabajadores por la presencia del COVID-19, fueron 40.55% no tuvo que acudir a esta medida, sin embargo, las principales causas por las que se despidió personal 23.57% optó por el despido intempestivo, 12.53% renunció, 11.04% terminación de contrato de trabajo, 5.52% supresión del puesto de trabajo, 4.03% a causa de liquidación de la empresa, 2.76% se acogieron a la jubilación. Fue posible evidenciar que existe un alto porcentaje de personas que cesaron de sus funciones a causa de la supresión de sus actividades, estas medidas fueron asumidas por los dueños de los negocios a causa de la temporalidad de pandemia que resultó en grandes pérdidas y bajas en la venta de sus productos y servicios, por la suspensión temporal de sus actividades, lo cual desencadeno en un sinfín de despidos y cierre de las empresas. Conclusión. Los efectos negativos en el aspecto económico que acarrea la pandemia, exponen que el empleo se ha visto afectado, por el aumento del desempleo y el subempleo, por el cierre y reducción de salarios y menor acceso a la protección social, sin embargo, la pronta respuesta del gobierno atenúo este panorama mediante una serie de políticas públicas.

The aim of this work is to highlight the importance of biological invasions (BI) in the Danube River Basin (DRB), to discuss the significance of the European Southern Invasive Corridor (the trajectory that links the Black and Northern Seas via the Danube River, Rhine–Main Canal and the Rhine river) for the BI process, as well as to summarize European legislation, standardisation and guidance documents related to invasive alien species (IAS). Recently, aquatic invasions have become an important issue. Non-indigenous species were recorded among all groups of aquatic organisms – algae, vascular plants, macroinvertebrates, fish and fish parasites. Parts of European inland waterways that are highly populated by non-native aquatic species are probably irreversibly changed with respect to their native biodiversity. BI can also cause different socio-economic consequences. In the case of the DRB, the International Commission for the Protection of the Danube River (ICPDR) acts as the coordinating body for multilateral and basin-wide actions related to water management, which involve resolving the issue of the IAS. Within the frame of the ICPDR activities, a risk assessment tool has been developed, as well as an approach to evaluate pressure caused by biological invasions for water bodies in the DRB. The list of alien aquatic taxa for the Danube River was prepared (three Cyanobacteria, seven algae species, 17 aquatic vascular plants, 51 aquatic macroinvertebrate and 32 fish species). Based on the Risk Assessment Procedure (the IAS–RAP–Danube) the "Black List" for the Danube River has been developed. The list includes 16 macroinvertebrate and ten fish and 13 aquatic macrophyte species. For the purpose of assessment of pressure caused by biological invasions, we are working on the development and testing of the Bioinvasion Assessment Index (BAI). The BAI is based on the assessment of a relative contribution of non-indigenous taxa to the analysed community. Based on the above, the DRB is specific and complex and it could be considered a scientific paradigm – a unique pattern, ideal model for study of BI phenomena. ; Сврха овог рада је да се истакне значај биолошких инвазија у сливу реке Дунав, размотри значај Европског јужног инвазивног коридора (путање која повезује Црно и Северно море преко Дунава, Канала Рајна – Мајна и реке Рајне) за процес биолошких инвазија. Поред тога, у раду се даје преглед европског за- конодавства, докумената за стандардизацију и смерница у вези са инвазивним страним врстама. Акватичке инвазије су недавно постале значајно питање. Алохтоне врсте забележене су међу свим групама акватичких организама - алги, васкуларних биљки, макроинвертебрата, риба и рибљих паразита. Делови европских унутрашњих водених путева који су густо насељени алохтоним акватичним врстама вероватно су неповратно измењени у погледу њиховог изворног биодиверзитета. Биолошка инвазија може такође изазвати различите социо-економске последице. Кад је реч о сливу Дунава, Међународна комисија за заштиту Дунава (ICPDR) наступа као координационо тело за мултилатералне активности и активности широм слива које се односе на водопривреду и тичу се решавања питања инвазивних страних врста. У оквиру активности Међународне комисије за заштиту Дунава, развијен је механизам процене ризика и приступ процене притиска који узрокују биолошке инвазије у водним телима у сливу Дунава. Израђен је списак страних акватичких таксона за Дунав (три цијанобактерије, седам врста алги, 17 акватичких васкуларних биљака, 51 ак- ватички макроинвертебрат и 32 врсте риба). Путем поступка процене ризика (IAS–RAP–Danube), израђена је "Црна листа" за Дунав. Листа садржи 16 макроинвертебрата, десет врста риба и 13 акватичких врста макрофита. У сврхе процене притиска који је узрокован биолошким инвазијама, радимо на изради и тестирању индекса процене биоинвазије (Bioinvasion Assessment Index). Индекс је заснован на процени релативног доприноса алохтоних таксона анализираној заједници. На основу горенаведеног, слив Дунава је специфичан и комплексан и може се сматрати научном парадигмом – реч је о јединственом обрасцу и идеалном моделу за проучавање феномена биолошких инвазија. ; 8. Конференција академија подунавске регије

It is currently emphasised at European level that an essential way to deliver the resource efficiency agenda established under the Europe 2020 Strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth is through moving towards a more circular economy (CE). European Union (EU) documents indicate that greater and sustained improvements of resource efficiency performance can bring large economic benefits. One of the most important advantages of CE systems is to keep the added value in products for as long as possible and eliminate waste. This also applies to the Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE) regulations. The WEEE regulations are intended to reduce the amount of e-waste being disposed of and require EEE producers to pay for its reuse, recycling and recovery. According to Chief Inspectorate of Environmental Protection (GIOS) data, every Pole generates approx. 14 kg of electronic waste annually (in EU – 17 kg/capita annually) and only 4 kg of these waste is selective selected. This indicates that the recovery of raw materials from WEEE, i.e. cell phones, computers, screens, monitors, household goods is one of the largest potential sources of raw materials, but it is wasted. Currently, the management and recovery of materials from WEEE is on the agenda of the EU and many individual countries as its disposal in an improper manner could have a significant impact on the environment. Efficient WEEE management has become a key goal, due to the pollution that could potentially result from the hazardous substances its components contain, but also because reusing its materials can be an important potential supply of resources. It should be mentioned that action on the circular economy is closely linked with key EU priorities, including jobs and growth, the investment agenda, climate and energy, the social agenda and industrial innovation, and with global efforts on sustainable development. The paper presents the importance of economic actors in Poland, such as business and consumers, which play a fundamental role in moving to a more CE model. Their eco-innovative actions support the CE at each step of the value chain – from production to consumption, repair and remanufacturing, waste management, and secondary raw materials that are fed back into the economy. The proposed actions should be consistent with the local, regional, national and European level regulations, which are also presented. ; Zgodnie z założeniami Unii Europjeksiej (UE), przechodzenie na gospodarkę o obiegu zamkniętym (ang. circular economy - CE) jest niezbędne do realizacji inicjatywy na rzecz zasobooszczędności przewidzianej w ramach strategii "Europa 2020" na rzecz inteligentnego i zrównoważonego rozwoju sprzyjającego włączeniu społecznemu. UE wskazuje, iż dalsza trwała poprawa w zakresie zasobooszczędności jest osiągalna i może przynieść znaczne korzyści gospodarcze. W systemach gospodarki o obiegu zamkniętym istnieje możliwość zachowania jak najdłużej wartości dodanej produktów i eliminacja odpadów. Założenia te dotyczą także kwestii związanych z zarządzaniem zużytym sprzętem elektrycznym i elektronicznym (ZSEE). Znowelizowane przepisy dotyczące ZSEE mają na celu zmniejszenie ilości odpadów kierowanych na składowiska oraz wymuszają od producentów podjęcia działań w zakresie ich unieszkodliwiania - ponownego wykorzystania, recyklingu i odzysku. W Polsce wytwarzanych jest obecnie ok. 14 kg ZSEE/ 1osobę rocznie, z czego jedynie 4 kg ZSEE/ 1 osobę jest zbieranych selektywnie. Oznacza to, że jedno z największych potencjalnych źródeł surowców (odzysk z ZSEE, tj. telefonów komórkowych, komputerów, ekranów, monitorów, artykułów gospodarstwa domowego) jest niewykorzystane. Z uwagi na fakt, iż europejska dyrektywa wymaga od państw członkowskich UE powtórnego wykorzystania oraz odzysku i recyklingu komponentów sprzętów elektrycznych i elektronicznych, zakłada się poprawę w wykorzystaniu odpadów w charakterze zasobów. W pracy omówiono kluczowe znaczenie podmiotów gospodarczych i konsumentów w przechodzeniu na gospodarkę o obiegu zamkniętym, w tym ich eko-innowacyjne działania wspierające rozwój CE na każdym etapie łańcucha wartości - od produkcji do konsumpcji, naprawy i regeneracji, gospodarki odpadami i surowcami wtórnymi wprowadzanymi z powrotem do gospodarki. Proponowane działania powinny być zgodne we wskazanymi lokalnymi, regionalnymi, krajowymi i europejskimi przepisami.

En desarrollo de la confrontación bélica registrada en Colombia durante las últimas cinco décadas entre el Estado, los paramilitares y varias guerrillas insurgentes (FARC, ELN, EPL, M19 y grupos milicianos regionales), se ha presentado una grave y masiva crisis en derechos humanos y derecho humanitario, con saldo de varios millones de víctimas, con responsabilidades de todos los actores del conflicto. Simultáneamente, el Estado colombiano ha avanzado en medidas nacionales de aplicación del Derecho Internacional Humanitario (DIH) y, como parte de ellas, ha sido frecuente la realización de acuerdos especiales (humanitarios), entre gobiernos nacionales o entes estatales y gubernamentales y las distintas guerrillas. De manera general, Colombia históricamente tiene antecedentes de realización de acuerdos especiales en las confrontaciones bélicas de carácter no internacional que ha tenido de manera frecuentes. Durante las décadas recientes son notables con relación a lo humanitario los desarrollos jurisprudenciales, legales, administrativos y de protección y atención humanitarios, sin que por ello aún dejen de registrarse expresiones de crisis humanitaria con compromiso de las partes. Los gobiernos nacionales con diferenciaciones de grados de comprensión y consecuencia, han desarrollado iniciativas al respecto. Las guerrillas, progresivamente han tenido niveles de comprensión y actuación en consecuencia. En tal contexto, se videncia más de un millar de experiencias de acuerdos humanitarios y una magnitud similar de acciones humanitarias unilaterales de las partes del conflicto. Estas experiencias se han presentado tanto en medio de hostilidades como de procesos y acuerdos de paz y con frecuencia el CICR ha sido intermediario y han obrado facilitaciones de la sociedad civil. En Colombia, como lo destaca el CICR, ha existido importante posicionamiento en la agenda pública del DIH y de los acuerdos especiales, que se han convertido en exigencia de organizaciones sociales, de derechos humanos y colectivos de víctimas. El rastreo de fuentes secundarias evidencia estos hechos con amplia documentación sobre iniciativas, debates teóricos, jurídicos, políticos y propiamente humanitarios al respecto, en medio de estas experiencias realizadas en contextos temporales, territoriales y con participación de actores involucrados en el conflicto. ; In the course of the armed confrontation in Colombia over the last five decades between the State, the paramilitaries and various insurgent guerrillas (FARC, ELN, EPL, M19 and regional militia groups), there has been a serious and massive crisis in human rights and humanitarian law, resulting in several million victims, with all the actors in the conflict being responsible for their actions. Simultaneously, the Colombian State has advanced in national measures for the application of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and, as part of them, special (humanitarian) agreements have been frequently signed between national governments or state and governmental entities and the different guerrillas. In general, Colombia has historically had a history of making special agreements in the non-international military confrontations it has had on a frequent basis. In recent decades, there have been notable developments in humanitarian jurisprudence, law, administration and humanitarian protection and care, although there are still expressions of humanitarian crisis with the commitment of the parties. National governments, with varying degrees of understanding and consequence, have developed initiatives in this regard. The guerrillas have progressively had levels of understanding and have acted accordingly. In this context, there are more than a thousand experiences of humanitarian agreements and a similar magnitude of unilateral humanitarian actions by the parties to the conflict. These experiences have occurred both in the midst of hostilities and in the midst of peace processes and agreements, and the ICRC has often acted as an intermediary and has been a facilitator for civil society. In Colombia, as highlighted by the ICRC, there has been important positioning in the public agenda of IHL and special agreements, which have become a demand of social organizations, human rights organizations and victims' collectives. The secondary sources search evidences these facts with ample documentation on initiatives, theoretical, legal, political and humanitarian debates on the subject, in the midst of these experiences carried out in temporal and territorial contexts and with the participation of actors involved in the conflict. ; Maestría

Background: Hydatidosis is an infection caused by the cystic larval stage of Echinococcus granulosus. This disease is a zoonotic disease has a worldwide distribution and common in developing and undeveloped countries. Objectives: The objective of the present study is to studying the infection rate and predilection seats of hydatid cyst affections among slaughtered food animals in Aswan Governorate, southern Egypt and study the effect of age and sex of infected slaughtered animals on the infection with hydatid cyst. Also, study the effect of seasonal variations in the infection with hydatid cyst among slaughtered animals. In addition, the macroscopic examination, microscopic examination, scanning electron microscopy and histopathological studies for the collected hydatid cyst are examined. Methods: This investigation was carried out from August 2015 to July 2016 in two main slaughterhouses in Aswan Governorate to study the hydatidosis in camels and sheep. By routine meat inspection, hydatid cyst count and characterization was conducted. Findings: A total of 2080 camels and 674 sheep were examined. Of these, 173 (8.32%) camels and 3 (0.45%) sheep were found to harbour one or more hydatid cysts. Female and older age slaughtered animals were more susceptible to infection with these metacestode than males and younger animals. Hydatid cyst infection in slaughtered animals is most commonly found in lung followed by liver while mixed infection in both lung and liver was found only in camel. Hydatid cyst in slaughtered camels was higher in autumn followed by winter, while hydatid cyst in slaughtered sheep was found only in autumn season. Fertile cysts in lung and liver of slaughtered camels was 83.4% and 30% respectively. While the fertility of hydatid cyst in infected lung and liver of sheep was 100%. Main conclusions: This study reported that slaughtered animals were infected with relatively high infection rate of hydatid cyst may be due to the presence of socio-economic conditions favourable for the disease and maintenance of high level of infection. So must design governmental control programs against hydatidosis to minimize the infection rate in Aswan Governorate and ensure effective protection not only for animal population but also for humans at risk of contracting the infection. ; Исходная информация: Эхинококкоз является инфекцией, вызванной личиночной стадией Echinococcus granulosus. Данное заболевание является зоонозом, распространенным во всем мире и характерен для развитых и слаборазвитых стран. Цели: Целью данного исследования является изучение зараженности эхинококками и предрасположенности мест повреждения гидатидой среди убитых животных в административном округе Асуан, южной части Египта, и изучение влияния возраста, пола животных и сезона года на заболеваемость эхинококками. Проведены макроскопическое и гистологическое исследования, растровая электронная микроскопия и гистопатологологические исследования обнаруженных при вскрытии убитых животных гидатид. Методы: Данное лабораторное обследование проводили с августа 2015 года по июль 2016 года в двух основных скотобойнях административного округа Асуан для изучения эхинококкоза у верблюдов и овец. Выводы: Всего исследовали 2080 верблюдов и 674 овец. Среди них у 173 верблюдов (8,32%) и у 3 овец (0,45%) были обнаружены переносчики одной или нескольких гидатид. Убитые животные женского пола и старшего возраста были более подвержены заражению данным плероцеркоидом, чем животные мужского пола и более молодого возраста. Гидатиды у убитых животных чаще всего обнаруживали в легком, менее часто - в печени, в то время как множественное заражение и в легком и в печени обнаруживали только у верблюдов. Более высокая встречаемость гидатид у убитых верблюдов была осенью, реже - зимой, в то время как гидатиды у убитых овец были обнаружены только в осенний период. Фертильные кисты в легких и печени убитых верблюдов составляли 83,4% и 30% соответственно, в то время как фертильные кисты в зараженных легких и печени овец составляли 100%. Основные выводы: Данное исследование показало, что убитые животные были заражены гидатидами в высокой возможно из-за существующих социально-экономических условий, благоприятных для развития заболевания и сохранения высокого уровня зараженности. Таким образом, обязательным является создание государственных программ контроля эхинококкоза для снижения уровня распространенности в административном округе Асуан и обеспечения эффективной защиты не только животных, но и людей от риска контактирования с инвазией.