Suchergebnisse

En este documento se analiza la justicia internacional desde la perspectiva de las mujeres sobrevivientes de violaciones cometidas durante el genocidio en Rwanda y se exponen las oportunidades que en el último decenio se han desperdiciado en los juicios por violencia sexual ante el Tribunal Penal Internacional para Rwanda (TPIR). Durante el genocidio en Rwanda, en todas las prefecturas del país se desató una violencia sexual generalizada principalmente en contra de las mujeres tutsi. Miles de mujeres fueron violadas en las calles, en los puntos de control instalados en las carreteras, en sembradíos, o bien dentro o cerca de edificios del gobierno, hospitales, iglesias y otros lugares donde buscaron refugio. Las mujeres fueron sometidas, individualmente y en grupo, a la esclavitud sexual con el propósito de violarlas. Eran violadas con palos punzantes u otros objetos, hasta causarles la muerte. Luego sus cuerpos fueron abandonados, por lo general desnudos, ensangrentados, los brazos y piernas extendidos, expuestos a la vista de todos. La propaganda de odio que se emprendiera antes y durante el genocidio alimentó la violencia sexual mediante la satanización de la sexualidad de las mujeres tutsi. A la luz de las pruebas y los delitos que el TPIR debe conocer, prácticamente todos los que han de comparecer ante este tribunal internacional deberían ser imputados y condenados, según corresponda, por su papel en la ejecución de estos actos, o por su responsabilidad como líderes por no prevenir las acciones de sus subordinados. Sin embargo, a 10 años de haberse cometido el genocidio en Rwanda, el TPIR ha dictado 21 sentencias: 18 condenas y 3 absoluciones. El 90 por ciento de estos fallos no incluyó ninguna condena por violación. Lo que resulta todavía más perturbador es que el número de absoluciones por violación fue el doble de las condenas por el mismo delito. La Fiscalía ni siquiera presentó cargos de violación en el 70 por ciento de los casos adjudicados. De continuar esta tendencia, será cada vez mayor la probabilidad de que no se haga plena justicia a las mujeres víctimas del genocidio en Rwanda ante el TPIR. Este documento se basa en entrevistas con sobrevivientes de violaciones en Rwanda, entre ellas algunas de las mujeres que atestiguaron ante el TPIR. En la primera parte se examinan los funestos antecedentes del fiscal del TPIR en la investigación y enjuiciamiento de las violaciones sexuales. Los 10 años transcurridos revelan una falta de voluntad política a nivel de los altos directivos para integrar los delitos de violación sexual en una estrategia de enjuiciamiento estable y constante. Diversos factores han dificultado los procesos, entre otros, las investigaciones inadecuadas, la aplicación de una metodología de indagación inapropiada y la falta de capacitación del personal. Algunos casos han continuado sin acusaciones de violación, a pesar de que en algunos de ellos el fiscal tenía en su poder pruebas fehacientes del delito. En un número considerable de casos, los cargos por violación se han agregado tardíamente como enmiendas, en lugar de formar parte integral de la estrategia de enjuiciamiento. Los abogados principales de la fiscalía siguen teniendo interpretaciones y opiniones divergentes y hasta contradictorias sobre la responsabilidad legal de la violencia contra las mujeres y sobre el enfoque legal que han de adoptar en la corte. La segunda parte del documento se basa en las voces de los testigos de las violaciones, incluidas algunas de las mujeres que atestiguaron ante el TPIR. En esta parte se revela la profunda decepción y frustración de las víctimas de las violaciones frente al proceso de justicia internacional. Las mujeres de Rwanda explican lo que en su opinión ha sido el fracaso del tribunal, que no sólo les ha negado justicia, sino también agudizado el sufrimiento que continúan padeciendo. En el documento se destacan algunas de las deficiencias del proceso (el cual se ha estructurado sin considerar la necesidad de brindar una atención y una protección óptimas a las víctimas de violación), como la carencia de información y seguimiento y la falta de una explicación completa por parte de la fiscalía sobre los posibles riesgos. En la corte, por lo general como consecuencia de la conducción de juicios conjuntos con múltiples acusados, las víctimas de violación se enfrentan a un ambiente hostil en el que se ven sometidas a contrainterrogatorios prolongados y repetitivos, a lo cual se suma la renuencia de algunos jueces a limitar el período de repreguntas. Debido a una falta de preparación adecuada, algunas víctimas de violación se han sentido humilladas y apenadas al momento de presentar su testimonio porque no se les advirtió que tendrían que hablar explícitamente sobre partes de su cuerpo o sobre actos sexuales. Luego de los juicios, las víctimas de violación con frecuencia observan que, a pesar de la prometida anonimidad, regresan a sus hogares para enterarse de que se ha revelado su identidad como víctimas de violación, tras lo cual se ven sujetas a amenazas y represalias. Luego de una década de existencia, resulta desalentador ver cuán poca justicia el Tribunal Penal Internacional para Rwanda ha podido llevar a las víctimas de la violencia sexual. En esta era de justicia internacional, deben desplegarse esfuerzos concertados para aprender de las experiencias de las víctimas de violación en Rwanda y asegurarse de que las Naciones Unidas no continúe en deuda con las víctimas de violación. Este análisis de la justicia internacional a través de los ojos de las víctimas de violación revela la urgente necesidad de velar, como cuestión prioritaria, por que los tribunales penales internacionales no pasen por alto los crímenes de violencia sexual ni permitan la conducción de un proceso judicial que margina, deshumaniza y degrada a las víctimas de violación. ; This paper offers an examination of international justice from the perspective of rape survivors from the Rwandan genocide, and exposes the squandered opportunities that have characterized sexual violence prosecutions over the past decade at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Throughout the Rwandan genocide, widespread sexual violence, directed predominantly against Tutsi women, occurred in every prefecture. Thousands of women were raped on the streets, at checkpoints, in cultivated plots, in or near government buildings, hospitals, churches, and other places where they sought sanctuary. Women were held individually and in groups as sexual slaves for the purpose of rape. They were raped to death using sharp sticks or other objects. Their dead bodies were often left naked, bloody and spread-eagled in public view. The hate propaganda before and during the genocide fuelled the sexual violence by demonizing Tutsi women's sexuality. Given the evidence and the crimes that the ICTR is tasked with prosecuting, virtually every defendant coming before this international court should be charged and convicted, where appropriate, for his role in perpetrating these acts, or for command responsibility in not preventing the acts of subordinates. Yet on the tenth anniversary of the Rwandan genocide, the ICTR had handed down 21 sentences: 18 convictions and 3 acquittals. An overwhelming 90 per cent of those judgements contained no rape convictions. More disturbingly, there were double the number of acquittals for rape than there were rape convictions. No rape charges were even brought by the Prosecutor's Office in 70 per cent of those adjudicated cases. If the trend continues, full and fair justice for women victims of the Rwandan genocide appears increasingly unlikely before the ICTR. This paper is based on interviews with Rwandan rape survivors, including some who have testified as witnesses before the ICTR. The first part is an examination of the dismal record of the ICTR Prosecutor's Office in investigating and prosecuting sexual violence crimes. The past decade reveals a lack of political will at the senior management level to integrate sexual violence crimes into a consistently followed prosecution strategy. Prosecutions have been hampered by inadequate investigations, the use of inappropriate investigating methodology, and a lack of training for staff. Some cases have moved forward without rape charges, sometimes even when the prosecutor is in possession of strong evidence. In a significant proportion of the cases, rape charges have been added belatedly as amendments, rather than being made an integral part of the prosecution strategy. Trial team leaders continue to have differing, and even contradictory, interpretations of legal responsibility for the violence against women and opinions on what legal approaches to adopt in the courtroom. The second part of the paper is based on the voices of the rape witnesses, including some who have testified before the ICTR. It reveals the deep disappointment and frustration of rape victims with the international justice process. Rwandan women articulate what they see as the failure of this court, which not only denies them justice, but exacerbates the suffering they continue to experience. This paper highlights some of the hortcomings in the process, which is structured without regard to providing optimal care and protection to rape victims, including a lack of information and follow-up, and the lack of full disclosure by the Prosecutor's Office on the possible risks. In the courtroom, often as a result of joint trials with multiple defendants, rape victims find the environment hostile as they are subjected to repeated and lengthy cross-examinations, coupled with a reluctance on the part of some judges to limit excessive cross-examination. Because of a lack of adequate preparation, some rape victims have felt humiliated and embarrassed on the stand because they were not warned that they would have to speak explicitly about sexual parts or acts. Following trial, rape victims often find that despite the promised anonymity, they return home to find their identity revealed as rape victims, and are subject to threats and reprisals. After a decade of existence, it is discouraging to see how little justice the ICTR has delivered to the victims of sexual violence. In this era of international justice, concerted efforts must be made to learn from the experiences of the Rwandan rape victims to ensure that the United Nations does not continue to short-change rape victims. Looking at international justice through the eyes of rape victims points to an urgent need to better ensure, as a priority, that international criminal courts neither overlook sexual violence crimes nor allow a judicial process that marginalizes, dehumanizes or demeans rape victims. ; L'auteur, qui porte sur la justice internationale le regard de celles qui ont survécu à un viol pendant le génocide rwandais, dénonce ici les occasions manquées par le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) de poursuivre les violences sexuelles au cours des dix dernières années. Pendant tout le génocide rwandais, toutes les préfectures ont été le théâtre de violences sexuelles généralisées, dirigées le plus souvent contre des femmes tutsies. Des milliers de femmes ont été violées dans les rues, aux postes de contrôle, dans les champs, à l'intérieur ou à proximité de bâtiments publics, d'hôpitaux, d'églises et d'autres endroits où elles cherchaient refuge. Des femmes ont été détenues, seules et en groupes, comme esclaves sexuelles, pour être violées. Elles ont été violées à mort, à l'aide de bâtons pointus ou d'autres objets. Leurs corps ont été souvent abandonnés nus, ensanglantés, les bras et jambes écartés, exposés à la vue de tous. La propagande de haine avant et pendant le génocide a alimenté la violence sexuelle en diabolisant la sexualité des femmes tutsies. Etant donné les preuves et les crimes que le TPIR est chargé de poursuivre, pratiquement tous les accusés déférés devant cette juridiction internationale devraient être inculpés et déclarés coupables, le cas échéant, pour avoir eux-mêmes perpétré ces actes ou, s'ils étaient à des postes de commandement, pour n'avoir pas empêché leurs subordonnés de les commettre. Pourtant, à la date du dixième anniversaire du génocide rwandais, le TPIR avait rendu 21 jugements: 18 condamnations et 3 acquittements; 90 pour cent de ces jugements ne contenaient aucune condamnation pour viol. Plus troublant encore, les acquittements pour viol ont été deux fois plus nombreux que les condamnations prononcées pour ce chef d'inculpation. Dans 70 pour cent des affaires jugées, le viol ne figure même pas parmi les charges retenues par le Bureau du Procureur. Plus cette tendance se poursuit, plus s'amenuisent les chances de voir le TPIR accorder pleinement satisfaction aux femmes victimes du génocide rwandais. Ce document repose sur des interviews de Rwandaises qui ont survécu au viol et dont certaines ont témoigné devant le TPIR. Dans la première partie, l'auteur, qui examine ce qu'a fait le Bureau du Procureur du TPIR pour instruire et poursuivre les crimes de violence sexuelle, dresse un triste bilan. Les dix dernières années révèlent un manque de volonté politique au niveau le plus élevé de l'administration, qui renâcle à intégrer les crimes de violence sexuelle dans une stratégie de poursuites cohérente. L'insuffisance des enquêtes menées, l'emploi de méthodes d'investigation inappropriées et le manque de formation du personnel ont été autant de pierres d'achoppement à l'engagement de poursuites. Certains dossiers ont avancé sans que le viol figure parmi les chefs d'accusation, alors même que le procureur détenait de solides preuves. Dans une proportion non négligeable des affaires, le viol a été ajouté tardivement sous forme d'amendement à l'acte d'accusation, mais sans faire partie intégrante de la stratégie du ministère public. Les chefs des équipes spécialisées dans les procès continuent d'avoir des interprétations divergentes et même contradictoires de la responsabilité légale des violences commises contre les femmes, et des opinions différentes sur la méthode d'approche qu'il convient d'adopter dans la salle d'audience. La seconde partie du document donne la parole aux témoins des viols, dont certain(e)s ont témoigné devant le TPIR. Elle révèle l'amertume des victimes de viol, profondément déçues par la justice internationale. Les femmes rwandaises expriment ce qu'elles perçoivent comme un manquement de ce tribunal, qui non seulement leur dénie la justice mais exacerbe encore la souffrance qu'elles continuent d'éprouver. Ce document met en évidence quelques-unes des carences du processus, qui se déroule sans que l'on pense à apporter aux victimes de viol une assistance et une protection optimales, qui devraient inclure information et suivi, et sans que le Bureau du Procureur ne les avertisse de manière circonstanciée des risques qu'elles peuvent encourir. Comme souvent les procès sont communs à de nombreux accusés, les victimes de viol jugent hostile l'environnement de la salle d'audience, où elles sont soumises à des contre-interrogatoires longs et répétitifs, d'autant que certains juges sont réticents à limiter les excès en la matière. Insuffisamment préparées, certaines victimes de viol se sont senties humiliées et gênées à la barre des témoins car on ne les avait pas averties qu'elles devraient parler explicitement de certains actes ou organes sexuels. Après le procès, il arrive souvent que, de retour chez elles, elles découvrent que, malgré la promesse d'anonymat qui leur a été faite, leur identité de victimes de viol est connue et qu'elles fassent l'objet de menaces et de représailles. Au bout de dix ans d'existence, il est décourageant de voir le peu de justice que le TPIR a rendu aux victimes de violences sexuelles. En cette ère de justice internationale, des efforts concertés doivent être faits pour tirer les leçons des expériences des victimes de viol au Rwanda afin que celles-ci ne soient plus mises à mal à l'avenir par les Nations Unies. Si l'on porte sur la justice internationale le regard des victimes de viol, on s'aperçoit qu'il est impératif de mieux veiller, avant toutes choses, à ce que les juridictions pénales internationales ne négligent pas les crimes de violence sexuelle et ne laissent plus aucun procès marginaliser, déshumaniser ou humilier les victimes de viol.

La religión está presente en el ámbito público pese al marco constitucional de Estado laico y secular, matizado en mayor o menor medida dependiendo de los procesos de laicidad por los que han atravesado las sociedades, específicamente las latinoamericanas. Dada la pluralidad religiosa y los procesos de democratización son varios actores que participan con sus construcciones o dogmas en lo que consideran debe ser la conducción de la sociedad. El actor religioso histórico ha sido la Iglesia católica, sin embargo, en Latinoamérica desde mediados del siglo XX grupos evangélicos han ido ocupando espacios sociales y políticos que la iglesia tradicional mantenía. Las diferentes teologías de liberación, de prosperidad y de dominio, aunadas a la capacidad de reacomodación que tiene la iglesia frente a cambios sociales y culturales están produciendo sujetos políticos que las Ciencias Sociales bajo su paradigma de secularización no había visibilizado. La comunidad evangélica como sujeto y actor político ha ganado espacios en el Legislativo y Ejecutivo, lo que le permite influenciar la dinámica política de un país no solo con un discurso de corte moralista, pero con el denominador común de llevar valores a la política como mecanismo de entrada en la misma. Si bien Colombia como otros países occidentales no tienen un Estado teocrático sí hay y habrá una participación de líderes religiosos en política con influencia directa en las decisiones públicas. Su impacto dependerá de los logros conseguidos en el campo de tensión con los grupos más progresistas en términos de derechos y valores tradicionales que no son las únicas, pero sí las motivaciones más representativas. La iglesia Misión Carismática Internacional (MCI) y el Uribismo son un ejemplo de alianzas político religiosas especialmente en entornos electorales que responden al objetivo de esta investigación. Para evidenciar su relación y los efectos de la misma en la dinámica política se utilizó como procedimiento metodológico la realización de entrevistas semiestructuradas con líderes religiosos, políticos y de la sociedad civil. El análisis revela que, si bien no todos los líderes religiosos tienen las mismas prácticas políticas, para el caso de la MCI la alianza con un partido político se hace de acuerdo a los espacios políticos que puedan obtener en el Legislativo y la afinidad ideológica entre líderes. ; Resumo: A religião está presente na esfera pública, apesar do quadro constitucional de Estado laico e secular, diferenciada em maior ou menor grau dependendo de processos de laicidade pelo qual as sociedades passaram, especificamente as latino-americanas. Dada a pluralidade religiosa e os processos de democratização, vários atores participam com suas construções ou dogmas no que consideram deve ser a condução da sociedade. O ator religioso histórico tem sido a Igreja católica, no entanto, na América Latina desde meados do século XX, grupos evangélicos vêm ocupando espaços sociais e políticos que a igreja tradicional mantinha. As diferentes teologias de libertação, de prosperidade, de dominação, juntamente com a disponibilidade da igreja para se adaptar às mudanças sociais e culturais estão produzindo sujetos politicos, que as Ciências Sociais sob o seu paradigma de secularização não tornaram visíveis. A comunidade evangélica como sujeito e ator político ganhou terreno nos ramos Legislativo e Executivo, o que lhe permite influenciar a dinâmica política de um país não só com um discurso moralista, mas com o denominador comum de trazer valores para a política como um mecanismo de entrada nela. Embora a Colômbia e outros países ocidentais não tenham um Estado teocrático, há e haverá uma participação de líderes religiosos na política com influência direta nas decisões públicas. Seu impacto dependerá das conquistas alcançadas no campo da tensão com os grupos mais progressistas nos termos de direitos e valores tradicionais que não são as únicas, mas são as motivações mais representativas. A proximidade entre a igreja Misión Carismatica Internacional (MCI) e o Uribismo é um exemplo de alianças político-religiosas especialmente nos ambientes eleitorais que respondem ao objetivo desta investigação. Para demonstrar sua relação e seus efeitos na dinâmica política, entrevistas semi-estruturadas com líderes religiosos, políticos e da sociedade civil foram utilizadas como procedimento metodológico. A análise revela que, embora todos os líderes religiosos tenham as mesmas práticas políticas, no caso da MCI a aliança com um partido político é feita de acordo com as posições politicas que ela deseja obter no Legislativo e a afinidade ideológica entre os líderes. ; Abstract: Religion is present in the public sphere despite the constitutional framework of a secular state, nuanced by a greater or lesser extent depending on the processes of secularism that societies have gone through, specifically those of Latin America. Given the religious plurality and the process of democratization several actors taking part with their constructions or dogmas in what they consider should be the conduct of society. The historical religious actor has been the Catholic Church, however, in Latin America since the middle XX century evangelical groups have been occupying social and political spaces the traditional church maintained. The different theologies of liberation, of prosperity, of dominion, coupled with the readiness of the Church to adapt to social and cultural changes are producing political subjects, that the Social Sciences under its paradigm of secularization had not made visible. The evangelical community as a subject and political actor has taken space in the Legislative and Executive, which allows it to influence the political dynamics of a country not only with a moralistic discourse, but with the common denominator that gives values to politics as a mechanism of access. Although Colombia and other western countries do not have a theocratic State, there is and will be a participation of religious leaders in politics with direct influence on public decisions. This impact will depend on the achievements made in the field of tension with the most progressive groups in terms of traditional rights and values that are not the only ones, but they are the most representative motivations. The International Charismatic Mission Church (MCI) and the Uribismo are an example of relationship religious political especially in electoral environments that respond to the objective of this investigation. To demonstrate this relationship and their effects on political dynamics, semistructured interviews with religious, political and civil society leaders were used as a methodological procedure. The analysis reveals that although not all religious leaders have the same political practices, in the case of the MCI the alliance with a political party is done according to the political spaces that can be obtained in the Legislative and the ideological affinity between leaders. ; Maestría

Esta tesis doctoral se ha realizado dentro del marco de un acuerdo de co-tutela entre la Universidad de Zaragoza (Universidad de origen), la Universidad de Calabria (Universidad anfitriona) y la Facultad de Ciencias y Tecnología de la Universidad NOVA de Lisboa (FCT NOVA) (Universidad anfitriona). El trabajo de investigación se ha llevado a cabo dentro del programa de Doctorado en Ingeniería de Membranas Erasmus Mundus (EUDIME), (FPA 2011-0014), financiado por la Unión Europea. La tesis se centró principalmente en el uso de la técnica de electrohilado para producir diferentes tipos de membranas que puedan ser utilizadas en distintas aplicaciones biomédicas. Se sintetizaron y produjeron nanopartículas orgánicas e inorgánicas para ser utilizadas como rellenos o como portadores (sistema de administración de fármacos), así como membranas nanofibrosas electrohiladas. Este trabajo se llevó a cabo en el Instituto de Nanociencia de Aragón (INA), específicamente en el grupo de Nanostructured Films and Particles (NFP) bajo la supervisión de la profesora Silvia Irusta y la Dra. Gracia Mendoza. Una parte importante de la caracterización físico-química se realizó en el INA. En la Universidad de Calabria se trabajó bajo la supervisión de la Dra. Loredana de Bartolo en el Instituto de Tecnología de Membranas (ITM). Allí se utilizaron técnicas específicas tanto para la caracterización como para estudiar diferentes señales biológicas producidas por las membranas sintetizadas, bajo la supervisión. Por otro lado, la movilidad llevada a cabo en la Facultad de Ciencias y Tecnología (FCT NOVA) de la Universidade NOVA (FCT NOVA) bajo la supervisión de la profesora Ana Isabel Aguiar-Ricardo, permitió realizar una caracterización completa de dos membranas asimétricas siguiendo diferentes Normas Internacionales que establecen diferentes ensayos a realizar en apósitos primarios utilizados en heridas. El desarrollo de nuevos scaffolds cargados con proteínas morfogenéticas o antibióticos es de gran interés en el campo de la ingeniería de tejidos óseos. Scaffolds electrohilados con una microporosidad mejorada puede ser beneficioso para mejorar la viabilidad celular debido a que una alta porosidad junto a la presencia de microporos puede proporcionar un entorno tridimensional (3D) que no solamente facilita la siembra y difusión celular sino también proporciona una mejor difusión de los nutrientes y residuos a través del scaffolds. La adición de cerámica de fosfato de calcio ha sido ampliamente investigada para fabricar scaffolds altamente porosos para la ingeniería de tejidos óseos debido a que presentan una composición muy similar al hueso, incluyendo excelentes propiedades de biocompatibilidad, osteoinductivas y osteoconductoras. Partículas cargadas con proteínas morfogenéticas de hueso distribuidas homogéneamente en el scaffolds podrían asegurar una liberación continua del factor de crecimiento proporcionando de esta forma las señales bioquímicas necesarias para la reparación y regeneración ósea. Los scaffolds cargados con antibióticos pueden proporcionar una liberación sostenida del fármaco en el sitio de interés, así como el mantenimiento de propiedades osteogénicas mejoradas para la regeneración exitosa del hueso. Evitando de esta forma que se alcancen niveles de toxicidad o niveles ineficaces en la zona de interés, así como la aparición de efectos secundarios indeseados en los pacientes que provocan un rechazo a los tratamientos prolongados de fármacos por vía sistemática (vía oral e intravenosa). Otra aplicación biomédica interesante de las membranas electrohiladas es la fabricación de apósitos inteligentes eficientes para el tratamiento de heridas. Para lograr una curación rápida de la herida es necesario desarrollar membranas apropiadas con poros interconectados capaces de prevenir la deshidratación rápida y la penetración de bacterias. Para mantener un ambiente húmedo en el lecho de la herida se necesita una alta capacidad de absorción y una adecuada transmisión de vapor de agua. Además, si la membrana electrohilada presenta propiedades bactericidas facilitará el proceso de curación. El objetivo principal de esta tesis fue el desarrollo mediante electrohilado de membranas fibrosas con las características apropiadas para ser utilizadas en la ingeniería de tejidos óseos o como apósito para heridas. En los Capítulos II al V se plantean una serie de objetivos específicos con el fin de cumplir el objetivo principal. Este documento de tesis se dividió en las siguientes secciones:  CAPÍTULO I, corresponde a la introducción general donde se describen los conceptos de biomateriales, scaffolds, ingeniería de tejidos y el objetivo principal de los sistemas de liberación de fármacos. Así como, la clasificación de los biomateriales y la ingeniería de tejidos según el origen de los materiales. Además se ponen de manifiesto todos los factores que deben tenerse en cuenta para desarrollar y aplicar adecuadamente los apósitos para heridas. Se mencionaron las diferentes técnicas utilizadas en la literatura haciendo énfasis en el uso de electrohilado y electropulverización para producir scaffolds o membranas para su uso en la ingeniería del tejido óseo y como apósitos para heridas.  CAPÍTULO II, se enfoca en el desarrollo y mejora de andamios 3D capaces de promover una eficiente regeneración ósea junto con la liberación de antibióticos dirigidos para prevenir la colonización de bacterias. El objetivo de este trabajo fue sintetizar y caracterizar un sistema de liberación de fármacos que consiste en nanofibras electrohiladas de policaprolactona (PCL) decoradas con partículas de poli (ácido láctico-coglicólico) (PLGA) cargadas con rifampicina (RFP). Este material debe promover la reparación ósea evitando el deterioro del scaffolds provocado por una infección. Se realizó la evaluación in vitro de la capacidad bactericida del material electrohilado sintetizado contra bacterias Gram positivas (Staphylococcus aureus) y Gram negativas (Escherichia coli), así como su citocompatibilidad en cultivos 3D con osteoblastos humanos. Estos resultados se enviaron a la Revista de farmacia "International Journal of Pharmaceuitics" para su publicación en formato de artículo y está bajo revisión.  CAPÍTULO III, se describe la síntesis y caracterización de membranas con estructura de núcleo-envoltura de PCL y acetato de polivinilo (PVAc) obtenidas por electrohilado. Las fibras se cargaron con nanopartículas de hidroxiapatita sintética (HAn) para aumentar la bioactividad de los materiales. Los scaffolds desarrollados se trataron con ablación láser para crear características topográficas deseadas a nivel micrométrico con el objetivo de favorecer la adhesión y crecimiento celular. Todas las membranas obtenidas presentaron una estructura de poros tridimensionalmente interconectados y el tratamiento con láser provocó un aumento en la viabilidad y densidad celular. Además, el aumento en la biocompatibilidad de los scaffolds sugiere que los microporos pequeños favorecen la adhesión y proliferación celular. Estos resultados fueron publicados en el artículo titulado "Laser-treated electrospun fibers loaded with nano-hydroxyapatite for bone tissue engineering". Javier Aragon, Nuria Navascues, Gracia Mendoza, Silvia Irusta. International Journal of Pharmaceutics 525,112–122, 2017. DOI:10.1016/j.ijpharm.2017.04.022.  CAPÍTULO IV, se refiere al desarrollo de un scaffold electrohilado compuesto por fibras con estructura de núcleo-cubierta de PCL o PCL/PVAc cargado con HAn sintética. Estas fibras se decoraron con partículas de PLGA cargadas con proteína morfogenética ósea 2 (BMP2) mediante el uso simultaneo de electrohilado coaxial y electropulverización. El objetivo de este trabajo fue evaluar las propiedades estructurales y físico-químicas así como el proceso de biodegradación de los nuevos scaffolds desarrollados y su capacidad para abordar las características arquitectónicas, bioquímicas y funcionales del tejido óseo. Para esto, se probó la bioactividad del scaffold mediante el cultivo de osteoblastos humanos sobre ellos y se monitoreo de la viabilidad celular durante 4 semanas. Se evaluó la actividad osteogénica in vitro de las células sembradas sobre los scaffolds determinando la actividad de la fosfatasa alcalina (ALP) y la expresión de osteocalcina (OCN) y osteopontina (OPN) como proteínas osteogénicas. Estos resultados fueron publicados en el artículo titulado "Polymeric electrospun scaffolds for bone morphogenetic protein 2 delivery in bone tissue engineering". Javier Aragón, Simona Salerno, Loredana De Bartolo, Silvia Irusta and Gracia Mendoza. Journal of Colloid and Interface Science, 531 (2018) 126–137. DOI:10.1016/j.jcis.2018.07.029.  El CAPÍTULO V, describe la síntesis de un apósito antimicrobiano para heridas, con una resistencia mecánica adecuada que es capaz de absorber exudados y evitar la deshidratación rápida de una herida. Se prepararon membranas asimétricas de PCL/PVAc cargadas con carvacrol (CRV) mediante el uso simultáneo de electrohilado y electropulverización. Las membranas constan de dos capas; la primera es una capa de PCL electrohilado; la segunda, una lámina de PVAc que estaría en contacto con la piel liberando a su vez el compuesto antimicrobiano. Se demostró que el uso de diferentes disolventes pueden dar lugar a la obtención de diferentes morfologías de la capa PVAc-CRV. Los valores obtenidos de elongación máxima de las membranas antes de romperse son adecuados para ser utilizados como apósitos para heridas ya que están en el mismo rango reportado de elongaciones en la piel humana. Las membranas presentan una tasa óptima de Transmisión de vapor de agua (WVTR) con valores que se encuentran en el rango requerido para mantener un buen balance entre humedad y pérdida de agua en la herida. En la primera semana, se liberó más del 60 % del CRV cargado, mientras que después de tres semanas, las membranas liberaron entre el 85 y el 100 % del CRV cargado mediante la contribución de un proceso de difusión de tipo Fickiano y la relajación delas cadenas poliméricas. Las membranas sintetizadas son candidatas potenciales para ser utilizadas como apósitos para heridas. El manuscrito que resume estos resultados se envió a la revista "Materials Science and Engineering C" y está bajo revisión (MSEC_2018_3013).  CAPÍTULO VI, resume las conclusiones generales del trabajo de tesis.  APÉNDICE 1, describe las principales técnicas de caracterización y los métodos para evaluar diferentes propiedades en función de las posibles aplicaciones.  APÉNDICE 2, resume los artículos publicados y la participación en foros científicos durante el período de tesis. 1 The current Doctoral Thesis work has been performed under a co-supervision agreement between University of Zaragoza (Home University), University of Calabria (Host University) and Faculty of Sciences and Technology of the NOVA University of Lisbon (FCT NOVA) (Host University). This research has been carried out inside the Erasmus Mundus Doctorate in Membrane Engineering program (EUDIME), (FPA 2011-0014), funded by the European Union. This thesis focused mainly on the use of the electrospinning technique to produce different kind of membranes for biomedical applications. In particular, it described the synthesis and production of inorganic and organic nanoparticles to be used as fillers or as carriers (drug delivery system) as well as the production of electrospun nanofibrous membranes. This work was carried out within the Institute of Nanoscience of Aragon (INA), specifically in the Nanostructured Films and Particles (NFP) group under the supervision of the Professor Silvia Irusta and Dr Gracia Mendoza. Also an important part of the physico-chemical characterization was done at INA. The study of different biological signals and the use of specific techniques for membrane characterization were acquired at the University of Calabria under the supervision of Dr. Loredana De Bartolo in the Institute on Membrane Technology of the National Research Council of Italy (ITM-CNR). On the other hand, the mobility carried out at the Faculty of Sciences and Technology (FCT NOVA) of Universidade NOVA (FCT NOVA) under the supervision of Professor Ana Isabel Aguiar-Ricardo, allowed a total characterization of two asymmetric membranes following different International Standards to accomplish testing for primary wound dressing. The development of novel membranes loaded with morphogenetic proteins or antibiotic are of great interest in the field of bone tissue engineering. To promote the cellular viability and extracellular matrix production, electrospun membranes with enhanced porosity and micro-scale pores could be beneficial since increased porosity and pore size can provide a three-dimensional (3D) environment that not only facilitates cell seeding/diffusion but also provides better diffusion of nutrients and waste throughout the membranes. The addition of calcium phosphate ceramics has been extensively investigated to fabricate highly porous membranes to bone tissue engineering due to their close similar composition of bone, including excellent biocompatibility, osteoinductive and osteoconductive properties. A homogeneous distribution of the bone morphogenetic protein-loaded particles along the entire membrane could be ensuring a continuous release of the growth factor to provide the necessary biochemical cues for bone repair and regeneration. Antibiotic-loaded membranes may provide drug targeted and sustained release, avoiding the long-term oral and intravenous systematic multidrug administration, which implies toxic side effects, low delivery to the target site and low patient adherence to the treatment. Therefore, membranes loaded with antibiotics can overcome the drawbacks of the traditional therapy sustaining enhanced osteogenic properties for the successful regeneration of the bone. Another interesting biomedical application of electrospun membranes is the fabrication of efficient smart dressings for the treatment of wounds. A rapid wound healing requires developing appropriate membranes with interconnected pores that allow the oxygen diffusion and transport of metabolic waste, as well as an adequate pore size to prevent rapid dehydration and bacteria penetration. A high absorption capacity and adequate water vapor transmission will be necessary to keep a moist environment in the wound bed. Besides, if the electrospun membrane has some bactericidal properties will be better for the healing process. The main goal of this thesis was the development of fibrous membranes by electrospinning with the appropriate characteristics to be used in bone tissue engineering or as wound dressing materials. To achieve this target, several specific objectives were defined, which are described in Chapters II to V. The thesis was divided in the following sections: CHAPTER I, is an introduction where the concepts of biomaterials, scaffolds and tissue engineering and the main target of drug delivery systems are described. The chapter includes the classification of biomaterials according to the origin of the materials and tissue engineering is also described as well as all the factors that must be taken into account to develop and properly apply a wound dressing are discussed. Different kind of techniques used in the literature to produce scaffolds or membranes for bone tissue engineering and wound dressings are mentioned, focusing on the use of electrospinning and electrospray to produce them. CHAPTER II, focuses on the development of enhanced 3D membranes able to promote efficient bone regeneration together with targeted antibiotic release to prevent bacteria colonization. The aim of this work was to synthesize and characterize a drug delivery system consisting of polycaprolactone (PCL) electrospun nanofibers decorated with rifampicin (RFP) loaded into poly(lactic-coglicolic acid) (PLGA) particles. This material would promote bone repair avoiding the impairment of the membrane mediated by infection. The bactericidal ability of the synthesized electrospun material was assessed In vitro against gram positive (Staphylococcus aureus) and gram negative (Escherichia coli) bacteria, as well as its cytocompatibility in human osteoblasts 3D cultures. These results are included in the accepted article entitled "Composite scaffold obtained by electro-hydrodynamic technique for infection prevention and treatment in bone repair". Javier Aragon, Sergio Feoli, Gracia Mendoza, Silvia Irusta. International Journal of Pharmaceutics. CHAPTER III, describes the synthesis and characterization of core-shell membranes of PCL and polyvinyl acetate (PVAc) obtained by electrospinning. The fibers were loaded with synthetic hydroxyapatite nanoparticles (HAn) to increase the bioactivity of the materials. The prepared membranes were then treated by laser ablation to create desired microscale topographical features in order to favor cell adhesion and growth. All prepared membranes exhibited a three-dimensional network structure with interconnected pores; the laser treatment has modified the structural characteristics of the membrane causing an increase the cell viability and cell density. The materials biocompatibility is affected by the structural properties of the membranes, indeed smaller micropore sizes favor cell adhesion and proliferation. These results are published in the article entitled "Laser-treated electrospun fibers loaded with nano-hydroxyapatite for bone tissue engineering". Javier Aragon, Nuria Navascues, Gracia Mendoza, Silvia Irusta. International Journal of Pharmaceutics 525,112–122, 2017. DOI:10.1016/j.ijpharm.2017.04.022. CHAPTER IV, refers to the development of a composite electrospun membrane of PCL or PCL/PVAc core–shell fibers loaded with synthetic HAn. These fibers were decorated with bone morphogenetic protein 2 (BMP2) loaded in/into PLGA particles via simultaneous electrospraying and coaxial electrospinning. The aim of this study was to evaluate the structural and physico-chemical properties and biodegradation processes of the newly developed membranes assessing their ability to address the architectural, biochemical, and functional features of bone tissue. For this purpose, the membrane bioactivity was tested by culturing human osteoblasts on the membranes and by monitoring cell viability up to 4 weeks. The In vitro osteogenic activity of cells seeded onto the membranes was evaluated by assessing alkaline phosphatase (ALP) activity and the expression of osteogenic proteins osteocalcin (OCN) and osteopontin (OPN). These results are published in the article "Polymeric electrospun scaffolds for bone morphogenetic protein 2 delivery in bone tissue engineering". Javier Aragón, Simona Salerno, Loredana De Bartolo, Silvia Irusta and Gracia Mendoza. Journal of Colloid and Interface Science, 531 (2018) 126–137. DOI:10.1016/j.jcis.2018.07.029. CHAPTER V, describes the synthesis of an antimicrobial wound dressing material, with appropriate mechanical resistance avoiding rapid dehydration and absorbing exudates. PCL/PVAc asymmetric membranes loaded with carvacrol (CRV) were prepared by electrospinning and electrospraying simultaneously. The membranes consist of two layers: the first is an electrospun PCL sheet, the second a PVAc sheet that would be in contact with the skin releasing the antimicrobial compound. The use of different solvents results in different morphologies for the PVAc-CRV layer. The membranes exhibit mechanical properties with strain to failure values that are in the range of human skin, being adequate to be deposited over a wound surface. The samples present Water Vapor Transmission (WVTR) values in the required range to keep good moisture balance with water loss from the wound at the optimal rate. In the first week, more than 60 % of the loaded CRV was released while after three weeks membranes released between 85 to 100 % of the loaded CRV through a Fickian diffusion and diffusion due to polymer relaxation. The synthesized membranes are potential candidates to be used for wound dressing applications. The manuscript summing up these results has been submitted to a scientific journal and is currently under review. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS, summarizes the conclusions of the thesis work. APPENDIX 1, describes the main characterization techniques and the methods to evaluate different properties according to the possible applications. APPENDIX 2, summarizes the articles published and the participation in scientific forums during the thesis period.

Introducción La vida social humana se sustenta en la cooperación de una forma diferente respecto a otras especies. Los científicos han indagado en la evolución de la cooperación desde distintos puntos de vista (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010) pero ninguna de tales explicaciones dan cuenta de la complejidad de las relaciones cooperativas humanas. En este trabajo de tesis se analizan las relaciones cooperativas destacando su relación intrínseca con las relaciones de confianza. ¿Por qué cooperamos? ¿Cuál es la influencia de la confianza en la cooperación y qué papel juega la historia evolutiva en este puzle? Tomando en consideración las formas sociales adoptadas por nuestros antepasados humanos, es posible pensar en ciertos rasgos cognitivos y psicológicos específicos relevantes para entender las relaciones actuales de cooperación y, en un sentido más amplio, las relaciones sociales. El objetivo es, en definitiva, enmarcar las relaciones sociales humanas en un entorno evolutivo para explicar comportamientos sociales que existen en la actualidad. Contenido de la investigación Esta tesis trata de responder a las cuestiones planteadas anteriormente basándose primero en la relación que existe entre la evolución de la socialidad y la cognición humanas, como hipótesis de partida a contrastar en estudios posteriores. Desde esta perspectiva y, utilizando una metodología multidisciplinar procedente de disciplinas tales como la Sociología, Psicología y Antropología, se diseña un plan de investigación que trata de profundizar en mayor medida en dichos temas. El trabajo de tesis parte inicialmente de una revisión crítica sobre estudios que tratan de relacionar el comportamiento social en primates y la evolución del neocórtex –la Hipótesis del Cerebro Social de Dunbar (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). De dicha revisión, resulta evidente la necesidad de utilizar un enfoque más matizado para explicar la enorme complejidad de las relaciones sociales humanas. Para ello, ofrece un enorme interés el análisis de la influencia del mecanismo psicológico de la confianza. No obstante, los estudios de Dunbar, especialmente aquellos relacionados con las características propias de los grupos sociales humanos en relación a la capacidad cognitiva, son continuamente revisados a lo largo de todo este trabajo. Posteriormente se propone un marco teórico sobre los factores que influyen en la confianza (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006) y su posible configuración en un entorno evolutivo. Sobre esta base teórica, se diseña el posterior trabajo empírico, siempre teniendo en cuenta la hipótesis de que el ser humano tiene un comportamiento social ampliamente influenciado por un contexto de relaciones dentro de los pequeños grupos en los que ha convivido durante la mayor parte de su historia evolutiva. El marco teórico explica los elementos que conforman la confianza, la tipología y su posible configuración a lo largo de la historia evolutiva. Constituyen el substrato utilizado para llevar a término el análisis de la confianza y del comportamiento cooperativo en los siguientes trabajos empíricos. Los estudios empíricos siguen un plan basado en un diseño propio, procedente de la revisión de la literatura (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson-George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), con cuestionarios para medir el nivel de confianza general y personal en un grupo. Además se usa un juego experimental – dilema del prisionero con algunas variantes– que demuestra el comportamiento cooperativo real de los individuos. El juego se realiza en condiciones de confianza y de no confianza entre los miembros de un mismo grupo. El estudio piloto se lleva a cabo inicialmente en dos grupos diferentes. Los resultados muestran ya la influencia de las relaciones cercanas de confianza personal en la cooperación y el interés de analizar las redes de confianza (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) en mayor profundidad. Los resultados de este trabajo se confirman en un estudio similar posterior con otros grupos más numerosos y más comparables entre sí. Los nuevos resultados muestran cómo la cooperación se relaciona en buena medida con un compromiso afectivo de reciprocidad que proviene de la confianza personal, como elemento adaptativo hacia una cooperación más exitosa, incluso en condiciones de anonimato y pese a la posibilidad de causar un perjuicio en el individuo a corto plazo. Además, el estudio incluye un análisis en profundidad de las redes de confianza de estos grupos para constatar la importancia que ciertas topologías de redes de confianza pueden tener en la cohesión general de un grupo. La última parte de la tesis presenta una perspectiva más antropológica con la realización de trabajo de campo en dos zonas caracterizadas por su gran diversidad étnica: el norte de Ghana y Oaxaca, en México. Estos lugares permiten estudiar cómo interaccionan los grupos y por qué mantienen sus identidades étnicas a pesar de una historia en común. Se pretende analizar si los mecanismos de la confianza personal que aparecen a nivel individual pueden trasladarse también a grupos más grandes o a sociedades. En este caso, además de la observación directa de los grupos y de la inclusión de su contexto histórico, social, económico y político, se utilizan entrevistas y redes personales de cooperación. En el trabajo de Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932; Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Fussy, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005), se hace un recorrido por el contexto de los grupos y se explican las características de sus redes de confianza y cooperación. En este trabajo, se observa la eficacia de la diversificación étnica como medio para crear pequeños grupos más resistentes a la hora de enfrentarse a entornos difíciles. Se muestra también la adopción de formas culturales que permiten extender los mecanismos de la confianza personal en colectivos mayores. En el último trabajo se comparan los resultados anteriores con los de México (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Reina Aoyama, 2004; Barabas, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Spores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), en un análisis cross-cultural para identificar posibles elementos "universales" en las redes de confianza y cooperación y también las influencias culturales. Conclusiones Mediante los anteriores trabajos se muestra que la confianza es uno de los mecanismos cognitivos y psicológicos más anclado en la historia evolutiva humana. Su origen evolutivo se observa en los resultados de esta tesis: al demostrarse la mayor influencia de la confianza personal sobre la confianza general a la hora de influir en la cooperación, la cual necesita de las relaciones cercanas y por tanto del pequeño grupo para su aparición –dadas las limitaciones cognitivas y temporales para mantener este tipo de relaciones con gran número de personas–, y su fuerte conexión con aspectos emocionales inconscientes –uno de los mecanismo más primitivos en los seres humanos. De hecho, tanto en el trabajo empírico como en el de campo, aparece la configuración de redes de confianza en torno a pequeños grupos. La confianza personal también puede extenderse a colectivos mayores. Incluso en las grandes sociedades más desarrolladas los individuos siguen creando sus pequeños grupos en todos los ámbitos de su vida. Sin embargo, en algunas sociedades, donde existen mayores dificultades de supervivencia, como las analizadas en esta tesis, se observan determinadas herramientas culturales que sirven para extender la confianza personal a un mayor número de personas: conceptos tales como grupos étnicos, clanes, linajes, familias, comunalidad, municipalidad en el caso oaxaqueño, valores internalizados, etc… son eficaces en este sentido. De este modo, la cultura provee de los mecanismos necesarios para crear fuertes lazos de cohesión basados en los elementos emocionales. La mayor cohesión y una actitud más abierta de confianza que surgen de tales herramientas culturales ayudan a enfrentarse a los entornos de forma más eficaz. Así pues, se podría predecir que a medida que los entornos resultan más difíciles, aparece una mayor diversificación de los grupos. Con la comparación de los resultados de Ghana y México, se profundiza en mayor medida en los elementos comunes en las redes de confianza y cooperación –aspectos universales–: los grupos pequeños y distintos niveles de emocionalidad implícita en los vínculos de confianza; y aquellos elementos culturales que se adecuan al contexto histórico y a la situación económica de los grupos, para crear una mayor o menor cohesión de sus miembros en función de sus necesidades. De este modo, además de identificarse en el campo diferentes indicadores para medir la confianza, también se identifican ciertas formas culturales que parecen más eficaces que otras a la hora de cohesionar los grupos, a saber, los valores y el sentimiento de identidad y pertenencia grupal, frente a la normatividad. ; Introducció La vida social humana es basa en la cooperació i la confiança d'una manera diferent de la d'altres espècies. Els científics han investigat la cooperació humana des de diferents punts de vista (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010), però encara hi ha moltes preguntes sobre l'evolució de la cooperació sense explicació. Aquest treball de tesi analitza les relacions cooperatives emfasitzant la seva relació intrínseca amb les relacions de confiança. Per què cooperem? Quina és la influència de la confiança en la cooperació i el paper de la història evolutiva en aquest trencaclosques? Tenint en compte les formes socials adoptades pels avantpassats humans, és possible pensar en certs trets cognitius i psicològics específics que podrien tenir una importància clau per entendre les actuals relacions de cooperació i, en un sentit més ampli, les relacions socials. L'objectiu de la tesi és, en definitiva, emmarcar les relacions socials en un entorn evolutiu per explicar els comportaments socials que existeixen avui en dia. Contingut de la investigació Aquesta tesi tracta de respondre les preguntes anteriors, a partir de la relació entre l'evolució de la sociabilitat i la cognició humà, com hipòtesi inicial per contrastar els estudis posteriors. Des d'aquesta perspectiva i utilitzant una metodologia multidisciplinària de la Psicologia, Antropologia i Sociologia, es va dissenyar un pla de recerca que pretén aprofundir en aquest plantejament. Amb aquest objectiu en ment, el treball de tesi es basa inicialment en una revisió crítica d'estudis anteriors que intenten relacionar el comportament social dels primats i l'evolució del neocórtex –la Hipòtesi del Cervell Social de Dunbar (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). Aquesta revisió mostra clarament la necessitat d'un enfocament més matisat per explicar aquesta relació a causa de l'enorme complexitat de les relacions socials humanes. Per això, l'estudi de la influència del mecanisme psicològic de la confiança ofereix un interès enorme. No obstant això, els estudis de Dunbar, especialment aquells relacionats amb les característiques dels grups socials humans en relació amb la seva capacitat cognitiva, sóntinguts en compte al llarg de tot aquest treball. Després d'aquesta revisió es proposa un marc teòric sobre els factors que influeixen en la confiança (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006) i la seva possible configuració en un entorn evolutiu. En base a aquest marc teòric, es dissenyen els treballs empírics posteriors, sempre tenint en compte la hipòtesi que l'ésser humà té un comportament social àmpliament influenciat per un context de relacions dintre de petits grups. Aquest és el context social en que han viscut els humans durant la major part de la seva història evolutiva. El marc teòric explica els elements que conformen la confiança, la tipologia i la seva possible configuració al llarg de la història evolutiva. Constitueix el substrat utilitzat per dur a terme l'anàlisi de la confiança i del comportament cooperatiu en els següents treballs empírics. Aquests estudis empírics segueixen un pla basat en un disseny propi, a partir de la revisió de la literatura (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson- George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), amb qüestionaris per mesurar el nivell de confiança personal i general en un grup. També s'utilitza un joc experimental –el dilema del presoner amb algunes variacions– que demostra el comportament cooperatiu efectiu dels individus. El joc es realitza en condicions de confiança i sense confiança entre els membres d'un mateix grup. L'estudi pilot inicial es realitza en dos grups diferents. Els resultats ja mostren la influència de les relacions estretes de confiança personal en la cooperació i l'interès de anàlisi de xarxes de confiança (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) en major profunditat. Els resultats d'aquest treball es confirmen en un similar estudi posterior amb altres grups més nombrosos i més comparables entre si. Els nous resultats mostren com la cooperació s'incrementa en gran mesura si es dóna un compromís afectiu inconscient de reciprocitat que ve de la confiança personal, com un element adaptatiu cap a una cooperació més efectiva i recíproca, fins i tot en condicions d'anonimat i malgrat la possibilitat de causar un prejudici en el curt termini. A més, l'estudi inclou una anàlisi en profunditat de les xarxes de confiança d'aquests grups per determinar la importància que poden tenir certes topologies de xarxes de confiança en la cohesió general d'un grup. En la darrera part de la tesi, s'utilitza una perspectiva més antropològica amb la realització de treballs de camp en dues àrees que es caracteritzen per la seva gran diversitat ètnica: nord de Ghana i Oaxaca, a Mèxic. Aquests llocs permeten estudiar com interactuen els grups i per què es mantenen les seves identitats ètniques malgrat una història i un territori en comú. Es pretén examinar també si els mecanismes de la confiança personal, que funcionen clarament a nivell individual, poden trobar-se també en grups grans o societats de gran escala. En aquest cas, a més de l'observació directa dels grups i la inclusió del seu context històric, social, econòmic i polític, s'utilitzen entrevistes i xarxes personals de cooperació. En el treball de Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932;) Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Primmirat, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005), es mostra el context dels grups i s'explica les característiques de les seves xarxes de confiança i cooperació. En aquest estudi es posa de manifest l''eficàcia del fenomen de la diversificació ètnic com un mitjà per crear petits grups més resistents quan s'enfronten amb entorns difícils. També s'analitza l'adopció de formes culturals que permeten ampliar el mecanisme de la confiança personal a grups més grans. En l'últim treball de la tesi es comparen els anteriors resultats de Ghana amb els de Mèxic (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Reina Aoyama, 2004; Webmoney, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Espores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), en una anàlisi intercultural per identificar possibles elements "universals" a les xarxes de confiança i cooperació i així com les influències culturals que modulen aquestes predisposicions humanes en cada cas. Conclusions Els diversos treballs en conjunt mostren que la confiança és un mecanisme cognitiu i psicològic ancorat en la història evolutiva humana, que ha jugat un paper important en l'evolució de la cooperació que caracteritza les societats humanes. El seu origen evolutiu es desprèn dels resultats d'aquesta tesi: es demostra que la confiança personal té més influència que la confiança general en la cooperació, que la confiança necessita relacions properes i, per tant, del petit grup per la seva aparició – tenint en compte les limitacions cognitives per mantenir aquestes relacions amb un gran nombre de persones– i la seva estreta connexió amb aspectes emocionals inconscients – un dels mecanismes més primitiu en humans. De fet, la configuració de les xarxes de confiança en petits grups apareixen tant als treballs empírics com als treballs de camp,. La confiança personal també es pot ampliar a col·lectius més grans. Fins i tot a les societats més desenvolupades les persones continuen creant els grups reduïts en tots els àmbits de la seva vida. No obstant això, en algunes societats, on hi ha importants dificultats de supervivència, com les analitzades en aquesta tesi, hi ha certes eines culturals que serveixen per ampliar la confiança personal a un major nombre de persones: conceptes com grups ètnics, clans, llinatges, famílies, coincidència, "comunalidad" i municipi en cas d'Oaxaca, valors interioritzats, etc. són eficaços en aquest sentit. Així, la cultura proporciona els mecanismes necessaris per a crear uns vincles forts de cohesió basats en elements emocionals. Una major cohesió i una actitud més oberta de confiança derivada de tals eines culturals ajuden a enfrontar-se als ambients més eficaçment. Així, es podria predir que quan els entorns són més difícils, es mostrarà una major diversificació dels grups. Amb la comparació dels resultats de Ghana i Mèxic, s'aprofundeix en major mesura en els elements comuns en les xarxes de confiança i cooperació –aspectes universals–: petits grups i diferents nivells d'emocionalitat implícita en els vincles de confiança; i elements culturals que s'adeqüin al context històric i la situació econòmica dels grups, per crear una més o menys cohesió dels seus integrants segons les seves necessitats. Així, a més d'identificar en el camp diferents indicadors i eines per mesurar la confiança, són també identificades certes formes culturals que semblen més eficaces que altres quan es tracta d'unir els grups, és a dir, els valors i el sentit d'identitat i grup de pertinença, davant les normes i l'autoritat. ; Introduction Human social life is sustained by cooperation in a different way with respect to other species. Scientists have investigated human cooperation from different points of view (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010) but many questions about the evolution of cooperation remain open. In this dissertation the cooperative relationships are analyzed emphasizing its intrinsic link with trust relationships. Why do we cooperate? What is the influence of trust on cooperation and which role does human evolutionary history play in this puzzle? Considering the social forms our ancestors lived by, it is possible to think in certain cognitive and psychological traits that might have a key importance in order to understand the relationships of cooperation and, in a wider sense, the social relationships it made possible. The goal is, in short, framing social relationships in an evolutionary framework in order to explain the social behaviors of nowadays. Content of research This work attempts to answer these questions firstly on the basis of the relation between the evolution of human sociality and cognition, as a hypothesis to be tested in the following studies. From this perspective and using a multidisciplinary methodology including Sociology, Psychology and Anthropology, a research plan was designed in order to further examine these topics. This dissertation starts with a critical review of some previous studies that relate the social behavior in primates to the evolution of the neocortex –Dunbar's Social Brain Hypothesis (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). This review shows the need for a more nuanced approach in order to explain this dependence because of the enormous complexity of human social relationships. To achieve this goal, the analysis of the psychological mechanism of trust offers a huge interest. However, Dunbar's studies, especially those that relate human social groups to cognitive ability, are continuously in the background throughout all this work. Next, a theoretical framework is introduced to characterize trust and the factors that influence it (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006), as well as their possible configuration in an evolutionary environment. On the basis of this theoretical framework the subsequent empirical work is designed, always keeping in mind the assumption that humans have a social behavior widely influenced by a context of relationships within small groups. They are the social configuration humans lived most of their evolutionary history. In the theoretical framework the elements that make up trust, its typology and its possible configuration in the evolutionary history are explained. This work is the substrate used to groundthe analysis of trust and cooperative behavior carried out in the following empirical works. These empirical studies follow an original plan, grounded in a literature review (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson-George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), which involves the development of new questionnaires to measure the level of general and personal trust in a group. In addition, an experimental game –a prisoner's dilemma with some variants– is included in order to show the effective cooperative behavior of participants. The game is played in conditions of trust and non-trust among the members of the group. The pilot study is initially conducted in two different groups. The results already show the influence of close relationships of personal trust in cooperation and the interest of analyze trust networks (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) more deeply. The results of this work are confirmed in a subsequent similar study with other more numerous and more comparable groups. The new results show how cooperation relates largely to an affective commitment of reciprocity that comes from personal trust, as adaptive element towards a more successful cooperation, even in conditions of anonymity, and despite the possibility of causing a cost in individuals in the short term. In addition, the study includes an analysis in depth of these groups' trust networks to analyze the importance that certain topologies of trust networks can have on the general cohesion of a group. The last part of the dissertation shows a more anthropological perspective with the completion of fieldwork in two areas characterized by a great ethnic diversity: Northern Ghana and Oaxaca, in Mexico. These locations allow study how groups interact and why they keep their ethnic identities despite a history and a territory in common. To examine whether the personal trust mechanisms present at an individual level can be also extended to larger groups or societies is aimed. In this case, in addition to the direct observation of groups and the inclusion of its historical, social, economic and political context, interviews and personal networks of cooperation are used. The work of Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932) Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Primmirat, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005) shows the context of groups and the features of their trust networks of trust and cooperation are explained . In this work, the effectiveness of ethnic diversification as a means to create small groups more resilient when face with difficult environments is shown. The adoption of cultural forms that allow extend personal trust in larger collectives is also presented. The last work compares the Ghana results with those of Mexico (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Queen Aoyama, 2004; Barabas, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Spores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), in a cross-cultural analysis to identify possible "universal" elements in trust and cooperation networks, and also cultural influences. Conclusions The previous works show that trust is a cognitive and psychological mechanism anchored in human evolutionary history. Their evolutionary origin is supported by the results of this dissertation: to demonstrate the higher influence of personal trust than general trust in fostering cooperation. Close relationships are needed for personal trust and they require small groups for its emergence –given the cognitive and temporal constraints required in order to keep such relationships with a larger number of people. Close relationships also involve an emotional dimension –a most primitive mechanism in humans. In fact, small group dynamics was found both in experimental games and in fieldwork. Personal trust also plays a role in large scale societies, where individuals continue to create their small groups in all areas of their life. However, in those societies where survival is more difficult and resources scarce certain cultural tools (such as values or norms) appear whose function is to extend personal trust to a greater number of people: groups such as ethnic groups, clans, lineages, families, commonalities, municipalities (as in the Oaxaca case). Thus, culture provides the necessary mechanisms to create strong bonds of cohesion based on emotional elements beyond the small group. Greater cohesion and a more open attitude of trust arising from such cultural tools help at time to face environments more efficiently. Thus, it could be predicted that more difficult environments show a greater group diversification. In addition, the comparison of Ghana and Mexico results allows a deeper analysis of the common elements of trust and cooperation networks -their universal aspects-: small groups and different levels of emotionality implied in the bonds of trust; and cultural elements that are suited to the historical context and the economic situation of groups, to create a more or less cohesion of its members according to their needs. Thus, in addition to identify in the field several indicators to measure trust, more effective cultural forms to foster cooperation is also identified: the values and the sense of identity of group membership, instead of formal regulations and authority.

[spa] La vida social humana se sustenta en la cooperación de una forma diferente respecto a otras especies. Los científicos han indagado en la evolución de la cooperación desde distintos puntos de vista (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010) pero ninguna de tales explicaciones dan cuenta de la complejidad de las relaciones cooperativas humanas. En este trabajo de tesis se analizan las relaciones cooperativas destacando su relación intrínseca con las relaciones de confianza. ¿Por qué cooperamos? ¿Cuál es la influencia de la confianza en la cooperación y qué papel juega la historia evolutiva en este puzle? Tomando en consideración las formas sociales adoptadas por nuestros antepasados humanos, es posible pensar en ciertos rasgos cognitivos y psicológicos específicos relevantes para entender las relaciones actuales de cooperación y, en un sentido más amplio, las relaciones sociales. El objetivo es, en definitiva, enmarcar las relaciones sociales humanas en un entorno evolutivo para explicar comportamientos sociales que existen en la actualidad. Contenido de la investigación Esta tesis trata de responder a las cuestiones planteadas anteriormente basándose primero en la relación que existe entre la evolución de la socialidad y la cognición humanas, como hipótesis de partida a contrastar en estudios posteriores. Desde esta perspectiva y, utilizando una metodología multidisciplinar procedente de disciplinas tales como la Sociología, Psicología y Antropología, se diseña un plan de investigación que trata de profundizar en mayor medida en dichos temas. El trabajo de tesis parte inicialmente de una revisión crítica sobre estudios que tratan de relacionar el comportamiento social en primates y la evolución del neocórtex –la Hipótesis del Cerebro Social de Dunbar (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). De dicha revisión, resulta evidente la necesidad de utilizar un enfoque más matizado para explicar la enorme complejidad de las relaciones sociales humanas. Para ello, ofrece un enorme interés el análisis de la influencia del mecanismo psicológico de la confianza. No obstante, los estudios de Dunbar, especialmente aquellos relacionados con las características propias de los grupos sociales humanos en relación a la capacidad cognitiva, son continuamente revisados a lo largo de todo este trabajo. Posteriormente se propone un marco teórico sobre los factores que influyen en la confianza (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006) y su posible configuración en un entorno evolutivo. Sobre esta base teórica, se diseña el posterior trabajo empírico, siempre teniendo en cuenta la hipótesis de que el ser humano tiene un comportamiento social ampliamente influenciado por un contexto de relaciones dentro de los pequeños grupos en los que ha convivido durante la mayor parte de su historia evolutiva. El marco teórico explica los elementos que conforman la confianza, la tipología y su posible configuración a lo largo de la historia evolutiva. Constituyen el substrato utilizado para llevar a término el análisis de la confianza y del comportamiento cooperativo en los siguientes trabajos empíricos. Los estudios empíricos siguen un plan basado en un diseño propio, procedente de la revisión de la literatura (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson-George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), con cuestionarios para medir el nivel de confianza general y personal en un grupo. Además se usa un juego experimental – dilema del prisionero con algunas variantes– que demuestra el comportamiento cooperativo real de los individuos. El juego se realiza en condiciones de confianza y de no confianza entre los miembros de un mismo grupo. El estudio piloto se lleva a cabo inicialmente en dos grupos diferentes. Los resultados muestran ya la influencia de las relaciones cercanas de confianza personal en la cooperación y el interés de analizar las redes de confianza (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) en mayor profundidad. Los resultados de este trabajo se confirman en un estudio similar posterior con otros grupos más numerosos y más comparables entre sí. Los nuevos resultados muestran cómo la cooperación se relaciona en buena medida con un compromiso afectivo de reciprocidad que proviene de la confianza personal, como elemento adaptativo hacia una cooperación más exitosa, incluso en condiciones de anonimato y pese a la posibilidad de causar un perjuicio en el individuo a corto plazo. Además, el estudio incluye un análisis en profundidad de las redes de confianza de estos grupos para constatar la importancia que ciertas topologías de redes de confianza pueden tener en la cohesión general de un grupo. La última parte de la tesis presenta una perspectiva más antropológica con la realización de trabajo de campo en dos zonas caracterizadas por su gran diversidad étnica: el norte de Ghana y Oaxaca, en México. Estos lugares permiten estudiar cómo interaccionan los grupos y por qué mantienen sus identidades étnicas a pesar de una historia en común. Se pretende analizar si los mecanismos de la confianza personal que aparecen a nivel individual pueden trasladarse también a grupos más grandes o a sociedades. En este caso, además de la observación directa de los grupos y de la inclusión de su contexto histórico, social, económico y político, se utilizan entrevistas y redes personales de cooperación. En el trabajo de Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932; Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Fussy, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005), se hace un recorrido por el contexto de los grupos y se explican las características de sus redes de confianza y cooperación. En este trabajo, se observa la eficacia de la diversificación étnica como medio para crear pequeños grupos más resistentes a la hora de enfrentarse a entornos difíciles. Se muestra también la adopción de formas culturales que permiten extender los mecanismos de la confianza personal en colectivos mayores. En el último trabajo se comparan los resultados anteriores con los de México (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Reina Aoyama, 2004; Barabas, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Spores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), en un análisis cross-cultural para identificar posibles elementos "universales" en las redes de confianza y cooperación y también las influencias culturales. Conclusiones Mediante los anteriores trabajos se muestra que la confianza es uno de los mecanismos cognitivos y psicológicos más anclado en la historia evolutiva humana. Su origen evolutivo se observa en los resultados de esta tesis: al demostrarse la mayor influencia de la confianza personal sobre la confianza general a la hora de influir en la cooperación, la cual necesita de las relaciones cercanas y por tanto del pequeño grupo para su aparición –dadas las limitaciones cognitivas y temporales para mantener este tipo de relaciones con gran número de personas–, y su fuerte conexión con aspectos emocionales inconscientes –uno de los mecanismo más primitivos en los seres humanos. De hecho, tanto en el trabajo empírico como en el de campo, aparece la configuración de redes de confianza en torno a pequeños grupos. La confianza personal también puede extenderse a colectivos mayores. Incluso en las grandes sociedades más desarrolladas los individuos siguen creando sus pequeños grupos en todos los ámbitos de su vida. Sin embargo, en algunas sociedades, donde existen mayores dificultades de supervivencia, como las analizadas en esta tesis, se observan determinadas herramientas culturales que sirven para extender la confianza personal a un mayor número de personas: conceptos tales como grupos étnicos, clanes, linajes, familias, comunalidad, municipalidad en el caso oaxaqueño, valores internalizados, etc… son eficaces en este sentido. De este modo, la cultura provee de los mecanismos necesarios para crear fuertes lazos de cohesión basados en los elementos emocionales. La mayor cohesión y una actitud más abierta de confianza que surgen de tales herramientas culturales ayudan a enfrentarse a los entornos de forma más eficaz. Así pues, se podría predecir que a medida que los entornos resultan más difíciles, aparece una mayor diversificación de los grupos. Con la comparación de los resultados de Ghana y México, se profundiza en mayor medida en los elementos comunes en las redes de confianza y cooperación –aspectos universales–: los grupos pequeños y distintos niveles de emocionalidad implícita en los vínculos de confianza; y aquellos elementos culturales que se adecuan al contexto histórico y a la situación económica de los grupos, para crear una mayor o menor cohesión de sus miembros en función de sus necesidades. De este modo, además de identificarse en el campo diferentes indicadores para medir la confianza, también se identifican ciertas formas culturales que parecen más eficaces que otras a la hora de cohesionar los grupos, a saber, los valores y el sentimiento de identidad y pertenencia grupal, frente a la normatividad. ; [cat] La vida social humana es basa en la cooperació i la confiança d'una manera diferent de la d'altres espècies. Els científics han investigat la cooperació humana des de diferents punts de vista (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010), però encara hi ha moltes preguntes sobre l'evolució de la cooperació sense explicació. Aquest treball de tesi analitza les relacions cooperatives emfasitzant la seva relació intrínseca amb les relacions de confiança. Per què cooperem? Quina és la influència de la confiança en la cooperació i el paper de la història evolutiva en aquest trencaclosques? Tenint en compte les formes socials adoptades pels avantpassats humans, és possible pensar en certs trets cognitius i psicològics específics que podrien tenir una importància clau per entendre les actuals relacions de cooperació i, en un sentit més ampli, les relacions socials. L'objectiu de la tesi és, en definitiva, emmarcar les relacions socials en un entorn evolutiu per explicar els comportaments socials que existeixen avui en dia. Contingut de la investigació Aquesta tesi tracta de respondre les preguntes anteriors, a partir de la relació entre l'evolució de la sociabilitat i la cognició humà, com hipòtesi inicial per contrastar els estudis posteriors. Des d'aquesta perspectiva i utilitzant una metodologia multidisciplinària de la Psicologia, Antropologia i Sociologia, es va dissenyar un pla de recerca que pretén aprofundir en aquest plantejament. Amb aquest objectiu en ment, el treball de tesi es basa inicialment en una revisió crítica d'estudis anteriors que intenten relacionar el comportament social dels primats i l'evolució del neocórtex –la Hipòtesi del Cervell Social de Dunbar (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). Aquesta revisió mostra clarament la necessitat d'un enfocament més matisat per explicar aquesta relació a causa de l'enorme complexitat de les relacions socials humanes. Per això, l'estudi de la influència del mecanisme psicològic de la confiança ofereix un interès enorme. No obstant això, els estudis de Dunbar, especialment aquells relacionats amb les característiques dels grups socials humans en relació amb la seva capacitat cognitiva, sóntinguts en compte al llarg de tot aquest treball. Després d'aquesta revisió es proposa un marc teòric sobre els factors que influeixen en la confiança (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006) i la seva possible configuració en un entorn evolutiu. En base a aquest marc teòric, es dissenyen els treballs empírics posteriors, sempre tenint en compte la hipòtesi que l'ésser humà té un comportament social àmpliament influenciat per un context de relacions dintre de petits grups. Aquest és el context social en que han viscut els humans durant la major part de la seva història evolutiva. El marc teòric explica els elements que conformen la confiança, la tipologia i la seva possible configuració al llarg de la història evolutiva. Constitueix el substrat utilitzat per dur a terme l'anàlisi de la confiança i del comportament cooperatiu en els següents treballs empírics. Aquests estudis empírics segueixen un pla basat en un disseny propi, a partir de la revisió de la literatura (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson- George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), amb qüestionaris per mesurar el nivell de confiança personal i general en un grup. També s'utilitza un joc experimental –el dilema del presoner amb algunes variacions– que demostra el comportament cooperatiu efectiu dels individus. El joc es realitza en condicions de confiança i sense confiança entre els membres d'un mateix grup. L'estudi pilot inicial es realitza en dos grups diferents. Els resultats ja mostren la influència de les relacions estretes de confiança personal en la cooperació i l'interès de anàlisi de xarxes de confiança (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) en major profunditat. Els resultats d'aquest treball es confirmen en un similar estudi posterior amb altres grups més nombrosos i més comparables entre si. Els nous resultats mostren com la cooperació s'incrementa en gran mesura si es dóna un compromís afectiu inconscient de reciprocitat que ve de la confiança personal, com un element adaptatiu cap a una cooperació més efectiva i recíproca, fins i tot en condicions d'anonimat i malgrat la possibilitat de causar un prejudici en el curt termini. A més, l'estudi inclou una anàlisi en profunditat de les xarxes de confiança d'aquests grups per determinar la importància que poden tenir certes topologies de xarxes de confiança en la cohesió general d'un grup. En la darrera part de la tesi, s'utilitza una perspectiva més antropològica amb la realització de treballs de camp en dues àrees que es caracteritzen per la seva gran diversitat ètnica: nord de Ghana i Oaxaca, a Mèxic. Aquests llocs permeten estudiar com interactuen els grups i per què es mantenen les seves identitats ètniques malgrat una història i un territori en comú. Es pretén examinar també si els mecanismes de la confiança personal, que funcionen clarament a nivell individual, poden trobar-se també en grups grans o societats de gran escala. En aquest cas, a més de l'observació directa dels grups i la inclusió del seu context històric, social, econòmic i polític, s'utilitzen entrevistes i xarxes personals de cooperació. En el treball de Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932;) Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Primmirat, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005), es mostra el context dels grups i s'explica les característiques de les seves xarxes de confiança i cooperació. En aquest estudi es posa de manifest l''eficàcia del fenomen de la diversificació ètnic com un mitjà per crear petits grups més resistents quan s'enfronten amb entorns difícils. També s'analitza l'adopció de formes culturals que permeten ampliar el mecanisme de la confiança personal a grups més grans. En l'últim treball de la tesi es comparen els anteriors resultats de Ghana amb els de Mèxic (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Reina Aoyama, 2004; Webmoney, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Espores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), en una anàlisi intercultural per identificar possibles elements "universals" a les xarxes de confiança i cooperació i així com les influències culturals que modulen aquestes predisposicions humanes en cada cas. Conclusions Els diversos treballs en conjunt mostren que la confiança és un mecanisme cognitiu i psicològic ancorat en la història evolutiva humana, que ha jugat un paper important en l'evolució de la cooperació que caracteritza les societats humanes. El seu origen evolutiu es desprèn dels resultats d'aquesta tesi: es demostra que la confiança personal té més influència que la confiança general en la cooperació, que la confiança necessita relacions properes i, per tant, del petit grup per la seva aparició – tenint en compte les limitacions cognitives per mantenir aquestes relacions amb un gran nombre de persones– i la seva estreta connexió amb aspectes emocionals inconscients – un dels mecanismes més primitiu en humans. De fet, la configuració de les xarxes de confiança en petits grups apareixen tant als treballs empírics com als treballs de camp,. La confiança personal també es pot ampliar a col·lectius més grans. Fins i tot a les societats més desenvolupades les persones continuen creant els grups reduïts en tots els àmbits de la seva vida. No obstant això, en algunes societats, on hi ha importants dificultats de supervivència, com les analitzades en aquesta tesi, hi ha certes eines culturals que serveixen per ampliar la confiança personal a un major nombre de persones: conceptes com grups ètnics, clans, llinatges, famílies, coincidència, "comunalidad" i municipi en cas d'Oaxaca, valors interioritzats, etc. són eficaços en aquest sentit. Així, la cultura proporciona els mecanismes necessaris per a crear uns vincles forts de cohesió basats en elements emocionals. Una major cohesió i una actitud més oberta de confiança derivada de tals eines culturals ajuden a enfrontar-se als ambients més eficaçment. Així, es podria predir que quan els entorns són més difícils, es mostrarà una major diversificació dels grups. Amb la comparació dels resultats de Ghana i Mèxic, s'aprofundeix en major mesura en els elements comuns en les xarxes de confiança i cooperació –aspectes universals–: petits grups i diferents nivells d'emocionalitat implícita en els vincles de confiança; i elements culturals que s'adeqüin al context històric i la situació econòmica dels grups, per crear una més o menys cohesió dels seus integrants segons les seves necessitats. Així, a més d'identificar en el camp diferents indicadors i eines per mesurar la confiança, són també identificades certes formes culturals que semblen més eficaces que altres quan es tracta d'unir els grups, és a dir, els valors i el sentit d'identitat i grup de pertinença, davant les normes i l'autoritat. ; [eng] Human social life is sustained by cooperation in a different way with respect to other species. Scientists have investigated human cooperation from different points of view (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010) but many questions about the evolution of cooperation remain open. In this dissertation the cooperative relationships are analyzed emphasizing its intrinsic link with trust relationships. Why do we cooperate? What is the influence of trust on cooperation and which role does human evolutionary history play in this puzzle? Considering the social forms our ancestors lived by, it is possible to think in certain cognitive and psychological traits that might have a key importance in order to understand the relationships of cooperation and, in a wider sense, the social relationships it made possible. The goal is, in short, framing social relationships in an evolutionary framework in order to explain the social behaviors of nowadays. Content of research This work attempts to answer these questions firstly on the basis of the relation between the evolution of human sociality and cognition, as a hypothesis to be tested in the following studies. From this perspective and using a multidisciplinary methodology including Sociology, Psychology and Anthropology, a research plan was designed in order to further examine these topics. This dissertation starts with a critical review of some previous studies that relate the social behavior in primates to the evolution of the neocortex –Dunbar's Social Brain Hypothesis (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). This review shows the need for a more nuanced approach in order to explain this dependence because of the enormous complexity of human social relationships. To achieve this goal, the analysis of the psychological mechanism of trust offers a huge interest. However, Dunbar's studies, especially those that relate human social groups to cognitive ability, are continuously in the background throughout all this work. Next, a theoretical framework is introduced to characterize trust and the factors that influence it (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006), as well as their possible configuration in an evolutionary environment. On the basis of this theoretical framework the subsequent empirical work is designed, always keeping in mind the assumption that humans have a social behavior widely influenced by a context of relationships within small groups. They are the social configuration humans lived most of their evolutionary history. In the theoretical framework the elements that make up trust, its typology and its possible configuration in the evolutionary history are explained. This work is the substrate used to groundthe analysis of trust and cooperative behavior carried out in the following empirical works. These empirical studies follow an original plan, grounded in a literature review (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson-George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), which involves the development of new questionnaires to measure the level of general and personal trust in a group. In addition, an experimental game –a prisoner's dilemma with some variants– is included in order to show the effective cooperative behavior of participants. The game is played in conditions of trust and non-trust among the members of the group. The pilot study is initially conducted in two different groups. The results already show the influence of close relationships of personal trust in cooperation and the interest of analyze trust networks (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) more deeply. The results of this work are confirmed in a subsequent similar study with other more numerous and more comparable groups. The new results show how cooperation relates largely to an affective commitment of reciprocity that comes from personal trust, as adaptive element towards a more successful cooperation, even in conditions of anonymity, and despite the possibility of causing a cost in individuals in the short term. In addition, the study includes an analysis in depth of these groups' trust networks to analyze the importance that certain topologies of trust networks can have on the general cohesion of a group. The last part of the dissertation shows a more anthropological perspective with the completion of fieldwork in two areas characterized by a great ethnic diversity: Northern Ghana and Oaxaca, in Mexico. These locations allow study how groups interact and why they keep their ethnic identities despite a history and a territory in common. To examine whether the personal trust mechanisms present at an individual level can be also extended to larger groups or societies is aimed. In this case, in addition to the direct observation of groups and the inclusion of its historical, social, economic and political context, interviews and personal networks of cooperation are used. The work of Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932) Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Primmirat, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005) shows the context of groups and the features of their trust networks of trust and cooperation are explained . In this work, the effectiveness of ethnic diversification as a means to create small groups more resilient when face with difficult environments is shown. The adoption of cultural forms that allow extend personal trust in larger collectives is also presented. The last work compares the Ghana results with those of Mexico (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Queen Aoyama, 2004; Barabas, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Spores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), in a cross-cultural analysis to identify possible "universal" elements in trust and cooperation networks, and also cultural influences. Conclusions The previous works show that trust is a cognitive and psychological mechanism anchored in human evolutionary history. Their evolutionary origin is supported by the results of this dissertation: to demonstrate the higher influence of personal trust than general trust in fostering cooperation. Close relationships are needed for personal trust and they require small groups for its emergence –given the cognitive and temporal constraints required in order to keep such relationships with a larger number of people. Close relationships also involve an emotional dimension –a most primitive mechanism in humans. In fact, small group dynamics was found both in experimental games and in fieldwork. Personal trust also plays a role in large scale societies, where individuals continue to create their small groups in all areas of their life. However, in those societies where survival is more difficult and resources scarce certain cultural tools (such as values or norms) appear whose function is to extend personal trust to a greater number of people: groups such as ethnic groups, clans, lineages, families, commonalities, municipalities (as in the Oaxaca case). Thus, culture provides the necessary mechanisms to create strong bonds of cohesion based on emotional elements beyond the small group. Greater cohesion and a more open attitude of trust arising from such cultural tools help at time to face environments more efficiently. Thus, it could be predicted that more difficult environments show a greater group diversification. In addition, the comparison of Ghana and Mexico results allows a deeper analysis of the common elements of trust and cooperation networks -their universal aspects-: small groups and different levels of emotionality implied in the bonds of trust; and cultural elements that are suited to the historical context and the economic situation of groups, to create a more or less cohesion of its members according to their needs. Thus, in addition to identify in the field several indicators to measure trust, more effective cultural forms to foster cooperation is also identified: the values and the sense of identity of group membership, instead of formal regulations and authority.

En mi formación de posgrado a finales de los años ochenta, teníamos cerca de treinta camas hospitalarias en un pabellón llamado "sépticas" (1). En Colombia, donde el aborto estaba totalmente penalizado, allí estaban mayoritariamente mujeres con abortos inseguros complicados. El enfoque que recibíamos era técnico: manejo de cuidados intensivos; realizar histerectomías, colostomías, resecciones intestinales, etc. En esa época algunas enfermeras eran monjas, y se limitaban a interrogar a las pacientes para que "confesaran" qué se habían hecho para abortar. Siempre me inquietó que las mujeres que salían vivas se iban sin ninguna asesoría, ni con un método anticonceptivo. Al preguntar alguna vez a uno de mis docentes me contestó con desdén: "este es un hospital de tercer nivel, esas cosas las hacen las enfermeras en primer nivel". Al ver tanto dolor y muerte, decidí hablar con las pacientes del servicio y empecé a entender sus decisiones. Recuerdo aún con tristeza tantas muertes, pero un caso en particular aún me duele: era una mujer cercana a los cincuenta años que llegó con una perforación uterina en estado de sepsis avanzada. A pesar de la cirugía y los cuidados intensivos, falleció. Alcancé a hablar con ella y me contó que era viuda, tenía dos hijos mayores y había abortado por "vergüenza con ellos", pues se iban a dar cuenta de que tenía vida sexual activa. A los pocos días de su fallecimiento, me llamó el profesor de patología, extrañado, para decirme que el útero que habíamos enviado para examen patológico no tenía embarazo. Era una mujer en estado perimenopáusico con una prueba de embarazo falsamente positiva, debido a los altos niveles de FSH/LH típicos de su edad. ¡¡¡NO ESTABA EMBARAZADA!!! No tenía menstruación porque estaba en premenopausia y una prueba falsamente positiva la llevó a un aborto inseguro. Claro, las lesiones causadas en las maniobras abortivas la llevaron al desenlace fatal, pero la real causa subyacente fue el tabú social respecto a la sexualidad. Tuve que ver muchas adolescentes y mujeres jóvenes salir del hospital vivas, pero sin útero, a veces sin ovarios y con colostomías, para ser despreciadas por una sociedad que les recriminaba el haber decidido no ser madres. Tuve que ver situaciones de mujeres que llegaban con sus intestinos protruyendo a través de sus vaginas por abortos inseguros. Vi mujeres que en su desespero se autoinfligieron lesiones tratando de abortar con elementos como palos, ramas, gajos de cebolla, barras de alumbre, ganchos, entre otros. Eran tantas las muertes que era difícil no tener por lo menos una mujer diariamente en la morgue a consecuencia de un aborto inseguro. En esa época no se abordaba la salud desde lo biopsicosocial sino solamente desde lo técnico (2); sin embargo, en las evaluaciones académicas que nos hacían, ante la pregunta de definición de salud, había que recitar el texto de la Organización Mundial de la Salud que involucraba estos tres aspectos, ¡qué contrasentido! Para dar respuesta a las necesidades de salud de las mujeres y garantizar sus derechos, cuando ya era docente, inicié el servicio de anticoncepción posevento obstétrico en ese hospital de tercer nivel. Hubo resistencia de las directivas, pero afortunadamente logré donaciones internacionales para la institución y esto facilitó su aceptación. Decidí concursar para carrera docente con el ánimo de poder sensibilizar a profesionales de la salud hacia un enfoque integral de la salud y la enfermedad. Cuando en 1994 se realizó la Conferencia Internacional de Población y Desarrollo (CIPD) en El Cairo ya llevaba varios años en la docencia, y cuando leí su Programa de Acción, encontré nombre para lo que estaba trabajando: derechos sexuales y derechos reproductivos. Empecé a incorporar en mi vida profesional y docente las herramientas que este documento me daba. Pude sensibilizar personas del Ministerio de Salud de mi país y trabajamos en conjunto recorriéndolo con un abordaje de derechos humanos en materia de salud sexual y reproductiva (SSR). Esta nueva mirada buscaba además de ser integral, dar respuesta a viejos problemas como la mortalidad materna, el embarazo en la adolescencia, la baja prevalencia anticonceptiva, el embarazo no planeado o no deseado o la violencia contra la mujer. Con otras personas sensibilizadas empezamos a permear con estos temas de SSR la Sociedad Colombiana de Obstetricia y Ginecología, algunas universidades y hospitales universitarios. Todavía seguimos dando la lucha en un país que a pesar de tantas dificultades ha mejorado muchos indicadores de SSR. Con la experiencia de haber trajinado en todas las esferas con estos temas, logramos con un puñado de colegas y amigas de la Universidad El Bosque crear la Maestría en Salud Sexual y Reproductiva, abierta a todas las profesiones, en la que rompimos varios paradigmas. Se inició un programa en el que la investigación cualitativa y cuantitativa tenían el mismo peso y algunos de los egresados del programa están ahora en posiciones de liderazgo en los entes gubernamentales e internacionales replicando modelos integrales. En la Federación Latinoamericana de Obstetricia y Ginecología (FLASOG) y en la Federación Internacional de Obstetricia y Ginecología (FIGO), pude por varios años aportar mi experiencia en los comités de SSR de esas asociaciones para beneficio de las mujeres y las niñas en los ámbitos regional y global. Cuando pienso en quienes me han inspirado en esta lucha, debo resaltar las grandes feministas que me han enseñado y acompañado en tantas batallas. No puedo mencionarlas a todas, pero he admirado la historia de vida de Margaret Sanger con su persistencia y mirada visionaria. Ella luchó durante toda su vida para ayudar a las mujeres del siglo XX para que obtuvieran el derecho a decidir si querían o no tener hijos o hijas y cuándo (3). De las feministas actuales he tenido el privilegio de compartir experiencias con Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz y Alejandra Meglioli, lideresas de la Federación Internacional de Planificación de la Familia, Región del Hemisferio Occidental (IPPF-RHO, por su nombre en inglés). De mi país quiero resaltar a mi compatriota Florence Thomas, psicóloga, columnista, escritora y activista feminista colombo-francesa. Es una de las voces más influyentes e importantes del movimiento por los derechos de la mujer en Colombia y en la región. Arribó procedente de Francia en la década de 1960, en los años de la contracultura, los Beatles, los hippies, Simone de Beauvoir y Jean-Paul Sartre, época en la que se empezó a criticar el capitalismo y la cultura del consumo (4). Fue entonces cuando se comenzó a hablar del cuerpo femenino, la sexualidad femenina y cuando llegó la píldora anticonceptiva como una revolución total para las mujeres. A su llegada en 1967, ella experimentó un choque porque acababa de asistir a toda una revolución y solo encontró un país de madres, no de mujeres (5). Ese era el único destino de una mujer, ser callada y sumisa. Entonces se dio cuenta de que no se podía seguir así, hablando de "vanguardias revolucionarias" en un ambiente tan patriarcal. En 1986 con las olas del feminismo norteamericano y europeo, y con su equipo académico crearon el grupo Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, semillero de grandes iniciativas y logros para el país (6). Ella ha liderado grandes cambios con su valentía, la fuerza de sus argumentos, y un discurso apasionado y agradable a la vez. Dentro de sus múltiples libros resalto Conversaciones con Violeta (7), motivado por el desdén hacia el feminismo de algunas mujeres jóvenes. Lo escribe a manera de diálogo con una hija imaginaria en el que, de una manera íntima, reconstruye la historia de las mujeres a través de los siglos y da nuevas luces sobre el papel fundamental del feminismo en la vida de la mujer moderna. Otro libro muestra de su valentía es Había que decirlo (8), en el que narra la experiencia de su propio aborto a sus 22 años en la Francia de los años sesenta. Mi experiencia de trabajo en la IPPF-RHO me ha permitido conocer líderes y lideresas de todas las edades en diversos países de la región, quienes con gran mística y dedicación, de manera voluntaria, trabajan por lograr una sociedad más equitativa y justa. Particularmente me ha impresionado la apropiación del concepto de derechos sexuales y reproductivos por parte de las personas más jóvenes, y esto me ha dado gran esperanza en el futuro del planeta. Seguimos con una agenda incompleta del Plan de acción de la CIPD de El Cairo, pero ver cómo la juventud enfrenta con valentía los retos, me motiva a seguir adelante y aportar mis años de experiencia en un trabajo intergeneracional. La IPPF-RHO evidencia un gran compromiso por los derechos y la SSR de adolescentes en sus políticas y programas, que son consistentes con lo que la Organización promueve; por ejemplo, el 20% de los puestos de toma de decisión están en manos de jóvenes. Las organizaciones miembros, que basan su labor en el voluntariado, son verdaderas incubadoras de jóvenes que harán ese recambio generacional inexpugnable y necesario. A diferencia de lo que nos tocó a muchos de nosotros, trabajar en esta complicada agenda de salud sexual y reproductiva sin bases teóricas, hoy vemos personas comprometidas y con una sólida formación para reemplazarnos. En la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia y en la Facultad de Enfermería de la Universidad El Bosque, las nuevas generaciones están más motivadas y empoderadas, con grandes deseos de cambiar las rígidas estructuras subyacentes. Nuestra gran preocupación son los embates de ultraderecha que soportan grupos antiderechos, muchas veces mejor organizados que nosotros, que sí apoyamos los derechos y somos verdaderos provida (9). Ante este escenario, debemos organizarnos mejor y seguir dando batallas para garantizar los derechos de las mujeres en el ámbito local, regional y global, aunando esfuerzos de todas las organizaciones proderechos. Estamos ahora comprometidos con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (10), entendidos como aquellos que satisfacen las necesidades de la generación presente sin comprometer la capacidad de las generaciones futuras para satisfacer sus propias necesidades. Esta nueva agenda se basa en: - El trabajo no finalizado de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio - Los compromisos pendientes (convenciones ambientales internacionales) - Los temas emergentes en las tres dimensiones del desarrollo sostenible: social, económica y ambiental. Tenemos ahora 17 Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible y 169 metas (11). Entre estos objetivos se menciona en varias ocasiones el "acceso universal a la salud reproductiva". En el Objetivo 3 de esa lista se incluye garantizar, de aquí al año 2030, "el acceso universal a los servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva, incluidos los de planificación familiar, información y educación". De igual manera, el Objetivo 5, "Lograr la igualdad de género y empoderar a todas las mujeres y las niñas", establece que se deberá "asegurar el acceso universal a la salud sexual y reproductiva y los derechos reproductivos según lo acordado de conformidad con el Programa de Acción de la Conferencia Internacional sobre la Población y el Desarrollo, la Plataforma de Acción de Beijing". No se puede olvidar que el término acceso universal a la salud sexual y reproductiva incluye el acceso universal al aborto y la anticoncepción. Actualmente 830 mujeres mueren cada día por causas maternas prevenibles; de estos decesos, el 99% ocurre en países en desarrollo, más de la mitad en entornos frágiles y en contextos humanitarios (12). 216 millones de mujeres no pueden acceder a métodos de anticoncepción moderna y la mayoría vive en los nueve países más pobres del mundo y en un ambiente cultural propio de la década de los sesenta (13). Este número solo incluye las mujeres de 15 a 49 años en cualquier tipo de unión, es decir el número total es mucho mayor. Cumplir con los objetivos marcados supondría prevenir 67 millones de embarazos no deseados y reducir a un tercio las muertes maternas. Actualmente tenemos una alta demanda insatisfecha de anticoncepción moderna, con un bajísimo uso de los métodos de larga duración reversible (dispositivos intrauterinos e implantes subdérmicos) que son los más efectivos y de mayor adherencia (14). No hay uno solo de los 17 Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible donde la anticoncepción no tenga un papel preponderante: desde el primero que se refiere al fin de la pobreza, pasando por el quinto de igualdad de género, el décimo de reducción de la desigualdad, entre los países y en el mismo país, hasta el decimosexto relacionado con paz y justicia. Si queremos cambiar el mundo, debemos procurar acceso universal a la anticoncepción sin mitos ni barreras. Tenemos la obligación moral de lograr la erradicación de la pobreza extrema y avanzar en la construcción de sociedades más igualitarias, justas y felices. En anticoncepción de urgencia (AU), estamos muy lejos de alcanzar lo que esperamos. Si en métodos de larga duración reversible tenemos una baja prevalencia, en la AU la situación empeora. No en todas las facultades de medicina de la región se aborda este tema, y donde sí se hace, no hay homogeneidad de contenidos, ni siquiera dentro del mismo país. Hay aún mitos sobre su verdadero mecanismo de acción. Hay países como Honduras donde está prohibida y no hay un medicamento dedicado, como tampoco lo hay en Haití. Donde está disponible el acceso es ínfimo, particularmente entre las niñas, adolescentes, jóvenes, migrantes, afrodescendientes e indígenas. Hay que derrumbar las múltiples barreras para el uso eficaz de la anticoncepción de emergencia, y para eso necesitamos trabajar en romper mitos y percepciones erróneas, tabúes y normas culturales; lograr cambios en las leyes y normas restrictivas de los países; lograr acceso sin barreras a la AU; trabajar intersectorialmente; capacitar al personal de salud y la comunidad. Es necesario transformar la actitud del personal de salud en una de servicio por encima de sus propias opiniones. Reflexionando acerca de lo que ha pasado después de la CIPD realizada en El Cairo, su Programa de Acción cambió cómo miramos las dinámicas de población de un énfasis en la demografía a un enfoque en los derechos humanos y las personas. Los gobiernos acordaron que, en este nuevo enfoque, el éxito era el empoderamiento de las mujeres y la posibilidad de elegir a través de expandir el acceso a la educación, la salud, los servicios y el empleo, entre otros. Sin embargo, ha habido avances desiguales y persiste la inequidad en nuestra región, no se cumplieron todas las metas, los derechos sexuales y reproductivos continúan fuera del alcance de muchas mujeres (15). Aún queda un largo camino para recorrer, hasta que mujeres y niñas del mundo puedan reclamar sus derechos y la libertad de decidir. Globalmente la mortalidad materna se ha reducido, hay mayor asistencia calificada del parto, mayor prevalencia anticonceptiva, la educación integral en sexualidad y el acceso a servicios de SSR para adolescentes ya son derechos reconocidos y con grandes avances, además ha habido ganancias concretas en materia de marcos legales más favorables en particular en nuestra región; sin embargo, si bien las condiciones de acceso han mejorado, las legislaciones restrictivas de la región exponen a las mujeres más vulnerables a abortos inseguros. Hay aún grandes desafíos para que los gobiernos reconozcan la SSR y los DSR como parte integral de los sistemas de salud, existe una amplia agenda contra las mujeres. En ese sentido, el acceso a SSR está bajo amenaza y opresión, se requiere movilización intersectorial y litigios estratégicos, investigación y apoyo a los derechos de las mujeres como agenda intersectorial. Hacia adelante hay que esforzarnos más en el trabajo con jóvenes, para avanzar no solo en el Programa de Acción de la CIPD, sino en todos los movimientos sociales. Son uno de los grupos más vulnerables, y de los mayores catalizadores para el cambio. La población joven aún enfrentan muchos desafíos, especialmente las mujeres y niñas; las jóvenes están especialmente en alto riesgo debido a la falta de servicios y salud sexual y reproductiva amigables y confidenciales, la presencia de violencia basada en género y la falta de acceso a los servicios. Además hay que mejorar el acceso al aborto; es responsabilidad de los estados garantizar la calidad y seguridad en el acceso. Aún en nuestra región existen países con marcos totalmente restrictivos. Las nuevas tecnologías facilitan el autocuidado (16), lo que permitirá ampliar el acceso universal, pero los gobiernos no pueden desvincularse de su responsabilidad. El autocuidado se está expandiendo en el mundo y puede ser estratégico para llegar a las poblaciones más vulnerables. Hay nuevos desafíos para los mismos problemas, que requieren una reinterpretación de las medidas necesarias para garantizar los DSR de todas las personas, en particular mujeres, niñas y en general las poblaciones marginadas y vulnerables. Es necesario tener en cuenta aspectos como las migraciones, el cambio climático, el impacto de medios digitales, el resurgimiento de discursos de odio, la opresión, la violencia, la xenofobia, la homo/transfobia y otros problemas emergentes, pues la SSR debe verse en un marco de justicia, y no aislado. Debemos exigir rendición de cuentas a los 179 gobiernos que participaron en la CIPD hace 25 años y a los 193 países que firmaron los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. Deben reafirmarse en sus compromisos y expandir la agenda a los temas no considerados en ese momento. Nuestra región ha dado ejemplo al mundo con el Consenso de Montevideo, que se convierte en una hoja de ruta para el cumplimiento del plan de acción de la CIPD y no debe permitirnos retroceder. Este Consenso pone en el centro a las personas, en especial a las mujeres, e incluye el tema de aborto invitando a los estados a que consideren la posibilidad de legalizarlo, lo que abre la puerta para que los gobiernos de todo el mundo reconozcan que las mujeres tienen el derecho a decidir sobre la maternidad. Este Consenso es mucho más inclusivo: Considerando que las brechas en salud continúan sobresalientes en la región y las estadísticas promedio suelen ocultar los altos niveles de mortalidad materna, de infecciones de transmisión sexual, de infección por VIH/SIDA y de demanda insatisfecha de anticoncepción entre la población que vive en la pobreza y en áreas rurales, entre los pueblos indígenas y las personas afrodescendientes y grupos en condición de vulnerabilidad como mujeres, adolescentes y jóvenes y personas con discapacidad, acuerdan: 33-Promover, proteger y garantizar la salud y los derechos sexuales y los derechos reproductivos para contribuir a la plena realización de las personas y a la justicia social en una sociedad libre de toda forma de discriminación y violencia. 37-Garantizar el acceso universal a servicios de salud sexual y salud reproductiva de calidad, tomando en consideración las necesidades específicas de hombres y mujeres, adolescentes y jóvenes, personas LGBT, personas mayores y personas con discapacidad, prestando particular atención a personas en condición de vulnerabilidad y personas que viven en zonas rurales y remotas y promoviendo la participación ciudadana en el seguimiento de los compromisos. 42-Asegurar, en los casos en que el aborto es legal o está despenalizado en la legislación nacional, la existencia de servicios de aborto seguros y de calidad para las mujeres que cursan embarazos no deseados y no aceptados e instar a los demás Estados a considerar la posibilidad de modificar las leyes, normativas, estrategias y políticas públicas sobre la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo para salvaguardar la vida y la salud de mujeres adolescentes, mejorando su calidad de vida y disminuyendo el número de abortos (17). ; In my postgraduate formation during the last years of the 80's, we had close to thirty hospital beds in a pavilion called "sépticas" (1). In Colombia, where abortion was completely penalized, the pavilion was mostly filled with women with insecure, complicated abortions. The focus we received was technical: management of intensive care; performance of hysterectomies, colostomies, bowel resection, etc. In those times, some nurses were nuns and limited themselves to interrogating the patients to get them to "confess" what they had done to themselves in order to abort. It always disturbed me that the women who left alive, left without any advice or contraceptive method. Having asked a professor of mine, he responded with disdain: "This is a third level hospital, those things are done by nurses of the first level". Seeing so much pain and death, I decided to talk to patients, and I began to understand their decision. I still remember so many deaths with sadness, but one case in particular pains me: it was a woman close to being fifty who arrived with a uterine perforation in a state of advanced sepsis. Despite the surgery and the intensive care, she passed away. I had talked to her, and she told me she was a widow, had two adult kids and had aborted because of "embarrassment towards them" because they were going to find out that she had an active sexual life. A few days after her passing, the pathology professor called me, surprised, to tell me that the uterus we had sent for pathological examination showed no pregnancy. She was a woman in a perimenopausal state with a pregnancy exam that gave a false positive due to the high levels of FSH/LH typical of her age. SHE WAS NOT PREGNANT!!! She didn't have menstruation because she was premenopausal and a false positive led her to an unsafe abortion. Of course, the injuries caused in the attempted abortion caused the fatal conclusion, but the real underlying cause was the social taboo in respect to sexuality. I had to watch many adolescents and young women leave the hospital alive, but without a uterus, sometime without ovaries and with colostomies, to be looked down on by a society that blamed them for deciding to not be mothers. I had to see situation of women that arrived with their intestines protruding from their vaginas because of unsafe abortions. I saw women, who in their despair, self-inflicted injuries attempting to abort with elements such as stick, branches, onion wedges, alum bars and clothing hooks among others. Among so many deaths, it was hard not having at least one woman per day in the morgue due to an unsafe abortion. During those time, healthcare was not handled from the biopsychosocial, but only from the technical (2); nonetheless, in the academic evaluations that were performed, when asked about the definition of health, we had to recite the text from the International Organization of Health that included these three aspects. How contradictory! To give response to the health need of women and guarantee their right when I was already a professor, I began an obstetric contraceptive service in that third level hospital. There was resistance from the directors, but fortunately I was able to acquire international donations for the institution, which facilitated its acceptance. I decided to undertake a teaching career with the hope of being able to sensitize health professionals towards an integral focus of health and illness. When the International Conference of Population and Development (ICPD) was held in Cairo in 1994, I had already spent various years in teaching, and when I read their Action Program, I found a name for what I was working on: Sexual and Reproductive Rights. I began to incorporate the tools given by this document into my professional and teaching life. I was able to sensitize people at my countries Health Ministry, and we worked together moving it to an approach of human rights in areas of sexual and reproductive health (SRH). This new viewpoint, in addition to being integral, sought to give answers to old problems like maternal mortality, adolescent pregnancy, low contraceptive prevalence, unplanned or unwanted pregnancy or violence against women. With other sensitized people, we began with these SRH issues to permeate the Colombian Society of Obstetrics and Gynecology, some universities, and university hospitals. We are still fighting in a country that despite many difficulties has improved its indicators of SRH. With the experience of having labored in all sphere of these topics, we manage to create, with a handful of colleagues and friend at the Universidad El Bosque, a Master's Program in Sexual and Reproductive Health, open to all professions, in which we broke several paradigms. A program was initiated in which the qualitative and quantitative investigation had the same weight, and some alumni of the program are now in positions of leadership in governmental and international institutions, replicating integral models. In the Latin American Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FLASOG, English acronym) and in the International Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FIGO), I was able to apply my experience for many years in the SRH committees of these association to benefit women and girls in the regional and global environments. When I think of who has inspired me in these fights, I should highlight the great feminist who have taught me and been with me in so many fights. I cannot mention them all, but I have admired the story of the life of Margaret Sanger with her persistence and visionary outlook. She fought throughout her whole life to help the women of the 20th century to be able to obtain the right to decide when and whether or not they wanted to have children (3). Of current feminist, I have had the privilege of sharing experiences with Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz and Alejandra Meglioli, leaders of the International Planned Parenthood Federation – Western Hemisphere Region (IPPF-RHO). From my country, I want to mention my countrywoman Florence Thomas, psychologist, columnist, writer and Colombo-French feminist. She is one of the most influential and important voices in the movement for women rights in Colombia and the region. She arrived from France in the 1960's, in the years of counterculture, the Beatles, hippies, Simone de Beauvoir, and Jean-Paul Sartre, a time in which capitalism and consumer culture began to be criticized (4). It was then when they began to talk about the female body, female sexuality and when the contraceptive pill arrived like a total revolution for women. Upon its arrival in 1967, she experimented a shock because she had just assisted in a revolution and only found a country of mothers, not women (5). That was the only destiny for a woman, to be quiet and submissive. Then she realized that this could not continue, speaking of "revolutionary vanguards" in such a patriarchal environment. In 1986 with the North American and European feminism waves and with her academic team, they created the group "Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia", incubator of great initiatives and achievements for the country (6). She has led great changes with her courage, the strength of her arguments, and a simultaneously passionate and agreeable discourse. Among her multiple books, I highlight "Conversaciones con Violeta" (7), motivated by the disdain towards feminism of some young women. She writes it as a dialogue with an imaginary daughter in which, in an intimate manner, she reconstructs the history of women throughout the centuries and gives new light of the fundamental role of feminism in the life of modern women. Another book that shows her bravery is "Había que decirlo" (8), in which she narrates the experience of her own abortion at age twenty-two in sixty's France. My work experience in the IPPF-RHO has allowed me to meet leaders of all ages in diverse countries of the region, who with great mysticism and dedication, voluntarily, work to achieve a more equal and just society. I have been particularly impressed by the appropriation of the concept of sexual and reproductive rights by young people, and this has given me great hope for the future of the planet. We continue to have an incomplete agenda of the action plan of the ICPD of Cairo but seeing how the youth bravely confront the challenges motivates me to continue ahead and give my years of experience in an intergenerational work. In their policies and programs, the IPPF-RHO evidences great commitment for the rights and the SRH of adolescent, that are consistent with what the organization promotes, for example, 20% of the places for decision making are in hands of the young. Member organizations, that base their labor on volunteers, are true incubators of youth that will make that unassailable and necessary change of generations. In contrast to what many of us experienced, working in this complicated agenda of sexual and reproductive health without theoretical bases, today we see committed people with a solid formation to replace us. In the college of medicine at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the College of Nursing at the Universidad El Bosque, the new generations are more motivated and empowered, with great desire to change the strict underlying structures. Our great worry is the onslaught of the ultra-right, a lot of times better organized than us who do support rights, that supports anti-rights group and are truly pro-life (9). Faced with this scenario, we should organize ourselves better, giving battle to guarantee the rights of women in the local, regional, and global level, aggregating the efforts of all pro-right organizations. We are now committed to the Objectives of Sustainable Development (10), understood as those that satisfy the necessities of the current generation without jeopardizing the capacity of future generations to satisfy their own necessities. This new agenda is based on: - The unfinished work of the Millennium Development Goals - Pending commitments (international environmental conventions) - The emergent topics of the three dimensions of sustainable development: social, economic, and environmental. We now have 17 objectives of sustainable development and 169 goals (11). These goals mention "universal access to reproductive health" many times. In objective 3 of this list is included guaranteeing, before the year 2030, "universal access to sexual and reproductive health services, including those of family planning, information, and education." Likewise, objective 5, "obtain gender equality and empower all women and girls", establishes the goal of "assuring the universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights in conformity with the action program of the International Conference on Population and Development, the Action Platform of Beijing". It cannot be forgotten that the term universal access to sexual and reproductive health includes universal access to abortion and contraception. Currently, 830 women die every day through preventable maternal causes; of these deaths, 99% occur in developing countries, more than half in fragile environments and in humanitarian contexts (12). 216 million women cannot access modern contraception methods and the majority live in the nine poorest countries in the world and in a cultural environment proper to the decades of the seventies (13). This number only includes women from 15 to 49 years in any marital state, that is to say, the number that takes all women into account is much greater. Achieving the proposed objectives would entail preventing 67 million unwanted pregnancies and reducing maternal deaths by two thirds. We currently have a high, unsatisfied demand for modern contraceptives, with extremely low use of reversible, long term methods (intrauterine devices and subdermal implants) which are the most effect ones with best adherence (14). There is not a single objective among the 17 Objectives of Sustainable Development where contraception does not have a prominent role: from the first one that refers to ending poverty, going through the fifth one about gender equality, the tenth of inequality reduction among countries and within the same country, until the sixteenth related with peace and justice. If we want to change the world, we should procure universal access to contraception without myths or barriers. We have the moral obligation of achieving the irradiation of extreme poverty and advancing the construction of more equal, just, and happy societies. In emergency contraception (EC), we are very far from reaching expectations. If in reversible, long-term methods we have low prevalence, in EC the situation gets worse. Not all faculties in the region look at this topic, and where it is looked at, there is no homogeneity in content, not even within the same country. There are still myths about their real action mechanisms. There are countries, like Honduras, where it is prohibited and there is no specific medicine, the same case as in Haiti. Where it is available, access is dismal, particularly among girls, adolescents, youth, migrants, afro-descendent, and indigenous. The multiple barriers for the effective use of emergency contraceptives must be knocked down, and to work toward that we have to destroy myths and erroneous perceptions, taboos and cultural norms; achieve changes in laws and restrictive rules within countries, achieve access without barriers to the EC; work in union with other sectors; train health personnel and the community. It is necessary to transform the attitude of health personal to a service above personal opinion. Reflecting on what has occurred after the ICPD in Cairo, their Action Program changed how we look at the dynamics of population from an emphasis on demographics to a focus on the people and human rights. The governments agreed that, in this new focus, success was the empowerment of women and the possibility of choice through expanded access to education, health, services, and employment among others. Nonetheless, there have been unequal advances and inequality persists in our region, all the goals were not met, the sexual and reproductive goals continue beyond the reach of many women (15). There is a long road ahead until women and girls of the world can claim their rights and liberty of deciding. Globally, maternal deaths have been reduced, there is more qualified assistance of births, more contraception prevalence, integral sexuality education, and access to SRH services for adolescents are now recognized rights with great advances, and additionally there have been concrete gains in terms of more favorable legal frameworks, particularly in our region; nonetheless, although it's true that the access condition have improved, the restrictive laws of the region expose the most vulnerable women to insecure abortions. There are great challenges for governments to recognize SRH and the DSR as integral parts of health systems, there is an ample agenda against women. In that sense, access to SRH is threatened and oppressed, it requires multi-sector mobilization and litigation strategies, investigation and support for the support of women's rights as a multi-sector agenda. Looking forward, we must make an effort to work more with youth to advance not only the Action Program of the ICPD, but also all social movements. They are one of the most vulnerable groups, and the biggest catalyzers for change. The young population still faces many challenges, especially women and girls; young girls are in particularly high risk due to lack of friendly and confidential services related with sexual and reproductive health, gender violence, and lack of access to services. In addition, access to abortion must be improved; it is the responsibility of states to guarantee the quality and security of this access. In our region there still exist countries with completely restrictive frameworks. New technologies facilitate self-care (16), which will allow expansion of universal access, but governments cannot detach themselves from their responsibility. Self-care is expanding in the world and can be strategic for reaching the most vulnerable populations. There are new challenges for the same problems, that require a re-interpretation of the measures necessary to guaranty the DSR of all people, in particular women, girls, and in general, marginalized and vulnerable populations. It is necessary to take into account migrations, climate change, the impact of digital media, the resurgence of hate discourse, oppression, violence, xenophobia, homo/transphobia, and other emergent problems, as SRH should be seen within a framework of justice, not isolated. We should demand accountability of the 179 governments that participate in the ICPD 25 years ago and the 193 countries that signed the Sustainable Development Objectives. They should reaffirm their commitments and expand their agenda to topics not considered at that time. Our region has given the world an example with the Agreement of Montevideo, that becomes a blueprint for achieving the action plan of the CIPD and we should not allow retreat. This agreement puts people at the center, especially women, and includes the topic of abortion, inviting the state to consider the possibility of legalizing it, which opens the doors for all governments of the world to recognize that women have the right to choose on maternity. This agreement is much more inclusive: Considering that the gaps in health continue to abound in the region and the average statistics hide the high levels of maternal mortality, of sexually transmitted diseases, of infection by HIV/AIDS, and the unsatisfied demand for contraception in the population that lives in poverty and rural areas, among indigenous communities, and afro-descendants and groups in conditions of vulnerability like women, adolescents and incapacitated people, it is agreed: 33- To promote, protect, and guarantee the health and the sexual and reproductive rights that contribute to the complete fulfillment of people and social justice in a society free of any form of discrimination and violence. 37- Guarantee universal access to quality sexual and reproductive health services, taking into consideration the specific needs of men and women, adolescents and young, LGBT people, older people and people with incapacity, paying particular attention to people in a condition of vulnerability and people who live in rural and remote zone, promoting citizen participation in the completing of these commitments. 42- To guarantee, in cases in which abortion is legal or decriminalized in the national legislation, the existence of safe and quality abortion for non-desired or non-accepted pregnancies and instigate the other States to consider the possibility of modifying public laws, norms, strategies, and public policy on the voluntary interruption of pregnancy to save the life and health of pregnant adolescent women, improving their quality of life and decreasing the number of abortions (17).

Dentro de los usos que se puede ofrecer a los lodos EDAR, debido a que contienen una cantidad elevada de materia orgánica y un más que aceptable contenido en elementos nutricionales, es su consideración (siempre que no hayan elementos en contra que introduzcan toxicidad) como enmiendas orgánicas o incluso, como fertilizantes orgánicos, susceptibles de ser reciclados en los suelos y conseguir para los mismos una mejora en productividad, fertilidad, y por tanto un su calidad. Precisamente, en zonas como la Región de Murcia donde existen una continua degradación de suelos que les lleva a perder materia orgánica, así como productividad desde un punto de vista agronómico, la posibilidad de disponer de fuentes exógenas de materia orgánica como los lodos EDAR, que puedan ser recicladas en los suelos, es algo muy a tener presente. Por tanto, una posible solución mejorar la calidad de suelos agrícolas sería entonces emplear como fuente de materia orgánica para ellos aquella contenida en los lodos EDAR, consiguiendo de este modo, por una parte, mejorar la fertilidad de dichos suelos, y por otra, eliminar racionalmente los residuos mediante su reciclado en dichos suelos (conversión de un Residuo en un Recurso). En este contexto, esta Tesis Doctoral se propuso como Objetivo principal generar conocimiento sobre una gran cantidad de lodos producidos en nuestra Comunidad Autónoma, con ánimo de comprobar sus posibilidades para reciclarlos en suelo desde un punto de vista agronómico, e incluso ambiental. Este estudio valora parámetros de índole agronómico que pueden justificar la consideración de los lodos como "enmiendas orgánicas" o incluso "fertilizantes orgánicos", ya que la finalidad de este estudio es conocer la posibilidad de reciclar lodos en los suelos agrícolas de la Región de Murcia. Para alcanzar este Objetivo General, la Tesis Doctoral ha llevado a cabo una parte experimental consistente en una amplia serie de analíticas, realizadas sobre lodos EDAR producidos en un conjunto de depuradoras de tratamiento de aguas urbanas situadas en la Comunidad Autónoma de Murcia (30 en total), cerca del 90 % del total de lodos que se producen en nuestra Región. La mencionada parte experimental ha consistido en los correspondientes muestreos (tres al año, para poder comprobar la posible variabilidad estacional de los lodos), así como la determinación en todas las muestras de un set de parámetros al objeto de monitorizar su comportamiento cara a poder reciclar lodos EDAR en los suelos desde una perspectiva agronómica. Se han estudiado parámetros de tipo físico (contenido en humedad), parámetros físico-químicos (pH y CE), nutricionales (macro y micronutrientes), y otros de índole ambiental (metales pesados, contaminantes orgánicos como bifenilos, LAS, nonifenoles y, PAH,s). También se ha llevado a cabo un estudio sobre parámetros indicativos de la actividad y la biomasa microbiana de los lodos, tanto de índole "general", tales como la respiración de suelo, el contenido de adenosín trifosfato (ATP) y de carbono de la biomasa microbiana, como de índole "especifico" entre los que citaremos a diversas actividades enzimáticas (oxidorreductasas como la actividad deshidrogenasa, como hidrolasas: ureasas, fosfatasas y b-glucosidasas). Asimismo, se han determinado parámetros referidos a su problemática microbiológica ligada a microorganismos patógenos contenidos en los lodos estudiados. Esta fase del estudio se consideró de interés debido a la importancia que el grado de higienización de los lodos puede tener en un futuro. Por último, se estudió la ecotoxicidad de los residuos, empleando un bioensayo de luminiscencia con la bacteria Photobacterium phosphoreum. La evaluación de la fitotoxicidad de los lodos mediante ensayos de germinación (test de plantas) de dos especies vegetales de diferente grado de sensibilidad a los efectos de la contaminación: cebada (Hordeum vulgare L.) y berro (Lepidium sativum L.) se ha considerado adecuada en este estudio. Todas las muestras, tomadas en las condiciones adecuadas de muestreo, se muestrearon por triplicado para poder someter las mismas a tratamiento estadístico. La CONCLUSION GENERAL a este estudio, es que la mayor parte de los lodos EDAR estudiados por nosotros pueden ser usados como una fuente de materia orgánica apropiada para ser adicionada a suelos con ánimo de conseguir mejorar en los mismos su productividad y fertilidad. Sin embargo, la salinidad que pueden aportar, así como elementos tóxicos tales como metales pesados puede suponer también una traba, y por ello interesa que contengan una cantidad mínima de los mismos. Se recuerda en este punto, que para el uso agrícola de lodos se sigue la legislación marcada en el Real Decreto 1310/1990, en donde se señalan las cantidades máximas de metal pesado que pueden contener los lodos para poder ser usados en agricultura. Por supuesto, otros aspectos como los contenidos en microorganismos patogénicos, o incluso compuestos carbonados difícilmente volatilizables deben ser considerados más que por la problemática inmediata, por su potencialidad en el futuro. Se concluye pues que hay que conocer mediante una exhaustiva analítica, el material que será reciclado en un suelo (en este caso, los lodos), para así comprobar que está exento de riesgos. Hemos asimismo de señalar que no se detectan efectos negativos en algunos parámetros de calidad, como los relacionados con actividad microbiana. Sin embargo, hemos de tener presente que se ponen de manifiesto efectos positivos derivados de la carga orgánica de los lodos (biota), y otros negativos derivados de su posible contaminación; si los positivos superan a los negativos, éstos últimos no se manifiestan, pero no indica que no estén presentes. Algo también a tener presente es el antagonismo o sinergismo que puede darse entre diversos metales o contaminantes, los cuales pueden marcar una pauta de comportamiento. Todo esto confirma la necesidad de conocer de la manera más adecuada posible, la calidad de la enmienda o fertilizante orgánico que se puede usar. El tratamiento al que se someten los lodos en la planta de tratamiento tiene incidencia sobre algunos de los parámetros estudiados en este Memoria; pero la calidad de las aguas entrantes, o incluso la zona donde se sitúan las depuradoras (zona con intervenciones metálicas, por ejemplo), es más incidente en muchos de los casos, que el propio tratamiento. De manera complementaria y al igual que ocurre con el Programa de Caracterización de Lodos de Depuradoras Generados en España publicado por el Ministerio de Medio Ambiente en 2009 y el Plan Nacional de Lodos de Depuradora integrado dentro del Plan Nacional Integrado de Residuos 2008-2015, con esta Memoria se ha pretendido mejorar el conocimiento sobre la composición de los lodos de las depuradoras de aguas residuales en la Comunidad Autónoma de la Región de Murcia y por ende del Estado Español (metales pesados, parámetros agronómicos, patógenos y contaminantes orgánicos), con la finalidad última de utilizar los conocimientos derivados de esta Tesis para la revisión del Plan Nacional de Lodos de Depuradora integrado dentro del Plan Nacional Integrado de Residuos 2008-2015.SUMMARY Due to the significant quantities of organic matter and nutritional elements that WWTP sludges contain, the most important potential application of this waste is as an organic amendment or even as an organic fertilizer (provided it does not contain toxic elements as well). Such sludges can be recycled in the soil and thus improve the productivity, fertility and, ultimately, the quality of the soil. In areas like the Region of Murcia where soil degradation is incessant, resulting in lost organic matter and lost agricultural productivity, the possibility of obtaining exogenous sources of organic matter like WWTP sludges that can be recycled in the soil is particularly attractive. Using WWTP sludges as a source of organic matter is therefore one possible solution for improving the quality of agricultural soils. This would not only improve soil fertility, but also provide a means to rationally eliminate waste by recycling it in degraded soils (thus converting Waste into a Resource). Nevertheless, this recycling process should be able to be carried out without posing a risk to the soil on account of the excessive toxic elements that sludges sometimes contain. When the toxic elements in sludges reach levels that constitute a risk to the soils where they are to be recycled, their use as an amendment should be prohibited. The main goal of this Doctoral Thesis was to generate knowledge about a significant number of the sludges produced in our Region in order to assess their potential for being recycled in the soil from an agricultural as well as environmental point of view. Given this ultimate purpose – to determine the possibility of recycling sludges in agricultural soils in the Region of Murcia – agronomic parameters were evaluated that could be used to justify the use of sludges as "organic amendments" or even as "organic fertilizers". The treatment processes the sludges were submitted to (mainly anaerobic or prolonged aerobic) were also considered as variables in some of the parameters studied. To achieve this Overall Goal, this Doctoral Thesis includes an experimental component in which a wide range of analyses were performed on WWTP sludges produced in a group of urban wastewater treatment plants located in the Region of Murcia (a total of 30). These treatment plants generate about 90% of the total sludge produced in the Region. The experimental component of the Thesis involved collecting samples at three different times of the year (in order to evaluate for possible seasonal variability among the sludges) and determining a set of parameters in all samples in order to monitor their behaviour and thus assess the possibility of recycling WWTP sludges in agricultural soils. The following parameters were studied: physical parameters (moisture content); physical-chemical parameters (pH and EC); nutritional parameters (macro and micronutrients); and other parameters of an environmental nature (heavy metals, organic pollutants such as polychlorinated biphenyls, LAS, nonylphenols and PAHs). A study was also conducted on parameters indicative of the microbial activity and biomass of the different sludges, both of a "general" nature, such as soil respiration and the Adenosine Triphosphate (ATP) and carbon content of the microbial biomass, and of a "specific" nature, including various enzymatic activities (of oxidoreductases, such as dehydrogenases; and of hydrolases, such as ureases, phosphatases and -glucosidases). Furthermore, parameters were determined for microbiological problems linked to the pathogens contained in the sludges studied. This phase of the study was deemed of interest given the potential importance that the degree to which sludges are sanitised may have in the future. Finally, the ecotoxicity of the wastes was studied by means of a bioassay using the luminescent bacteria Photobacterium phosphoreum. For the purposes of this study, it was considered adequate to assess the phytotoxicity of the sludges by means of germination assays (a test using plant seeds) of two plant species displaying different degrees of sensitivity to the effects of sludge phytotoxicity, as are barley (Hordeum vulgare L.) and cress (Lepidium sativum L.). All samples, taken in appropriate sampling conditions, were collected in triplicate so they could be submitted to statistical treatment. The GENERAL CONCLUSION of this Thesis is that most of the WWTP sludges studied can be used as a suitable source of organic matter for amending soils with the goal of improving soil productivity and fertility. However, sludges can also pose a threat to the soil by adding salinity and toxic elements such as heavy metals. It is thus important that sludges contain minimum amounts of these substances. It is worth recalling that the agricultural use of sludges is currently regulated by legislation in Spain, by the Royal Decree 1310/1990, which indicates the maximum amounts of heavy metal that sludges can contain for agricultural use. In determining this quality, it is also of course important to take other aspects into consideration such as pathogenic microorganism content and even the amount of minimally volatile carbon compounds, and not just for the immediate problems they pose, but also due to their potential to cause problems in the future. It is therefore essential to perform comprehensive analyses of materials that are to be recycled in soils (in this case, sludges) to ensure they are free of risk. It is of note that no adverse effects were detected in some of the quality parameters studied, such as those linked to microbial activity. However, we must keep in mind that the organic content of sludges (biota) demonstrates positive effects but that it can also have negative effects resulting from possible contamination. If the positives outweigh the negatives, the latter do not show up, but this does not mean they are not present. Another thing to consider is the antagonism or synergism that can occur between different metals or contaminants, both of which can set a behavioural pattern. All of these concerns accentuate the need to understand to the greatest extent possible the quality of the amendments or organic fertilizers that are to be used in the soil. The treatment processes sludges went through in the treatment plant influenced some of the parameters studied in this Thesis. Nevertheless, the quality of incoming water or even the location of the treatment plants (areas with metal operations, for example) had an even greater impact in many cases than the treatment process itself. The goal of this Thesis was to improve knowledge about the composition of the sludges produced in wastewater treatment plants in the Autonomous Community of the Region of Murcia and, ultimately, in Spain as a whole (heavy metals, agronomic parameters, pathogens and organic contaminants). This objective complements the Programa de Caracterización de Lodos de Depuradoras Generados en España published by the Ministry of Environment in 2009 and the Plan Nacional de Lodos de Depuradora , which is part of the Plan Nacional Integrado de Residuos 2008-2015 . The ultimate aim of this Thesis is to apply the knowledge acquired to revising the Plan Nacional de Lodos de Depuradora (part of the Plan Nacional Integrado de Residuos 2008-2015).

<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves /> <w:TrackFormatting /> <w:HyphenationZone>21</w:HyphenationZone> <w:PunctuationKerning /> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas /> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:DoNotPromoteQF /> <w:LidThemeOther>PT-BR</w:LidThemeOther> <w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian> <w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript> <w:Compatibility> <w:BreakWrappedTables /> <w:SnapToGridInCell /> <w:WrapTextWithPunct /> <w:UseAsianBreakRules /> <w:DontGrowAutofit /> <w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark /> <w:DontVertAlignCellWithSp /> <w:DontBreakConstrainedForcedTables /> <w:DontVertAlignInTxbx /> <w:Word11KerningPairs /> <w:CachedColBalance /> </w:Compatibility> <w:BrowserLevel>MicrosoftInternetExplorer4</w:BrowserLevel> <m:mathPr> <m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math" /> <m:brkBin m:val="before" /> <m:brkBinSub m:val=" " /> <m:smallFrac m:val="off" /> <m:dispDef /> <m:lMargin m:val="0" /> <m:rMargin m:val="0" /> <m:defJc m:val="centerGroup" /> <m:wrapIndent m:val="1440" /> <m:intLim m:val="subSup" /> <m:naryLim m:val="undOvr" /> </m:mathPr></w:WordDocument> </xml><![endif]--> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">RESUMO:</span></strong></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Este estudo examina materiais instrucionais de uma entidade do Terceiro Setor – Instituto Ayrton Senna (IAS) –, adotados por inúmeras esferas de governo no Brasil a partir de 1995. Tem por objetivo analisar conceitos de participação e trabalho voluntário na gestão da educação difundidos nesses materiais e sua relação com a reestruturação produtiva. O texto é parte de estudos do doutorado em Educação; com abordagem qualitativa, incluiu análise de documentos. Sobre o aspecto analisado, conclui-se que as mudanças no mundo do trabalho afetaram diretamente os referidos conceitos, ressignificando-os. A difusão dessas ideias influencia a política educacional e contribui para a substituição do papel do Estado na educação.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Palavras-chave</span></strong><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">: participação; trabalho voluntário; gestão da educação.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%; tab-stops: 54.8pt;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US"> </span></strong></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">ABSTRACT:</span></strong></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">This study examines instructional materials of a Third Sector entity (Ayrton Senna Institute – IAS) which have been adopted by a number of spheres of government in Brazil since 1995. It aims at analyzing concepts of participation and volunteer work in education management as publicized in those materials and their relation with the restructuration of production. This text is part of doctorate studies in Education; with a qualitative approach, it includes a documental analysis. Regarding the aspect analyzed, it has been concluded that changes in the work world have directly affected the concepts mentioned by re-signifying them. The publicization of such ideas has influenced educational policies and contributed to the replacement of the State role in education.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">Keywords: </span></strong><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">participation, volunteer work, education management.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US"> </span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US"> </span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt;">RESUMEN:</span></strong></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: ES-TRAD;" lang="ES-TRAD">Este estudio examina materiales instrucionales de una unidad del Tercer Sector – Instituto Ayrton Senna (IAS) -, adoptado por innúmeras esferas del gobierno en Brasil a partir de 1995. Tiene por objetivo analizar conceptos de participación y trabajo voluntario en gestión de la educación difundidos en estos materiales y su relación con la reestructuración productiva. El texto es parte de estudios del doctorado en Educación; con abordaje cualitativa, incluye análisis de documentos. Sobre el aspecto averiguado, concluyese que las mudanzas en el mundo del trabajo afectaron directamente los referidos conceptos, resinificándolos. La difusión de esas ideas influyen la política educacional y contribuye para la sustitución del papel del Estado en la educación.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: ES-TRAD;" lang="ES-TRAD">Palabras clave: participación; trabajo voluntario; gestión de educación</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: ES-TRAD;" lang="ES-TRAD">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: red; mso-ansi-language: ES-TRAD;" lang="ES-TRAD"> </span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-ansi-language: ES-TRAD;" lang="ES-TRAD"> </span></p> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true" DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99" LatentStyleCount="267"> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" 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Importance: Both low and high gestational weight gain have been associated with adverse maternal and infant outcomes, but optimal gestational weight gain remains uncertain and not well defined for all prepregnancy weight ranges. Objectives: To examine the association of ranges of gestational weight gain with risk of adverse maternal and infant outcomes and estimate optimal gestational weight gain ranges across prepregnancy body mass index categories. Design, setting, and participants: Individual participant-level meta-analysis using data from 196 670 participants within 25 cohort studies from Europe and North America (main study sample). Optimal gestational weight gain ranges were estimated for each prepregnancy body mass index (BMI) category by selecting the range of gestational weight gain that was associated with lower risk for any adverse outcome. Individual participant-level data from 3505 participants within 4 separate hospital-based cohorts were used as a validation sample. Data were collected between 1989 and 2015. The final date of follow-up was December 2015. Exposures: Gestational weight gain. Main outcomes and measures: The main outcome termed any adverse outcome was defined as the presence of 1 or more of the following outcomes: preeclampsia, gestational hypertension, gestational diabetes, cesarean delivery, preterm birth, and small or large size for gestational age at birth. Results: Of the 196 670 women (median age, 30.0 years [quartile 1 and 3, 27.0 and 33.0 years] and 40 937 were white) included in the main sample, 7809 (4.0%) were categorized at baseline as underweight (BMI <18.5); 133 788 (68.0%), normal weight (BMI, 18.5-24.9); 38 828 (19.7%), overweight (BMI, 25.0-29.9); 11 992 (6.1%), obesity grade 1 (BMI, 30.0-34.9); 3284 (1.7%), obesity grade 2 (BMI, 35.0-39.9); and 969 (0.5%), obesity grade 3 (BMI, ≥40.0). Overall, any adverse outcome occurred in 37.2% (n = 73 161) of women, ranging from 34.7% (2706 of 7809) among women categorized as underweight to 61.1% (592 of 969) among women categorized as obesity grade 3. Optimal gestational weight gain ranges were 14.0 kg to less than 16.0 kg for women categorized as underweight; 10.0 kg to less than 18.0 kg for normal weight; 2.0 kg to less than 16.0 kg for overweight; 2.0 kg to less than 6.0 kg for obesity grade 1; weight loss or gain of 0 kg to less than 4.0 kg for obesity grade 2; and weight gain of 0 kg to less than 6.0 kg for obesity grade 3. These gestational weight gain ranges were associated with low to moderate discrimination between those with and those without adverse outcomes (range for area under the receiver operating characteristic curve, 0.55-0.76). Results for discriminative performance in the validation sample were similar to the corresponding results in the main study sample (range for area under the receiver operating characteristic curve, 0.51-0.79). Conclusions and relevance: In this meta-analysis of pooled individual participant data from 25 cohort studies, the risk for adverse maternal and infant outcomes varied by gestational weight gain and across the range of prepregnancy weights. The estimates of optimal gestational weight gain may inform prenatal counseling; however, the optimal gestational weight gain ranges had limited predictive value for the outcomes assessed. ; Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (ALSPAC): Funded by grant 102215/2/13/2 from the UK Medical Research Council and Wellcome, core support from the University of Bristol, grant R01 DK10324 from the US National Institutes of Health, grant agreement 669545 from the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013), award MC_UU_12013/5 from the UK Medical Research Council, and Dr Lawlor is a National Institute for Health Research senior investigator (NF-SI-0611-10196). Cohort of Newborns in Emilia Romagna (CoNER): No funding reported. Danish National Birth Cohort (DNBC): The Danish Epidemiology Science Centre initiated and created the DNBC and this center was established by the Danish National Research Foundation via a major grant. Additional support was obtained from the Pharmacy Foundation, the Egmont Foundation, the March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation, the Augustinus Foundation, and the Health Foundation. The 7-year follow-up study was supported by award 195/04 from the Lundbeck Foundation and award SSVF 0646 from the Danish Medical Research Council. Étude des Déterminants pré et postnatals du développement et de la santé de l'ENfant (EDEN): Supported by the French foundation for medical research, the French national agency for research, the French national institute for research in public health (IRESP: TGIR cohorte santé 2008 program), the French ministry of health, the French ministry of research, the INSERM bone and joint diseases national research and human nutrition national research programs, Paris-Sud University, Nestlé, the French national institute for population health surveillance, the French national institute for health education, the European Union FP7 programs (2007-2013; HELIX, ESCAPE, ENRIECO, and Medall projects), the French diabetes national research program through a collaboration with the French association of diabetic patients, the French agency for environmental health safety (now ANSES), the Mutuelle Générale de l'Education Nationale (a complementary health insurance), the French national agency for food security, and the French-speaking association for the study of diabetes and metabolism. Family and Children of Ukraine (FCOU): Supported by the Fogarty International Center at the US National Institutes of Health, the US National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the US Environmental Protection Agency, and the National Academy of Medical Sciences of Ukraine. Genetica e Ambiente: Studio Prospettico dell'Infanzia in Italia (GASPII): Supported by the Italian ministry of health. Groningen Expert Center for Kids with Obesity (GECKO Drenthe): Supported by an unrestricted grant from Hutchison Whampoa Ltd and funding from the University of Groningen, Well Baby Clinic Foundation Icare, Noordlease, the Paediatric Association of the Netherlands, and Youth Health Care Drenthe. Genetics of Glucose regulation in Gestation and Growth (Gen3G): Supported by operating grant 20697 from the Fonds de recherche du Québec en santé, operating grant MOP 115071 from the Canadian Institute of Health Reseach, a grant from Diabète Québec, and operating grant OG-3-08-2622-JA from the Canadian Diabetes Association. Generation R: The general design of the study received financial support from Erasmus MC, University Medical Center Rotterdam, Erasmus University Rotterdam, the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development, the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research and the Ministry of Health, Welfare, and Sport, and the Ministry of Youth and Families. The research leading to these results received funding from the European Union Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under grant 733206 (LifeCycle Project). Dr Jaddoe received grant ERC-2014-CoG-648916 from the European Research Council. Dr Gaillard received grant 2017T013 from the Dutch Heart Foundation, grant 2017.81.002 from the Dutch Diabetes Foundation, and grant 543003109 from the Netherlands Organisation for Health Research and Development. Generation XXI: Funded by Programa Operacional de Saúde–Saúde XXI, Quadro Comunitário de Apoio III and Administração Regional de Saúde Norte (Regional Department of Ministry of Health), by POCI-01-0145-FEDER-016837 through the Operational Programme Competitiveness and Internationalization and national funding from the Foundation for Science and Technology (Portuguese Ministry of Science, Technology, and Higher Education) under the project PathMOB, by FCT PTDC/DTP-EPI/3306/2014 (Risco cardiometabólico na infância: desde o início da vida ao fim da infância), by POCI-01-0145-FEDER-006862 and UID/DTP/04750/2013 (Unidade de Investigação em Epidemiologia-Instituto de Saúde Pública da Universidade do Porto), and FCT investigator contract IF/01060/2015 awarded to Dr A. C. Santos. Growth, Exercise and Nutrition Epidemiological Study In preSchoolers (GENESIS): Supported by a research grant from Friesland Hellas. German Infant Nutritional Intervention plus environmental and genetic influences (GINIplus): Supported for the first 3 years by the Federal Ministry for Education, Science, Research, and Technology (intervention group) and Helmholtz Zentrum Munich (observation group). The 4-, 6-, 10-, and 15-year follow-up examinations were covered from the respective budgets of the 5 study centers (Helmholtz Zentrum Munich, Research Institute at Marien-Hospital Wesel, LMU Munich, TU Munich, IUF-Leibniz Research-Institute for Environmental Medicine at the University of Düsseldorf) and by funding from the European Commission 7th Framework Programme (MeDALL project), Mead Johnson, and Nestlé and grant FKZ 20462296 from the Federal Ministry for Environment (awarded to IUF Düsseldorf). Norwegian Human Milk Study (HUMIS): Funded by award FP7/2007-2013 from the European Commission 7th Framework Programme, grant 289346 from European Union EarlyNutrition project, and by funds for project 213148 from the Norwegian Research Council's MILPAAHEL programme. INfancia y Medio Ambiente (INMA)-Sabadell: Funded by grant Red INMA G03/176 from the Instituto de Salud Carlos III in Spain and grant 1999SGR 00241 from the Generalitat de Catalunya-CIRIT. INMA-Valencia: Funded by grants FP7-ENV-2011 cod 282957 and HEALTH.2010.2.4.5-1 from the European Commission, grants G03/176, FIS-FEDER PI09/02647, PI11/01007, PI11/02591, PI11/02038, PI13/1944, PI13/2032, PI14/00891, PI14/01687, PI16/1288, Miguel Servet FEDER CP11/00178, CP15/00025, and CPII16/00051 from the Instituto de Salud Carlos III in Spain, and grants UGP 15-230, UGP-15-244, and UGP-15-249 from the Generalitat Valenciana, Foundation for the Promotion of Health and Biomedical Research of Valencia Region. INMA-Gipuzkoa: Funded by grants FISFIS PI06/0867, FIS-PS09/0009 0867, and Red INMA G03/176 from the Instituto de Salud Carlos III in Spain, grants 2005111093 and 2009111069 from the Departamento de Salud del Gobierno Vasco, and grants DFG06/004 and FG08/001 from the Provincial Government of Guipúzcoa. INMA-Menorca: This study was funded by grant Red INMA G03/176 from the Instituto de Salud Carlos III in Spain. Child, parents and health: lifestyle and genetic constitution (KOALA): Data collection from pregnancy up to the age of 1 year was supported by grants from Royal Friesland Foods, the Triodos Foundation, the Phoenix Foundation, the Raphaël Foundation, the Iona Foundation, the Foundation for the Advancement of Heilpedagogie, the Netherlands Organisation for Health Research and Development (2100.0090), the Netherlands Asthma Foundation (3.2.03.48 and 3.2.07.022), and the Netherlands Heart Foundation (2008B112). Krakow Cohort: Funded by grants R01ES010165 and R01ES015282 from the US National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences and by funding from the Lundin Foundation, the John and Wendy Neu Family Foundation, the Gladys and Roland Harriman Foundation, and the Anonymous Foundation. Influences of Lifestyle-Related Factors on the Immune System and the Development of Allergies in Childhood plus the influence of traffic emissions and genetics (LISAplus): Mainly supported by grants for the first 2 years from the Federal Ministry for Education, Science, Research, and Technology, the Helmholtz Zentrum Munich, the Helmholtz Centre for Environmental Research-UFZ, the Research Institute at Marien-Hospital Wesel, and a pediatric practice in Bad Honnef. The 4-, 6-, 10-, and 15-year follow-up examinations were funded by the respective budgets of the involved partners (the Helmholtz Zentrum Munich, the Helmholtz Centre for Environmental Research-UFZ, the Research Institute at Marien-Hospital Wesel, a pediatric practice in Bad Honnef, and the IUF–Leibniz-Research Institute for Environmental Medicine at the University of Düsseldorf), by grant FKZ 20462296 from the Federal Ministry for Environment (awarded to IUF Düsseldorf), and by support from the European Commission 7th Framework Programme (MeDALL project). LUKAS Cohort: Funded by EVO/VTR grants, grants 139021 and 287675 from the Academy of Finland, grant QLK4-CT-2001-00250 from the European Union, and funding from the Juho Vainio Foundation, the Foundation for Pediatric Research, the Päivikki and Sakari Sohlberg Foundation, the Finnish Cultural Foundation, and the National Institute for Health and Welfare in Finland. Norwegian Mother and Child Cohort Study (MoBa): Supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Health and Care Services and the Ministry of Education and Research, contract N01-ES-75558 with the US National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences, and grants UO1 NS 047537-01 and UO1 NS 047537-06A1 from the US National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke. Nascita e INFanzia: gli Effetti dell'Ambiente (NINFEA): Partially funded by the Compagnia San Paolo Foundation and by the Piedmont Region. Prevention and Incidence of Asthma and Mite Allergy (PIAMA): Supported by the Organization for Health Research and Development, the Organization for Scientific Research, the Asthma Fund, the Ministry of Spatial Planning, Housing, and the Environment, and the Ministry of Health, Welfare, and Sport (all organizations in the Netherlands). Piccolipiù Project: Financially supported by CCM grants during 2010 and 2014 from the Italian National Center for Disease Prevention and Control and funding (art 12 and 12 bis D.lgs 502/92) from the Italian Ministry of Health. PRegnancy and Infant DEvelopment (PRIDE Study): Supported by grants from the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development, the Radboud Institute for Health Sciences, and the Lung Foundation Netherlands. Project Viva: Funded by grants R01 HD034568 and UG3OD023286 from the US National Institutes of Health. Polish Mother and Child Cohort Study (REPRO_PL): Funded by grants DEC-2014/15/B/NZ7/00998 and FP7 HEALS 603946 from the National Science Centre in Poland and grant 3068/7.PR/2014/2 from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education. Exposure of Preschool-Age Greek Children (RHEA): Financially supported by European Commission projects FP6-2003-Food-3-NewGeneris, FP6-STREP Hiwate, FP7-ENV.2007.1.2.2.2, FP7-2008-ENV-1.2.1.4 Envirogenomarkers, FP7-HEALTH-2009-single stage CHICOS, FP7-ENV.2008.1.2.1.6, FP7-HEALTH-2012, and 211250-Escape and proposals 226285 ENRIECO and 308333 HELIX and by the Greek Ministry of Health. Slovak PCB Study: Support was provided by grants R01 CA096525, R03 TW007152, P30 ES001247, P30 ES023513, and K12 ES019852 from the US National Institutes of Health. STEPS: This study was supported by the University of Turku, Abo Akademi University, the Turku University Hospital, the City of Turku, the Juho Vainio Foundation, and the Yrjö Jahnsson Foundation and by grants 121569 and 123571 from the Academy of Finland. Southampton Women's Survey (SWS): Supported by funding from the Medical Research Council, the National Institute for Health Research Southampton Biomedical Research Centre, the University of Southampton, Dunhill Medical Trust, and the University Hospital Southampton National Health Service Foundation Trust, FP7/2007-2013 from the European Commission 7th Framework Programme, and grant 289346 from the European Union EarlyNutrition project.

Space is a complex texture of signs, so that any landscape can be read as a history of symbols of Powers which have designed it. Many authors (Gregory, 1978; Massey and Jess, 2001) have argued that senses of space are inextricably linked to Power relations. The study of social structures could consist in analyzing the ways in which social relations accumulate on a space. Generally, there is a connection between Powers and Spaces. Powers tend to create a hierarchy of positions: the most authoritative is in the highest location, at the opposite the masses are relegated until the Lowest one. This hierarchy is naturally unstable, since the fights among different kinds of Powers and between the Power and the subjected masses are a constant in History. These fights design the landscape with the symbols of architecture so that to study a landscape actually means to read the History of Powers and also to write a Geography of Spatial Relationships of Powers. The signs of these fights are markers which can be detected in the landscapes; they reflect different positions deriving from the results of these never-ending struggles originated from democratic issues or from authoritarian decisions. Generally, who gains the decisional capacity tends to become authoritarian and occupy high positions; who is dominated is naturally relegated in a low position. Consequently, these contrasts spread out the landscape with high/low markers. It can be argued that who decides what place, actually decides who are the people that are supposed to live in it and imposes them what they should make into it and with it. A map cannot describe these political fluxes, so Geography needs new approaches to analyze both individual and collective actions shaping landscapes. There is a strict link between society and place. According to the literature of Social Geography, spatial theories are necessarily linked to social theories, because social structures (a result of the distribution of Power) derive from the accumulation of social actions. We could consider that spatiality is shaped by whole communities or by oligarchies which represent themselves and spread out their image through designed landscapes. Some of these can trigger forms of democracy if they include people, so that they can involve communities in the decision process. Other spaces can exclude them if they keep the dichotomy between rulers and dominated. In this paper we propose a new approach to grasp these different processes of landscape-making: we apply a semiotic model to several landscapes in Asia, Middle East, Europe. This model is built on two oppositions to study the high/low markers: 1- social welfare vs. oligarchic well-being; 2- democratic participation vs. authoritarian command-ship In this view, what people make of their places is closely connected to what they make of themselves as members of society and inhabitants of the Earth. We are the place-world we imagine and therefore space is the more significant dimension, structuring personal experience. Space rather tan time or history, should be studied to understand what kind of Power creates a landscape. ; El espacio es una textura compleja de signos , de modo que cualquier paisaje se puede leer como una historia de los símbolos de potencias que se hayan diseñado. Muchos autores ( Gregory , 1978 ; Massey y Jess , 2001 ) han argumentado que los sentidos del espacio están indisolublemente ligadas a las relaciones de poder . El estudio de las estructuras sociales podría consistir en el análisis de las formas en que las relaciones sociales se acumulan en un espacio . En general, existe una relación entre Poderes y Espacios . Poderes tienden a crear una jerarquía de posiciones: la más autorizada está en el lugar más alto , al frente de las masas son relegados hasta el más bajo. Esta jerarquía es naturalmente inestable , ya que las peleas entre diferentes tipos de poderes y entre el Poder y las masas sometidas son una constante en la historia . Estas peleas diseñar el paisaje con los símbolos de la arquitectura de modo que para estudiar un paisaje realmente significa leer la Historia de Poderes y también para escribir una geografía de las relaciones espaciales de las potencias . Los signos de estas peleas son marcadores que pueden ser detectado en los paisajes , sino que reflejan las diferentes posiciones que se derivan de los resultados de estas interminables luchas origen en cuestiones democráticas o de las decisiones autoritarias. Por lo general , quien gana la capacidad de decisión tiende a ser autoritaria y ocupar altos cargos , que está dominada es relegado de forma natural en una posición baja. En consecuencia, estos contrastes se extienden los paisajes con marcadores de altas / bajas. Se puede argumentar que quien decide qué lugar , en realidad decide quién es la gente que se supone que viven en ella y les impone lo que deben hacer en ella y con ella . Un mapa no puede describir los flujos políticos , así Geografía necesita nuevos enfoques para analizar tanto las acciones individuales y colectivas que conforman paisajes. Existe una relación estrecha entre la sociedad y el lugar. De acuerdo con la literatura de Geografía Social , las teorías espaciales están necesariamente vinculadas a las teorías sociales , porque las estructuras sociales (resultado de la distribución de energía ) se derivan de la acumulación de acciones sociales. Podríamos considerar que la espacialidad está conformado por comunidades enteras o por las oligarquías que representan a sí mismos y extienden su imagen a través de paisajes diseñados. Algunos de estos pueden desencadenar las formas de la democracia si se incluyen a las personas , para que puedan involucrar a las comunidades en el proceso de decisión. Otros espacios pueden excluirlos si mantienen la dicotomía entre los gobernantes y los dominados . En este trabajo se propone un nuevo enfoque para comprender los diferentes procesos de paisaje de decisiones: se aplica un modelo semiótico de varios paisajes de Asia, Oriente Medio y Europa. Este modelo se basa en dos oposiciones para estudiar las altas / bajas marcadores: 1 - el bienestar social frente oligárquico bienestar , 2 - participación democrática vs autoritaria de mando buque En este punto de vista , lo que las personas hacen de sus lugares está estrechamente relacionada con lo que hacen de sí mismos como miembros de la sociedad y de los habitantes de la Tierra . Somos el lugar en el mundo que imaginamos , por lo que el espacio es la dimensión más importante , la estructuración de la experiencia personal. Espacio más que el tiempo o la historia, debe ser estudiado para entender qué tipo de energía crea un paisaje. ; L'espace est une texture complexe de signes , de sorte que n'importe quel paysage peut être lu comme une histoire des symboles des puissances qui l'ont conçu . De nombreux auteurs ( Gregory , 1978; Massey et Jess , 2001) ont fait valoir que les sens de l'espace sont inextricablement liées aux relations de pouvoir . L'étude des structures sociales pourrait consister à analyser la façon dont les relations sociales s'accumulent sur un espace. En général, il existe un lien entre puissances et des espaces. Pouvoirs ont tendance à créer une hiérarchie des positions : le plus autorité est au plus haut lieu , à l'opposé des masses sont relégués jusqu'à ce que le plus bas. Cette hiérarchie est naturellement instable , car les combats entre les différentes sortes de pouvoirs et entre le pouvoir et les masses soumises sont une constante dans l'histoire . Ces combats concevoir le paysage avec les symboles de l'architecture ainsi que d'étudier un paysage signifie réellement pour lire l'histoire des pouvoirs et aussi d'écrire une géographie des relations spatiales des pouvoirs. Les signes de ces combats sont des marqueurs qui peuvent être détectés dans les paysages ; elles reflètent différentes positions découlant des résultats de ces luttes sans fin provenaient enjeux démocratiques ou des décisions autoritaires. En règle générale, qui gagne le pouvoir décisionnel tend à devenir autoritaire et d'occuper des postes élevés , qui est dominé est naturellement relégué dans une position basse . Par conséquent, ces contrastes répartis le paysage avec des marqueurs élevées / basses. On peut faire valoir que qui décide de ce lieu , décide réellement qui sont les gens qui sont censés vivre en elle et leur impose ce qu'ils doivent faire en elle et avec elle . Une carte ne peut pas décrire ces flux politiques , de sorte Géographie besoin de nouvelles approches pour analyser les actions individuelles et collectives qui façonnent les paysages. Il existe un lien étroit entre la société et le lieu. Selon la littérature de géographie sociale , les théories spatiales sont nécessairement liées à des théories sociales , parce que les structures sociales ( à la suite de la distribution de l'énergie ) proviennent de l' accumulation d'actions sociales . Nous pourrions considérer que la spatialité est façonnée par des communautés entières ou par des oligarchies qui se représentent et étalées leur image à travers des paysages conçus . Certains de ces éléments peuvent déclencher des formes de démocratie si elles incluent les personnes , afin qu'elles puissent impliquer les communautés dans le processus de décision. D'autres espaces peuvent les exclure s'ils gardent la dichotomie entre les gouvernants et les dominés . Dans cet article, nous proposons une nouvelle approche pour saisir ces différents processus de paysage de décision : nous appliquons un modèle sémiotique de plusieurs paysages d'Asie , du Moyen- Orient, en Europe . Ce modèle est construit sur deux oppositions pour étudier les hautes / basses marqueurs : 1 - La protection sociale contre oligarchique bien-être ; 2 - la participation démocratique vs autoritaire de commande envoie sous ce point de vue , ce que les gens font de leurs lieux est étroitement liée à ce qu'ils font d'euxmêmes en tant que membres de la société et des habitants de la Terre. Nous sommes l'endroit du monde que nous imaginons et donc l'espace est la dimension plus importante , la structuration de l'expérience personnelle. L'espace plutôt que le temps ou l'histoire, devrait être étudiée pour comprendre ce genre de pouvoir crée un paysage.

For nearly three decades, the United Nations-led climate negotiations have had a glaring hole: discussions on food systems were out of bounds. In the early years, climate action focused on emissions from the energy sector, the largest emitter, and there was a lack of understanding of food systems' role in global warming.Food and agriculture at COP28
After years of stalemate, member states finally agreed to move forward on issues pertaining to agriculture and climate at COP23 in 2017, and a full day at this year's COP – 10 December – was dedicated to food and agriculture for the first time. A notable outcome was the COP28 UAE Declaration on Sustainable Agriculture, Resilient Food Systems and Climate Action, endorsed by 158 nations.[1]
Nations also established the "loss & damage fund" to help poor countries already in the grip of climate change. This is particularly important in terms of the food-climate nexus, as agriculture is one of the most affected sectors from natural disasters, with an estimated 3.8 trillion US dollar worth of losses in crops and livestock production over the past 30 years.[2] The fund has about 700 million US dollars in its coffers so far.[3]
In addition, countries including Brazil, Cambodia, Norway, Rwanda and Sierra Leone launched the Alliance of Champions for Food Systems Transformation, committing to update their national climate plans with clear and measurable targets by COP30 in 2025.[4]
One of the most anticipated reports came from the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), which outlined how governments can end hunger and cut emissions from food in a fair and just manner.[5] Nonetheless, the report does not include clear targets, seems to neglect small-scale farmers (who produce a third of the world's food), fails to incorporate nature protection goals, and pays insufficient attention to structural inequalities inherent in food systems.
Still, many experts contend that these developments deserve to be acknowledged and applauded. For example, even if the UAE Declaration is not legally binding, signing it shows governments' acknowledgment of the linkages between food systems and climate action. Similarly, the FAO Roadmap, despite its shortcomings, is the first of its kind and "akin to the IEA's Net Zero Roadmap for energy", as underlined by Edward Davey, partnerships director of the Food and Land Use Coalition (FOLU) and head of the World Resources Institute's UK office.[6]
COP28 also saw a flurry of pledges and partnerships dedicated to transforming the food systems, particularly in developing countries. A non-state-actors call to action was signed by more than 150 farmers' organisations, cities, businesses and others, promising to slash emissions, transition to more diversified sources of protein and energy, and scale up sustainable approaches.[7]
The Bezos Earth Fund committed 57 million US dollars for food,[8] some of Norway's 47 million donation to the least developed countries[9] will go towards climate-proofing food production, and CGIAR, the world's biggest publicly-funded agricultural research network, secured more than 890 million US dollars which will be reportedly used to support smallholder farmers in low- and middle-income nations, cut farming emissions and boost access to nutritious, healthy foods.[10] There were pledges too to cut climate-warming emissions from the refrigeration for food[11] and a reinsurance facility for smallholder farmers affected by extreme weather.[12]Much talk, little action
Despite all these developments, COP28 was far from an unmitigated success linking food systems and climate action.
Take the first-ever Global Stocktake (GST), for example. This is a process that analyses how country-level climate efforts are stacking up against the Paris goals every five years. After a broad coalition of civil society, food systems experts and the private sector raised concerns that an earlier draft completely ignored food systems,[13] the final version mentions "food systems"[14] (once under adaptation) but makes no reference to tackling food-related emission, which accounts for a third of total greenhouse gases.
World leaders are arguably failing to grasp the harms food systems are causing to ecosystems and human health, despite multiple reports. Current agrifood systems have eye-watering levels of hidden costs that negatively affect human health and the environment – at least 10 trillion US dollars a year or 35 billion a day;[15] livestock systems constitute approximately 12 per cent of all anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions;[16] agricultural subsidies are responsible for 2.2 million hectares of deforestation a year;[17] and food systems account for at least 15 per cent of global fossil fuels use annually.[18] Meanwhile, illustrative of the other side of the coin, that is, food systems' vulnerability to climate change, climate-induced disasters are already wreaking havoc in farming communities. Yet a shockingly low proportion of international climate finance – 3 per cent – goes to small-scale farmers.[19]
COP28 failed to come up with concrete actions to tackle much of the above, disappointing civil society stakeholders such as Kyle Stice, Executive Director of Pacific Islands Farmer Organizations Network, who noted that "COP28 put food on the menu, but governments left without paying the bill", referring to the lack of meaningful financial pledges.[20] In fact, the money pledged so far to the loss & damage fund is less than what the world's top five highest-paid footballers make.[21]
In addition, the only formal process through which agriculture and food systems are included in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), under whose auspices the COPs are held, did not make any headway. Negotiations on the awkwardly-titled "Sharm el-Sheikh joint work on implementation of climate action on agriculture and food security" (SSJW)[22] came to a premature end on 5 December without any concrete agreement. The next talks are in June 2024.
There is also a general concern that ambitious reforms are being stymied by powerful interest groups that want to keep the status quo. Media reports have tracked how lobbyists from industrial agriculture companies and trade groups turned out in record numbers at COP28[23] – many coming as part of official country delegations that provided access to negotiation rooms to these actors, while farmers, whose livelihoods are on the line, do not have similar access.The way forward
So, what now, when even the most optimistic observers admit that changes around the food-climate nexus are incremental and pessimists question whether we can afford to move so slowly when what we need is transformational change? And when this year's COP also failed to address structural inequalities that underpin global food systems? Systemic change requires acting upon such inequalities, including corporate concentration that keeps key agricultural inputs and outputs in the hands of a few conglomerates, subsidies that prop up unsustainable farming practices, and a lack of fair income and climate finance for food producers who want to move away from fossil fuels and turn to eco-friendly farming methods but need financial and technical support urgently.
Besides, change must happen on a global scale and not limited to stable, peaceful nations. In fact, communities living in conflict in places like Haiti, South Sudan and Myanmar, are often struggling with the nexus challenges interfacing hunger, displacement, insecurity and natural disasters and need even more sustained help. In Myanmar, where this author was born and raised, a combination of armed conflict and vulnerability to natural disasters have left nearly one in four people with not enough to eat.[24]
Still, it would be even more detrimental to humanity to throw our hands up and stop fighting. Those who want fairer, greener, and healthier food systems should capitalise on the momentum generated by COP28 to support countries that have signed on to the COP28 UAE Declaration, while also working within global forums such as G7, G20 and the UNFCCC to get food systems the prominence they deserve.
Time is ticking. Countries have only 14 months to revise their national climate plans ahead of COP30 and they need to address both mitigation and adaptation together. This means a shift in both production and consumption practices, according to some experts.[25]
The arrival of food systems on the COP stage is long overdue but the key thing now is to turn rhetoric into concrete, inclusive action that takes into account the needs and vulnerabilities of communities most affected by the food-climate nexus. The work must start now, to build alliances, to raise awareness, and to provide successful examples of mitigation, adaptation and transitions to more sustainable and more equitable systems. Countries, companies and leaders must also be held accountable so that pledges must be fulfilled and delivered with urgency and transparency.Thin Lei Win is an award-winning multimedia journalist specialising in the intersections of food systems and climate change. This commentary was prepared within the framework of the project Nexus25–Shaping Multilateralism. Views expressed are the author's alone.[1] COP28 UAE, Declaration on Sustainable Agriculture Resilient Food Systems, and Climate Action, December 2023, https://www.cop28.com/en/food-and-agriculture.[2] FAO, First-ever Global Estimation of the Impact of Disasters on Agriculture, 13 October 2023, https://www.fao.org/newsroom/detail/first-ever-global-estimation-of-the-impact-of-disasters-on-agriculture/en.[3] Nina Lakhani, "$700m Pledged to Loss and Damage Fund at Cop28 Covers Less than 0.2% Needed", in The Guardian, 6 December 2023, https://www.theguardian.com/p/pfn7h.[4] See the official website: https://allianceofchampions.org.[5] FAO, Achieving SDG2 without Breaching the 1.5C Threshold: A Global Roadmap, 10 December 2023, https://www.fao.org/interactive/sdg2-roadmap/en.[6] Author's online interview, 14 December 2023.[7] 4SD Foundation et al., Transforming Our Food Systems: A Call to Action, November 2023, https://climatechampions.unfccc.int/?p=11403; Climate Champions, Over 200 Non-State Actors Sign Call to Action Calling for Transformation of Food Systems for People, Nature and Climate, 1 December 2023, https://climatechampions.unfccc.int/?p=11796.[8] Bezos Earth Fund, Bezos Earth Fund Announces $57 Million for the Future of Food, Supporting Bold Action for Food Systems Transformation as Part of $1 Billion Commitment, 1 December 2023, https://www.bezosearthfund.org/news-and-insights/bezos-earth-fund-announces-57-million-future-of-food-bold-action-food-systems-transformation.[9] Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, NOK 100 Million for Climate Adaptation in the Least Developed Countries, 5 December 2023, https://www.regjeringen.no/en/aktuelt/id3016700.[10] CGIAR, Countries Commit USD 890 Million to Accelerate Agricultural Innovation and Address Climate and Food Crises, 2 December 2023, https://www.cgiar.org/news-events/news/countries-commit-usd-890-million-to-accelerate-agricultural-innovation-and-address-climate-and-food-crises.[11] Climate Champions, Global Cooling Pledge Sees Participants Commit to Reduce Cooling-Related Emissions across All Sectors by at Least 68 Percent Globally, 5 December 2023, https://climatechampions.unfccc.int/?p=11725.[12] One Acre Fund, Safeguarding Smallholder Farmers in the Face of Climate Impacts, 6 December 2023, https://oneacrefund.org/features/one-acre-fund-re-safeguarding-smallholder-farmers-face-climate-impacts.[13] WWF et al., Response to the Latest Draft of the Global Stocktake Decision Text, December 2023, https://docs.google.com/document/d/1Fd9yEzX24Tm_vR66FFNwIg4SaD958jMbGpY3dly5LY4.[14] COP28, Outcome of the First Global Stocktake (FCCC/PA/CMA/2023/L.17), 13 December 2023, https://unfccc.int/documents/636608.[15] Thin Lei Win, "Hidden Figures", in Thin Ink, 10 November 2023, https://news.thin-ink.net/p/hidden-figures-300.[16] FAO, Pathways towards Lower Emissions: A Global Assessment of the Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Mitigation Options from Livestock Agrifood Systems, December 2023, https://doi.org/10.4060/cc9029en.[17] Richard Damania et al., Detox Development. Repurposing Environmentally Harmful Subsidies, Washington, World Bank, June 2023, p. 194, http://hdl.handle.net/10986/39423.[18] Global Alliance for the Future of Food, Power Shift: Why We Need to Wean Industrial Food Systems Off Fossil Fuels, 2023, https://futureoffood.org/ga_food-energy-nexus_report.[19] Haseeb Bakhtary, Untapped Potential. An Analysis of International Public Climate Finance Flows to Sustainable Agriculture and Family Farmers, Rural Forum, November 2023, https://climatefocus.com/?p=2017.[20] Laura Rocha, "Terminó la Cumbre Mundial del Clima y con compromisos débiles, acordó una transición de combustibles fósiles a energías limpias", in Infobae, 13 December 2023, https://www.infobae.com/america/medio-ambiente/2023/12/13/termino-la-cumbre-mundial-del-clima-y-con-compromisos-debiles-acordo-una-transicion-de-combustibles-fosiles-a-energias-limpias.[21] Justin Birnbaum, "The World's Highest-Paid Soccer Players 2023", in Forbes, 13 October 2023, https://www.forbes.com/sites/justinbirnbaum/2023/10/13/the-worlds-highest-paid-soccer-players-2023.[22] Thin Lei Win, "Keeping Up with the Koronivia", in Thin Ink, 3 December 2022, https://news.thin-ink.net/p/keeping-up-with-the-koronivia.[23] Rachel Sherrington, Clare Carlile and Hazel Healy, "Big Meat and Dairy Lobbyists Turn Out in Record Numbers at Cop28", in The Guardian, 9 December 2023, https://www.theguardian.com//p/pg6mp.[24] OCHA, Myanmar Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan 2024, 18 December 2023, https://reliefweb.int/node/4023878.[25] Author's online interview with Patty Fong, Program Director for Climate, Health & Well-Being at the Global Alliance for the Future of Food, 14 December 2023.

Diplôme attribuée avec la mention très honorable avec félicitations ; RÉSUMÉDans la délimitation de notre corpus, constitué exclusivement de romans relatifs aux fazendas de café esclavagistes, nous avons été amenée à utiliser certaines notions redevables à la sociologie. Tout d'abord, celle où Maria Sylvia de Carvalho Franco élucide l'ordre esclavagiste comme celui qui, en donnant sa forme à la société brésilienne à un moment donné, exclut par sa propre nature « les hommes libres et pauvres » d'un univers polarisé entre maîtres et esclaves. Cet ordre est celui qui sous-tend toute l'organisation de la période impériale et qui permet à la jeune nation de rebondir, grâce au café, dans les années difficiles qui s'ensuivent à son indépendance en 1822. Dans cette « civilisation du café », d'immenses fazendas, partant des alentours de Rio de Janeiro, couvrent d'abord la vallée du Paraïba, remontant le cour du fleuve en direction notamment de São Paulo. C'est toujours la forme fictionnelle du roman qui semble la mieux adaptée à la fazenda de café littéraire, avec son organisation d'où sont exclus les hommes libres et pauvres, pour lesquels elle n'a pas de place.Leurs propriétaires, des fazendeiros associés à des financiers et à d'autres agents citadins, accroissent leur pouvoir et leur richesse, notamment à partir de 1850, où l'interdiction du trafic négrier libère d'immenses capitaux réinvestis désormais dans la modernisation des villes comme des fazendas. C'est aussi en cette année que s'inaugure une ligne régulière de vapeurs entre Liverpool et Rio de Janeiro mettant en consonance le temps brésilien, impérial et esclavagiste avec le temps industriel et urbanisé de l'Europe. Cette date, souvent évoquée par l'historiographie, a aussi impressionné trois écrivains brésiliens du XIX° siècle qui, tous, choisissent cette décennie comme le noyau central de leurs romans écrits entre 1871 et 1914. La fazenda de café esclavagiste vers le milieu du XIX° siècle au Brésil est un univers en plein épanouissement, où règne en maître absolu sur tout ce qui vit à l'intérieur de ses domaines le fazendeiro. Ce grand propriétaire, en s'enrichissant, abandonnera un mode de vie jusque là austère et isolé ; il voudra s'anoblir et achètera au pouvoir impérial des titres de noblesse qui feront de lui une figure ambiguë, respectée et raillée à la fois, celle des « Barons du café » de la période impériale brésilienne. Souvent évoqués par la littérature dans leurs riches villas citadines, ces nouveaux aristocrates créés par D. Pedro II attirent moins l'attention à l'époque de la construction de leurs personnages et de leur fortune dans les mondes réduits que sont leurs fazendas, polarisées entre la Casa Grande où résident les maîtres et la Senzala réservée aux esclaves. Dans cet univers, les rapports intensément vécus entre les uns et les autres, constitutifs de la vie nationale, composent le noyau d'échanges quotidiens qui envahissent un cadre rural et seigneurial. Trois romans se sont penchés sur ce mode de vie, installant son action dans une riche maison de maître au centre d'une immense propriété où les relations entre dominants et dominés vont évoluer d'une trompeuse harmonie jusqu'à l'éclatement d'une violence tardive mais d'autant plus meurtrière.De ces romans qui constituent le corpus principal de notre thèse, le premier est O tronco do ipê, écrit par José de Alencar en 1871, où apparaît pour la première fois la désignation du siège de la propriété comme Casa Grande, par la suite adoptée par la sociologie et par le langage courant au XX° siècle. Ce terme, plus connu pour son application à la réalité du Nord-est des moulins à sucre, apparaît ainsi comme originaire de la littérature relative à cette vallée caféière, qui a été au centre des discussions économiques et politiques du Brésil impérial et dont la fiction romanesque montre l'ascension fulgurante, suivie de sa disparition encore plus rapide et étonnante, de la mémoire nationale. Le deuxième roman est A escrava Isaura, de 1875, où Bernardo Guimarães a créé l'icône la plus célèbre de la lutte pour l'abolition de l'esclavage au Brésil, dans une œuvre au succès populaire jamais démenti et proportionnel au mépris où il est tenu dans les milieux académiques. Son insertion dans ce corpus permet, en le plaçant à côté des autres deux romans qui traitent du même thème, de mettre en lumière la profonde implication de cette intrigue feuilletonesque et séduisante dans la problématique de son temps et l'habile déconstruction qu'elle fait des clichés usuels dans ce genre de récit. Les deux premiers romans du corpus sont écrits à un moment où le romantisme n'avait pas quitté le centre de la scène littéraire brésilienne, mais où il recevait de plein fouet les attaques d'un régionalisme réaliste, plus représentatif des aspirations qui prenaient corps dans une société qui ne se contentait plus de l'unité impériale et esclavagiste du pays. Finalement, le troisième roman qui se penche sur les fazendas de la vallée est un ouvrage apparemment anachronique, puisque, écrit en 1914, empreint de toutes les tendances qui se croisent dans ce contexte du « Pré-modernisme » brésilien, il met en discussion les problèmes de l'esclavage aboli depuis 1888 et qui n'intéresse plus personne. Les esclaves alors libérés et jetés sur les routes pour mourir de faim, font désormais partie des hommes libres et pauvres toujours exclus de l'organisation sociale du pays. Pour en parler, Coelho Neto crée dans Rei Negro un héros entre romantique et parnassien, une figure olympique et pleinement noire, toutes des caractéristiques associées pour la première fois dans un roman brésilien, ce qui permet de douter de l'anachronisme attribué à cette œuvre. Ce roman vient combler un vide que la fiction romantique brésilienne n'avait pas osé ou pas pu remplir, au moins tant qu'elle était contemporaine de l'esclavage : le droit au centre de la scène pour un protagoniste esclave, le droit à la beauté associée à une peau noire comme l'ébène, le droit à la révolte conduite et assumée par le nègre, sans qu'aucun protagoniste blanc ne vienne lui voler sa fonction de héros romantique, teinté ici du naturalisme, du symbolisme et du régionalisme partout présents dans l'expression littéraire du pays à ce moment-là.Ces romans réunis autour du thème de la fazenda recréent dans leur diversité un même aspect de l'évolution sociale et culturelle du Brésil, la vie et les valeurs qui se développent à l'écart de la ville jusqu'à cette moitié du XIX° siècle qui constitue le moment choisi par les trois auteurs. C'est alors que l'ordre traditionnel se voit contesté par des valeurs nouvelles qui prennent de l'ampleur dans une population qui commence à peser du côté urbain, à échanger des idées avec une Europe en pleine mutation, tout en essayant de consolider son indépendance politique et de réduire sa dépendance économique héritée de l'époque coloniale. Ces facteurs rassemblés et reflétés dans l'espace symbolique d'une vallée autrefois sauvage, rapidement conquise par une culture qui l'occupe, l'enrichit et la détruit en un cycle extraordinairement court, fournissent des caractéristiques communes à nos trois romans. D'autre part, le création littéraire qui en résulte, tout en présentant une grande complexité dès les premier roman du corpus, éprouve le besoin d'expliciter de plus en plus clairement la place centrale de l'esclavage dans la problématique sociale brésilienne.Tout comme la période, le cadre où se situent ces romans fournit des traits déterminants pour leur construction et pour la figuration de la réalité dont ils se chargent. Le fleuve Paraïba, puissant et mythique jusqu'à l'arrivée du café et à la profonde altération de l'environnement alors survenue, est peu à peu ensablé par un sol épuisé et par l'abattage des forêts et se voit petit à petit amoindri, n'étant plus capable des inondations légendaires recréées par Alencar dans un roman précédant, le Guarani. Dans ce roman que l'auteur lui-même situait dans une période coloniale mythifiée, où le langage et les coutumes de l'envahisseur se modifiaient sous l'influx de la nature américaine, le Paraïba était le facteur déterminant du dénouement, puisque c'est lui qui provoque la catastrophique inondation créatrice de la nouvelle humanité qui va occuper l'espace géographique national à partir de cette vallée née en même temps que le pays indépendant. Le fleuve demeure l'espace des mythes dans O tronco do ipê, mais comme un miroir du passé, des légendes et de l'image de la mort qui se cache désormais dans tous les éléments du récit et du paysage. Dans A escrava Isaura, il occupe le fond du décor, les marges de la fazenda, il fait partie de la nature brute domptée et écartée par l'homme du centre du tableau et de l'action. Son cours est évoqué pour tracer les limites d'un immense verger qui allait se perdre dans ses marges escarpées et imposantes, « nas barrancas do grande rio ». Encore majestueux dans ce deuxième roman, bien qu'éloigné par le regard d'un narrateur qui ne s'intéresse qu'aux interactions humaines reflétées dans les discours des personnages, le Paraïba disparaît du décor dans Rei Negro. Dans le dernier roman du corpus, écrit à la veille de la Première guerre mondiale, le paysage n'est plus que symbolique et vaporeux, les terres sont couvertes par des cultures elles-mêmes vues de très loin, tandis que l'eau est devenue un élément sombre et sinistre, apportant la mort et la reflétant. Ce paysage complètement occupé par l'homme n'est évoqué que dans des visions polarisées entre des regards de maîtres et des regards d'esclaves, symbolisant un droit d'appropriation ou la transgression de ce même droit. Dans un conte (« Banzo ») contemporain de son roman, Coelho Neto compare le fleuve desséché et abandonné par le café à l'esclave jeté sur les routes après l'abolition, tous deux vivant de l'aumône d'une pluie ou d'un reste de nourriture. Quant aux terres, elles se transforment tout aussi vite, la forêt sauvage disparaît en quelques années faisant place à l'or vert des caféiers gourmands de terres vierges et d'esclaves en nombre croissant, tous deux engloutis dans la construction de la richesse des fazendeiros. Dans leurs maisons devenues de vrais châteaux, ces propriétaires raffinés ne se contentent plus de l'espace de la fazenda, peut-être trop marqué à la fois par le souvenir lointain d'un travail trop pénible et par la violence nécessaire à son acquisition, toujours présente dans les romans. La propriété de la terre apparaît partout comme originaire de la trahison et de l'usurpation, et le souvenir de ces crimes hante tous les paysages. Abandonnées par leurs propriétaires qui s'en vont vers la capitale ou vers d'autres destinations, maison et plantations tombent en ruine dans la vallée géographique, devenant un thème obsédant pour la fiction. Symptomatiquement, la représentation de la vallée et de ses fazendas dans le dernier roman du corpus est emboîtée dans une sorte d'ellipse qui, associée à l'historiographie, rend évidente la rapidité et la paradoxale fragilité de ce processus. Pour nos trois auteurs, postérieurs à Balzac, leur écriture est une histoire du cœur humain ou histoire sociale, où le terme « histoire » n'indique pas un examen scientifique d'événements passés, mais une invention relativement libre ; ce qu'ils font c'est de la fiction et non de l'history, pour utiliser les termes anglais, particulièrement précis, comme l'a si bien remarqué Auerbach. Ce n'est pas du passé que traite leur écriture, mais d'une époque qui leur est contemporaine et dont la connaissance est indispensable à la compréhension de leurs œuvres, comme l'accentue ce même critique dans son analyse de la représentation de la réalité dans la littérature occidentale.La rapidité des transformations intervenues au Brésil vers la moitié du XIX° siècle a, de toute évidence, retenu l'attention de nos trois romanciers. C'est le passage ravageur du temps le vrai conducteur de leurs intrigues. La représentation qu'ils en donnent reflète le moment fugace de fluctuation entre le monde ancien, rural, fermé, isolé et l'ouverture aux valeurs nouvelles qui aspireront vers la ville, vers l'Europe, vers le monde citadin les propriétaires terriens ainsi que leur richesse. La vallée, désertée par des maîtres qui n'y ont pas créé des racines, ainsi que par le café qui l'a épuisée, s'appauvrit, se dessèche pour être abandonnée au profit d'une avancée vers les terres rouges de l'Ouest pauliste, qui attirent désormais de nouveaux maîtres et de nouveaux travailleurs, les colons européens immigrés, qui viennent remplacer le Noir africain. Accrochée à son économie basée sur la force esclave, qu'elle veut à tout prix conserver, et absorbée par le besoin de rénovation constante de ces « machines humaines » remplaçables à peu de frais jusqu'en 1850, la richesse de la vallée se crée et se détruit en moins d'un siècle, dans un temps qui se précipite vers une modernité qu'elle ne voit pas ou ne veut pas voir venir. La répercussion de tous ces changements offre à nos trois romans un cadre circonscrit où dramatiser et condenser ces événements que nos auteurs ressentent comme décisifs pour les destins de leur société. Situés ainsi entre un ordre conservateur et une aspiration à la modernité que chacun d'eux voit reflétée sous un aspect différent dans la vie de la fazenda, nos trois romanciers ont recours à quelques constantes dans la construction de leurs récits. Les constellations des personnages et le jeu de leurs désirs autour de la propriété de la terre, condition incontournable pour devenir un personnage respectable depuis les premiers temps de la colonie ; l'éducation de l'héritier qui doit se cultiver en Europe mais revenir à un ordre le plus rétrograde qui soit ; les personnages féminins de la sinhá libre et de la mucama esclave qui interagissent à l'intérieur de la Casa Grande sont quelques-uns des thèmes de tout le corpus. Les représentations des esclaves, idéalisés mais point simplifiés chez Alencar, apportent à notre premier roman les voix du mythe, des légendes et de la mémoire du passé. Bernardo Guimarães élabore un personnage d'esclave blanche, tout à fait représentative des changements subis par la société brésilienne vers la moitié du XIX° siècle, chargée de commenter et retourner les raisonnements de ses maîtres dont l'hypocrisie, aujourd'hui patente, était parfaitement en conformité avec la doxa pratiquée par ses contemporains et lecteurs moins avertis. Finalement, l'esclave de Coelho Neto, enfin pleinement noir, est l'instrument de la vengeance épique contre toute une période où sa représentation le condamnait à la farce ou à l'ombre des fonds du tableau romanesque, comme le prouvent d'ailleurs les précédents romans : l'esclave noir de José de Alencar, pour devenir personnage littéraire, doit occuper des espaces mythifiés et légendaires, et l'esclave de Bernardo Guimarães, pour venir débattre dans les salons, est d'abord dépouillée de sa couleur. D'autre part, pour parler des valeurs qui importent à leurs lecteurs sans trop les secouer, les narrateurs de ces romans sont tous très prudents, ironiques, presque sournois dans leurs commentaires et suggestions. Les discours les plus incisifs seront généralement laissés pour le compte de personnages plats, capables d'attirer dans leur interaction la sympathie ou l'aversion de ces lecteurs à la fois éclairés et dépendants des esclaves pour le moindre de leurs gestes, voire pour leur apporter le roman abolitionniste qu'ils s'apprêtent à lire.Les espaces de vie à la fazenda se trouvent représentés dans nos trois romans de différentes manières. La Casa Grande est le lieu du discours civilisé, des échos du monde référentiel et historique contemporain, des arts à la mode et des idées éclairées ou conformistes qui divisent les opinions. Elle est aussi un espace de lecture, activité par ailleurs confiée aux esclaves ; ils sont aussi les seuls personnages chargés de l'acte de raconter. Ainsi, dès le premier roman, c'est dans la cabane de l'esclave que revit tradition orale, c'est là que les légendes sont ressuscitées et la mémoire du passé pieusement conservée. Dans le deuxième, la parole qui raconte retourne au salon en musique, mais portée par une figure d'esclave surdouée qui envahit et occupe entièrement cet espace de sociabilité. Elle ne cède jamais le centre de la scène à ses maîtres ou maîtresses, dont le discours elle réfute point par point, sans jamais se départir de son humilité ; en toute modestie, c'est elle qui occupe le piano pour chanter sa propre épopée (la muse qui l'inspire d'après la narration est la muse épique Calliope) et émouvoir le public le plus traditionnel du pays. Dans le troisième roman, le roi nègre a son propre oracle noir pour recréer un passé de gloire qui lui rendra insupportable l'humiliation de l'esclavage, mais ici les discours les plus significatifs des personnages n'ont plus pour cadre la maison seigneuriale, dont l'espace rétréci et ne peut plus rendre compte de la progression de l'action. À l'opposé de la casa grande, dans la polarisation inhérente à cette organisation, les romans de la fazenda donnent tout d'abord l'impression d'avoir laissé un vide inexplicable, car la senzala, le lieu d'habitation des esclaves n'y apparaît pratiquement jamais et ce qui fait vivre, ce qui permet à la fazenda historique d'exister, soit le travail de la terre, encore moins. Et pourtant, tout est là. Par des allusions, par des histoires racontées dans des digressions opportunes, par des rebondissement provoquées ailleurs qu'au premier plan de l'intrigue. Tout ce que le récit ne dit pas clairement agit sur lui ; tout ce que les intrigues laissent dans l'ombre les éclaire d'une lumière commune, et toutes ces fazendas se constituent ainsi en un univers fictionnel cohérent et problématisé par la structure romanesque. Ces romans mis ensemble offrent des possibilités de lecture inédites, mais il faut aussi les lire « à l'envers », comme le fait remarquer Heloisa Toller Gomes à propos du Tronco do ipê. En portant notre regard au-delà des protagonistes blancs et en concentrant notre attention sur la communauté environnante, et surtout en observant comment les uns et les autres interagissent, nous découvrons la diversité des moyens mis en œuvres par ces textes pour nous fournir un panneau très vivant et illustratif du Brésil esclavagiste au XIX° siècle. Par ailleurs, le brouillage de l'espace des esclaves, avec l'effacement de la senzala qui avait d'abord attiré notre attention, semble susciter encore des discussions, car si la senzala existe jusqu'à la fin de l'esclavage, les cabanes des esclaves avec leur petites plantations vivrières ou d'agrément font tout aussi partie d'un paysage référentiel absorbé et utilisé comme matériau littéraire.C'est dans ce cadre que la lutte entre passéisme et modernité peut se nouer dans des intrigues parfois presque pédagogiques grâce à la concentration permise par la délimitation restreinte du cadre, au nombre relativement réduit des personnages, et au dialogue forcé et constant entre ces deux classes de personnages, les maîtres et les esclaves. Il devient clair que les auteurs de notre corpus ont voulu construire une fiction complexe, capable de toucher un public ambivalent, peu nombreux mais liseur avide, éclairé et esclavagiste à la fois, conservateur mais curieux des nouveautés qui lui arrivent en nombre croissant depuis l'Europe, un public qui commence à changer ses habitudes d'habillement, de sociabilité - et de lecture. ; RESUMONa constituição deste corpus, foram usadas noções fundamentais para a compreensão dos romances das primeiras fazendas de café brasileiras, como aquelas em que Maria Sylvia de Carvalho Franco elucida a « ordem escravagista » como sendo a que, ao dar forma à sociedade exclui os "homens livres e pobres" de um universo polarizado entre mestres e escravos. A ordem evocada nessa obra é aquela que subtende toda a organização imperial e que possibilita à jovem nação, graças ao café, reconstruir-se nos anos difíceis que se seguem à sua independência em 1822. Esse estudo refere-se à velha "civilização do café" e às imensas fazendas que cobrem inicialmente o vale do Paraíba, a meio-caminho entre o Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo, onde fazendeiros associados a comissários e agentes financeiros citadinos formam uma sociedade cada vez mais poderosa, cujas características de ruralidade vão rapidamente ceder espaço à urbanização do país. As mudanças sofridas por essa sociedade se aceleram precisamente em torno do ano de 1850, momento que, freqüentemente evocado pela historiografia, impressionou também três escritores brasileiros do século XIX, que escolhem essa década como o nódulo central de seus romances escritos entre 1871 e 1914. Nos três casos, a forma ficcional do romance parece ser a que mais se adapta à fazenda de café literária, com a sua organização que exclui os homens livres e pobres, para os quais tanto a fazenda como sua representação romanesca parecem não ter lugar.A fazenda de café escravagista, na metade do século XIX é um universo em plena expansão, no qual reina e governa o fazendeiro com poderes absolutos sobre tudo o que vive em suas terras. Este grande proprietário, ao enriquecer, deseja também tornar-se nobre e compra seus títulos do poder imperial, tornando-se assim essa figura ambígua, ao mesmo tempo respeitada e ironizada, do Barão do café do período imperial brasileiro. Freqüentemente evocado pela literatura nas suas mansões citadinas, esses novos aristocratas criados por D. Pedro II, não chamam tanto a atenção na época da construção de seus personagens e de sua fortuna nesses mundos reduzidos que são as fazendas polarizadas entre Casa Grande e Senzala. Nesse universo, as relações intensamente vividas entre mestres e escravos, constitutivos da vida nacional, compõem o nódulo de trocas quotidianas que invadem um quadro rural e senhorial. Três romances se interessaram por esse modo de vida que, na época de sua escritura, dizia respeito à maior parte da população brasileira (no que se refere ao aspecto de ruralidade), instalando sua ação numa rica casa de senhor de escravos no meio de uma imensa propriedade na qual as relações entre dominantes e dominados vão evoluir de uma enganosa harmonia à explosão de uma violência tardia mais tanto mais mortífera.Desses romances que constituem o corpus principal de nossa tese, o primeiro é O tronco do ipê, escrito por José de Alencar em 1871, onde aparece pela primeira vez a designação da sede da propriedade como Casa Grande, em seguida adotada pela sociologia e pela linguagem corrente durante o século XX. Esse termo, mais conhecido por sua aplicação à realidade do Nordeste dos engenhos de açúcar, aparece assim como originário da literatura relativa a esse vale cafeeiro, que esteve no centro das discussões econômicas e políticas do Brasil imperial, e cuja ficção romanesca mostra a ascensão fulgurante, seguida de seu desaparecimento ainda mais rápido e surpreendente, da memória nacional. O segundo romance é A escrava Isaura, de 1875, no qual Bernardo Guimarães criou o ícone mais célebre da luta pela abolição da escravidão no Brasil, numa obra cujo sucesso popular nunca desmentido é proporcional ao desprezo que lhe votam os meios acadêmicos. Sua inserção neste corpus, ao lado dos outros dois romances que tratam do mesmo tema, permite esclarecer a profunda implicação dessa intriga folhetinesca e sedutora na problemática de seu tempo, bem a como a hábil desconstrução dos clichês usuais nesse gênero de narrativa. Os dois primeiros romances foram escritos num momento em que o romantismo ainda não tinha abandonado o centro da cena literária brasileira, mas em que ele já era alvo dos ataques furiosos de um regionalismo mais preocupado com o realismo e mais significativo das aspirações que tomavam corpo numa sociedade que não se satisfazia mais sob a unidade imperial e escravocrata do país. Finalmente, o terceiro romance a tratar das fazendas do vale é uma obra taxada de anacronismo pois, escrita em 1914, prenhe de todas tendências que se cruzam nesse contexto do Pré-modernismo brasileiro, põe em discussão os problemas da escravidão abolida desde 1888 e que não interessa mais ninguém. O país tem pressa de esquecer tanto o antigo regime escravagista quanto os escravos libertados para fazer parte dos homens livres e pobres que continuam excluídos da nova organização social do país. Para tanto, Coelho Neto cria em Rei Negro um herói romântico e parnasiano, uma figura olímpica e plenamente negra, características essas associadas pela primeira vez num romance brasileiro, o que permite duvidar do anacronismo atribuído a uma obra que vem preencher um vazio que a ficção romântica brasileira não pudera ou não ousara ocupar, pelo menos enquanto contemporânea da escravidão: o direito ao centro do palco para um protagonista escravo, o direito à beleza associado a uma pele negra como o ébano, o direito à revolta conduzida e assumida pelo negro, sem que nenhum protagonista branco venha lhe roubar sua função de herói romântico, tingido aqui pelo naturalismo, pelo simbolismo e pelo regionalismo presentes na expressão literária do país nesse momento.Os romances reunidos em torno do tema da fazenda recriam em sua diversidade um mesmo aspecto da evolução histórica do Brasil, a vida e os valores que se desenvolvem à margem da cidade até essa metade do século XIX que constitui o momento escolhido pelos três autores. É então que a ordem tradicional se vê contestada por valores novos que se amplificam numa população que começa a pesar do lado urbano, a trocar idéias com uma Europa em plena mutação, enquanto tenta consolidar sua independência política e reduzir sua dependência econômica herdada da época colonial. 1850 é o ano em que a cessação do tráfico de escravos africanos libera enormes quantidades de divisas e fornece aos fazendeiros os créditos que vão mudar um modo de vida até então austero e isolado. É também nesse ano que é inaugurada uma linha de navios a vapor entre Liverpool e o Rio de Janeiro, pondo em consonância o tempo brasileiro, imperial e escravocrata, com o tempo industrial e urbanizado da Europa. Esses fatores reunidos e refletidos num espaço simbólico de um vale outrora selvagem, rapidamente conquistado por uma cultura que o enriquece e o destrói num ciclo extraordinariamente curto, fornecem as características comuns que vão se acentuar na passagem do primeiro ao último romance.Tanto quanto o período, o cenário desses três romances fornece traços determinantes para sua construção e para a representação da realidade que eles trazem. O rio Paraíba, poderoso e mítico até a chegada do café e à profunda alteração do meio-ambiente sobrevinda então, já não é mais capaz das inundações legendárias recriadas por Alencar num romance precedente, O Guarani. Nesse romance que o próprio autor situava num período colonial mitificado, em que a linguagem e os costumes do invasor se modificavam sob o influxo da natureza americana, o Paraíba era o fator determinante do desenlace, pois é ele que provoca a catastrófica inundação criadora da nova humanidade que vai ocupar o espaço geográfico nacional a partir desse vale nascido ao mesmo tempo que o país independente. O rio permanece o espaço dos mitos no O tronco do ipê, mas como um espelho do passado, das lendas e da imagem da morte que se esconde doravante em todos os elementos da narrativa e da paisagem. Em A escrava Isaura, ele ocupa o fundo do cenário, as margens da fazenda, faz parte da natureza bruta, domada e afastada pelo homem do centro do quadro e da ação. Seu curso é evocado para traçar os limites do imenso pomar que ia se perder nas suas margens escarpadas e imponentes, "nas barrancas do grande rio". Ainda majestoso nesse segundo romance, se bem que descartado pelo olhar de um narrador que só se interessa pelas interações humanas refletidas nos discursos dos personagens, o Paraíba desaparece do cenário em Rei Negro. Nesse último romance do corpus, escrito às vésperas da Primeira Guerra Mundial, a paisagem torna-se simbólica e vaporosa, as terras são cobertas de culturas vistas de bem longe, enquanto a água se torna um elemento sombrio e sinistro, trazendo a morte e refletindo-a. Esta paisagem completamente ocupada pelo homem só é evocada em visões polarizadas entre olhares de mestres e olhares de escravos, simbolizando um direito de apropriação ou a transgressão desse mesmo direito. Num conto ("Banzo") contemporâneo de seu romance, Coelho Neto compara o rio ressecado e abandonado pelo homem ao escravo jogado nas estradas após a abolição, os dois vivendo da esmola de uma chuva ou de um resto de comida.Quanto às terras, elas se transformam tão depressa quanto o rio; a floresta desaparece em alguns anos, dando lugar ao ouro verde dos cafezais famintos de terras virgens e de escravos cada vez mais numerosos, ambos engolidos na construção da riqueza dos fazendeiros. Em suas mansões que se transformam em verdadeiros castelos, esses proprietários refinados não se contentam mais com o espaço da fazenda, talvez duplamente marcado pela lembrança longínqua de um trabalho demasiado penoso, ou pela violência necessária à sua aquisição. Nos romances, a propriedade da terra aparece sempre ligada à traição e à usurpação, e a lembrança desses crimes assombra todas as paisagens. Abandonadas por seus proprietários que partem para a capital ou ainda mais longe, casa e plantações ficam arruinadas, o que é um outro tema obsedante para esta ficção. Sintomaticamente, a representação do vale e de suas fazendas no segundo tempo de escritura dos romances, encaixa-se numa espécie de elipse que, associada à historiografia, torna evidente a rapidez e a paradoxal fragilidade desse processo. À medida que se aproximam a Abolição e a República, e que se percebem os progressos reais então conquistados, os escritores são obrigados a constatar a grande decepção que esses dois acontecimentos representaram para aqueles que ainda acreditavam em mudanças profundas, quando foram escritos os dois primeiros romances. Para os três autores, como para Balzac, sua escritura é uma "história do coração humano" ou "história social", na qual o termo história indica, não um exame cientifico de acontecimentos passados, mas uma invenção relativamente livre; o que eles fazem é fiction e não history, para usar termos ingleses particularmente precisos, como bem notou Erich Auerbach. Para esses escritores posteriores a Balzac, não se trata de passado, mas de uma época que lhes é contemporânea. Assim, o conhecimento do referente histórico é indispensável à compreensão de suas obras, como acentua esse mesmo crítico na sua análise da representação da realidade na literatura ocidental, ao evocar, após a obra de Balzac, a íntima relação entre a construção do romance de Stendhal, Le rouge et le noir, e os anos 1830 na França.A rapidez das transformações ocorridas no Brasil por volta da metade do século XIX não podia deixar de chamar a atenção de nossos três romancistas. A representação construída por eles reflete o momento fugaz de flutuação entre o mundo antigo, rural, fechado, isolado, e a abertura aos valores novos que atrairão para a cidade, para a Europa, para o mundo citadino os donos das terras com suas riquezas. O vale, desertado por senhores que não criaram raízes, bem como pelo café que o esgotou, empobrece, seca, para ser abandonado em proveito de uma corrida para as terras vermelhas do Oeste paulista, que atraem a partir de então novos senhores e novos trabalhadores, os colonos europeus imigrados, que vêm substituir o negro africano. Apoiada na sua economia baseada na força escrava, que ela quer conservar a qualquer preço, e absorvida pela necessidade de renovação constante dessas "máquinas humanas" facilmente descartáveis até 1850, a riqueza do vale se cria e se destrói em menos de um século, num tempo que se acelera para precipitá-lo numa modernidade que ele não vê ou não quer ver chegar. A repercussão de todas essas mudanças na fazenda oferece aos três romances um quadro circunscrito para dramatizar e condensar esses acontecimentos que nossos autores sentem como decisivos para os destinos de sua época.Assim, situados entre uma ordem conservadora e uma aspiração à modernidade que cada um deles vê refletida sob um aspecto diferente na vida da fazenda, os três romancistas recorrem a algumas constantes na construção de suas narrativas. As constelações de personagens e o jogo de seus desejos em torno da propriedade da terra, condição indispensável para fazer parte dos "homens bons" e respeitáveis desde os primeiros tempos da colonização; a educação do herdeiro que deve se cultivar na Europa para depois voltar à ordem a mais retrógrada; as personagens femininas da sinhá livre e da mucama escrava que interagem no interior da Casa Grande são alguns dos temas que percorrem todo o corpus. As representações de escravos, idealizadas mas não simplificadas por Alencar, trazem para o primeiro romance as vozes do mito, das lendas e da memória do passado. Bernardo Guimarães elabora um personagem de escrava branca, perfeitamente representativa das mudanças sofridas pela sociedade brasileira na metade do século XIX, encarregada de comentar e retornar os argumentos de seus mestres, cuja hipocrisia, hoje patente, estava perfeitamente em conformidade com a doxa praticada por seus contemporâneos e leitores menos prevenidos. Finalmente, o escravo de Coelho Neto, enfim plenamente negro, é o instrumento da vingança épica contra todo um período em que sua representação o condenava à farsa ou à sombra dos fundos do quadro romanesco, como provam aliás os romances precedentes: o escravo negro de José de Alencar, para se tornar personagem literário, deve ocupar espaços mitificados e legendários, e o escravo de Bernardo Guimarães, para vir debater nos salões, é primeiro despojado de sua cor. Por outro lado, para falar de valores que importam a seus leitores sem desestabilizá-los, os narradores desses romances são todos muito prudentes, irônicos, dissimulados em seus comentários e sugestões. Os discursos mais incisivos ficam geralmente por conta de personagens planos, capazes de atrair a simpatia ou a aversão desses leitores ao mesmo tempo ilustrados e dependentes dos escravos para o menor gesto, até mesmo para lhes trazer o romance abolicionista que eles se preparam para ler.Os espaços de vida na fazenda se acham representados nos três romances de diferentes maneiras. A Casa Grande é o lugar do discurso civilizado, dos ecos do mundo referencial e histórico contemporâneo, das artes da moda e das idéias esclarecidas ou conformistas que dividem as opiniões. É também um espaço de leitura, atividade que aliás passa progressivamente dos mestres aos escravos, que em todos os relatos são os únicos personagens encarregados do ato de contar. Assim, desde o primeiro romance, a tradição oral revive na cabana do escravo, onde as lendas são ressuscitadas e a memória do passado é piedosamente conservada; no segundo, a voz que conta (e canta) retorna ao salão, espaço agora inteiramente ocupado por uma figura de escrava excepcional. Ela não cede jamais o centro do palco a seus sinhôs ou sinhás, cujo discurso ela refuta ponto por ponto, sem jamais abandonar sua humildade; sempre modesta, é ela que ocupa o piano para cantar sua própria epopéia (a musa que a inspira, segundo a narração, é a musa épica Calíope) e emocionar o público mais tradicional do país. No terceiro romance, o rei negro tem seu próprio oráculo negro para recriar um passado de glória que torna insuportável a humilhação da escravidão, mas aqui os discursos mais significativos dos personagens não têm mais por cenário uma casa senhorial, cujo espaço encolheu e não pode mais dar conta da progressão da intriga. Do lado oposto à casa grande, na polarização inerente a essa organização, os romances da fazenda dão inicialmente a impressão de ter deixado um vazio inexplicável, pois a senzala, o lugar de moradia dos escravos, não aparece praticamente nunca, menos ainda aquilo que faz viver, que possibilita a existência da fazenda, ou seja, o trabalho da terra. E, no entanto, tudo está presente. Por alusões, por histórias contadas em digressões oportunas, por peripécias provocadas fora do primeiro plano do relato. Tudo o que a narrativa não diz claramente age sobre ela; tudo que as intrigas deixam na sombra as esclarece com uma luz comum, e todas essas fazendas constituem assim um universo ficcional coerente e problematizado pela estrutura romanesca. Esses romances oferecem possibilidades de leitura inéditas, mas deve-se lê-los "pelo avesso", como nota Heloísa Toller Gomes a propósito do O tronco do ipê. Projetando nosso olhar além das personagens brancas e concentrando nossa atenção sobre a comunidade negra, sobretudo observando como uns e outros interagem, descobrimos a diversidade dos meios empregados por esses textos para nos fornecer um painel vivo e ilustrativo do Brasil escravocrata do século XIX. Aliás, os contornos mal delimitados do espaço dos escravos, que desde o início tinha atraído nossa atenção, não ficam mais claros na historiografia, pois se a senzala existe até o final da escravidão, as cabanas dos escravos, com suas pequenas roças ou jardins, também fazem parte de uma paisagem referencial absorvida e utilizada como material literário.É nesse quadro que a luta entre passadismo e modernidade pode se travar em intrigas às vezes quase pedagógicas graças à concentração possibilitada pela delimitação restrita do quadro, ao número relativamente reduzido de personagens, e ao diálogo forçado e constante entre essas duas classes de personagens, os senhores e os escravos. A introdução dessas duas linguagens diversas na intriga romanesca, bem como a imbricação dramática entre tempo e espaço que predominam na construção de nossos romances, foram explicitados graças aos conceitos de "polifonia" e de "cronótopo" desenvolvidos por Mikhaïl Bakhtine. Torna-se claro que os romancistas do corpus queriam construir uma ficção complexa, capaz de sensibilizar um público ambivalente, pouco numeroso mas leitor ávido, ilustrado e escravagista ao mesmo tempo, conservador mas curioso das novidades que lhe chegam em número cada vez maior da Europa, um público que começa a mudar seus hábitos de vestuário, de moradia, de sociabilidade e, o que mais nos interessa, de leitura.

This essay continues with a discussion concerning the intersection between indigenous technological adoption/adaptation and the range of perspectives with respect to local communities' use of technology in general. Analytical instruments will be presented at the end of this article. First, however, the reader will have the opportunity to examine the 'views' of outsiders with respect to the debate surrounding sustainability, environmental management and territorial ordering. Responses to an on-line survey concerning the above issues together with my own comments, will add to the discussion. ; Gestión ambiental; Ordenamiento Territorial; Sostenibilidad; TIC; Usos ; 1 TECHNOLOGY IN NORTHWEST AMAZONIA (NWA) VIEWS OF VIEWS: SUSTAINABILITY, ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT AND TERRITORIAL ORDERING A contribution to a Political Ecology for Northwest Amazonia1 This essay continues with a discussion concerning the intersection between indigenous technological adoption/adaptation and the range of perspectives with respect to local communities' use of technology in general2. Analytical instruments will be presented at the end of this article. First, however, the reader will have the opportunity to examine the 'views' of outsiders with respect to the debate surrounding sustainability, environmental management and territorial ordering. Responses to an on-line survey concerning the above issues together with my own comments, will add to the discussion. Aims Initially there were two aims behind the construction of a website. One of was to overcome impediments to my personal mobility and direct access3. ICT facilitated communications with other interested people and helped solicit their views on indigenous management of the forest and their opinions with respect to the process of territorial ordering in Amazonia. The other aim was to serve the process of opening up political opportunities for NWA's inhabitants. Grassroots organisations all around the globe were (and are) establishing links through ICT. The indigenous peoples of Amazonia may attempt the same and this experience could, in the future, be an instrument of education for NWA. The introduction of such technology among indigenous peoples, if possible, will have impacts, which will to be judged as positive or negative, depending of the political interests of the observer and the moment of observation. It is argued here, that despite there being no indisputable positive or negative effects of technological transfer, it would be contrary to indigenous people's rights to self-determination to prevent the promotion of ICT among them. We wish to question conservative forces: if governments, corporations, NGOs and even international drug dealers and terrorist groups are using ICT to fortify their political positions, why should indigenous peoples be denied access to it? The access (or lack of it) of grassroots organisations to ICT facilitates (or impedes) the 1 The author wishes to thank: Jim Connor and Mark Bennett of Imperial College, the former for his advice on the use of Arcview-GIS and the latter for helping to write the cgi-script form for the website. Thanks are also due to: Stuart Peters from the University of Surrey for training in Web- Page design; Adriana Rico from Páginas.Net for valuable advice during the design process and Alvaro Ocampo for a detailed critique of Kumoro.com before it went live. I also wish to thank the Board of Puerto Rastrojo Foundation, which gave me permission to use their vegetation map as a base for the Yaigojé vegetation map that appears on the web-site. Finally thanks to all the people that took the time to fill out the on-line survey. Their contributions made this chapter possible. 2 This discussion was introduced in "Technology in Northwest Amazonia: Sketches from Inside" (Forero 2002b). 3 A restriction of one of the scholarships the author was granted as well as guerrilla incursions at the time, prevented the author from going back to NWA. 2 development of their rights to be informed (and educated) in accordance with the actual historical context of a globalising corporate economy and cultural hybridisation. For indigenous peoples, as well as for other ethnic minorities, financial resources to set up ICT are extremely limited compared to those of corporations, governments and even NGOs. The establishment of an ICT network for indigenous peoples' organisations in NWA remains a Utopia. But without a Utopian vision there is no aim for social mobilisation; this is something that was underlined by responses to the on-line survey. Fieldwork in NWA involved the author in the territorial ordering process, helping with the formation of indigenous people's organisations, and getting involved in communities' economic and educational projects. My work in NWA can thus be characterised as participatory action research (PAR) and one way of continuing to engage in PAR without going back to the field was to set up a website, wait for an opportunity to share my experience with the people of NWA and promote projects that would allow them to take over the website and use it for their own projects4. Deconstruction of an Internet generated discourse Elsewhere the author has dealt with descriptions and deconstructions of discourses of indigenous and institutional organisations, be they NGOs, churches, governmental or international. This process of deconstruction has included the author's own work among indigenous organisations and NGOs, which was one of the aims of "Indigenous knowledge and the scientific mind: activism or colonialism?" (Forero 2002a). I wish to explain the inclusion of governmental and non-governmental organisations within the category 'institutional'. There are great differences as well as important coincidences in governmental actions and the work of NGOs in developing countries due to the limited nature and poor quality of State-driven action in such nations. E.g. in Colombia, COAMA, the largest NGO network in NWA, has been involved in the political administrative reforms, and served as a consultant in matters of education, health and sustainable production. Furthermore, COAMA staff accompanied indigenous peoples in all these processes and without their intervention it is doubtful that many of the indigenous political organisations of Amazonia would ever have succeeded in their quest for legal recognition5. NGOs and governmental institutions may pursue similar political aims and share administrative structures. Inasmuch as small organisations are successful, (and usually this success is a result of strong personal commitment to a cause and personal knowledge of all members of the organisation), they tend to obtain more funds, which in turn forces them to become increasingly bureaucratic. As 4 At the time of writing (May 2002) the author was preparing to visit NWA at the invitation of indigenous leaders, including the Co-ordinator of an education committee who wanted to discuss the roll of ICT in education. 5 See Forero, Laborde et al. 1998 and the interview with the director of COAMA Martín von Hildebrand, in The Ecologist 2002 (Vol. 32 No.1-February). 3 organisations grow, individual members have fewer opportunities to get to know each other personally and maintain an accordance of principles, aims and political means. This is not to say that NGOs are condemned to be inefficient bureaucratic institutions, (which is not uncommon among developing countries' governmental institutions). But it is important to draw attention to the risk that when resources are pumping in and recruitment is growing there is more chance of becoming detached from grassroots sensibilities with respect to issues and less chance of correctly interpreting local developmental idioms. Views of Indigenous Environmental Management The design, production and publishing of a website on the development of a political ecology for NWA, taking the Yaigojé Resguardo as a study case, may seem a very simple task with little impact. But it proved to be a very delicate matter that involved exhausting work. The production of a map of the Yaigojé Resguardo, (which was to be included on the website) has been explained elsewhere, although it is worth mentioning something about the methodology involved. The author accompanied shamans (who were selected by indigenous leaders from the Apaporis) on several trips in which all the recognised sacred places of the Apaporis River and some of its tributaries where identified. The shamans learn the names of the places during their training. These names are recited in myths, chants and spells. The shamans carry, as they say, the map within themselves. It is impressive to see these men point to a place and give its name without hesitation. It is like this even when they have never been in that place before. It is impressive that this orally transmitted geography corresponds so precisely to the physical aspects that start to become relevant for people who, like the author, have different epistemological instruments for their interpretations of the world. While visiting the sacred places shamans spoke of trips they had made previously. In the case of shamanistic trips, visits did not actually involve physical journeys, but what were referred to as trips en pensamiento, en espíritu (in thought, in spirit). While accompanying them I recorded the geographical co-ordinates using a satellite guided geographical positioning system (GPS). The geographical co-ordinates thus generated were converted to plane co-ordinates and a map was generated using AUTOCAD software. Translations, drawings and reflections about this map-making process are included in a MSc thesis of the University of Warwick (Forero 1999). The work I will describe now, although partially derived from my work with the shamans is distinct in character and intention from that reported in Forero (1999). The use of technological gadgetry allowed me partially to reflect the Tukano world in a way that non-indigenous people could understand. And although this was a significant and, I believe, useful undertaking the real knowledge of the territory lies within the shamans with whom I worked. The fact that the 'indigenous territorial' aspects of the website are illustrated with maps is a by-product of the technology. A more significant value of the work (and the reason behind the shamans' wish to become involved in mapping) is that the maps were going to provide evidence for the legal process through which the ACIYA 4 indigenous organisation would claim rights over lands outside the recognised Resguardo Indigenous Reserve (Forero, Laborde et al. 1998). This work was successful and an extension to the Resguardo was indeed granted. Work on the website began by making a provisional outline of the desired end product. The original plan included six pages: Introduction (Home), vegetation map, traditional territorial map, discussion (an introduction to the political ecology of the Yaigojé Resguardo), bibliography (for those looking for references to NWA and the Yaigojé in particular), and a questionnaire that would generate the information from which this chapter has been developed6. The contrasting discourses obtained from the questionnaires Although I shall refer to percentages in this section, there is no intention of making any predictions based on statistical analyses. Neither is it suggested that the analysis of questionnaires can provide an objective account of outsiders' opinions with respect to the politics of the environment and people of NWA. The following notes are not representative in that sense and such was never the intention of the exercise. What is intended is that the reader gets an insight into the perceptions of survey respondents. What is important in a qualitative data analysis, like this, is to present differential tendencies. If discourses are constituents of reality then the confusing scenario of political confrontation in NWA should be linked to the visions and perspectives of all of us, including the views of people that have never been in Amazonia but nonetheless hold an opinion. And, if there is a marked difference between indigenous and exogenous perspectives with respect to sustainability and environmental management in Amazonia, which relates to whether people have visited NWA or not, this should be reflected in the answers to the surveys. The information generated from the on-line survey was collected between May and December of 2001. Eight hundred invitations were sent through e-mail. They were sent mainly to academics and organisations working on indigenous issues, conservation or sustainable development in NWA. One of these invitations reached COLNODO7 and the ICT network asked if we wished to submit the website in a weekly contest for the best new website, which we did and subsequently won! This meant that COLNODO subscribers were notified and invited to visit the site. But we have no idea how many hits were derived from COLNODO invitation. What we know is that during these 8 months we received 51 completed survey forms. This is a 6.4% response rate to the original 800 invitations8. 6 The survey form is in Appendix 1and, a summary of the technical work involved in the construction of the web-site is in Appendix 2. 7 "COLNODO is a Colombian communications network serving organizations dedicated to community development. It is operated by the non-profit organization called Colombian Association of Non-Governmental Organizations for Email Communication" (http://www.colnodo.org.co/summary_english.html). For a critical review of COLNODO work the interested reader could consult Gómez, R. 1998. 8 This response rate is rather low relative to postal questionnaire surveys, but we are unable to assess it relative other on-line surveys. 5 For the purposes of the analysis respondents (R) were divided into two groups: those claiming to have visited NWA (VA – 29% of R) and those claiming not to have visited the region (NVA – 71% of R). With respect to occupation, 68% of R come from the academic sector, including five anthropologists (almost 10% of R) all of whom had visited NWA. In contrast, although there were the same number of environmental managers as anthropologists answering the questionnaire, none had visited NWA. With respect to gender, the percentage of male (53%) and female (47%) respondents is similar across both VA and NVA groups. In terms of age, there were four groups: 1) 18 to 24, 2) 25 to 34, 3) 35 to 50, and 4) over 50. For R the percentages were: 8%, 47%, 35% and 10% respectively. The majority of respondents belong to the second group, between 25 to 34 years of age. However with respect to age groups the composition of VA and NVA groups differs: 56% of the NVA group belong to this second age cohort (25-34), while the majority of the VA group (47%) is between 35 and 50. Additionally, 13% of the VA group are over 50. 61% of the NVA group are between 18 and 34 years of age, while 60% of those that have visited Amazonia are over 35. A comparison of age among the survey respondents thus shows that those that have visited Amazonia (VA) tend to be older than those that have not (NVA). To distinguish among the views held by survey respondents we have to present the responses to each of the questions of the survey. We have made some associations of responses with the intention of outlining the different tendencies that we identify, but the reader might identify others. Before we do so a word about the view of respondents with respect to the website itself should be said. Website evaluation An evaluation of the web-site made by users was included in the questionnaire. Respondents were asked to rate the site between four categories: poor, fair, good and excellent. These categories were chosen as follows: 0, 2, 32 and 15 respectively. Two of the respondents did not offer a rating for the site. Additionally, respondents had the opportunity to suggest improvements. Some respondents suggested changes in design: modification of fonts and colours (some changes had already taken place). There were those who asked for more pictures, a photo album, more links and the construction of a chat room. With respect to the content, some wanted more ethnographic data, another more on political ecology, others asked for better visibility of the maps, while others called for additional links to related sites, and/or more information in general. One suggestion was to make the website less personalised, while another expressed interest in knowing more about the author's research project. Others asked for an enhanced bibliography. Some changes had already taken place by the time these comments were analysed but further changes are still being undertaken at the time of writing. With respect to the questionnaire, two people suggested larger windows to facilitate vision and to be able to comment largely, in contrast, another suggested encouraging more 'yes/no' responses. An important suggestion was: "Perhaps it is now appropriate to include some questions on communication 6 and information flows" (S52). Although not sought explicitly, information was gathered with respect to the use of ICT in the territorial ordering process of Amazonia. One of the respondents suggested that in future the website should be used by indigenous peoples of the Yaigojé. This has been the intention of the author, which has made a visit to Yaigojé (summer 2002) with intention to advance in that direction. Access to ICT for the indigenous peoples of the Yaigojé Resguardo is very limited but present. Future modification of the site will respond to indigenous peoples' feedback. During the visit few indigenous people gave their opinions on the website but several discussions on the roll of ICT in developmental processes took place9. Q1 - Are development and sustainability compatible? A clear response to Question 1 was that this depends on the definition of both terms: "It is impossible to answer this question as it is, as both terms are open to interpretation… " (S26). The question could have been and was read as: Is sustainable development attainable? Respondent S26 continued: "I think sustainable development is possible but hard to achieve in an environment of often conflicting interests and values (economic vs. environmental vs. cultural.)… " One respondent (S22) did not answer this particular question, and two others seemed to be confused (S38 and S41). Forty respondents (78% of R) answered that they were or could be compatible, although there are differences in the way they perceived this compatibility. Development first There were few respondents that failed to question the meaning of 'development' as concept or practice: the developmental project. These responses somehow postulated that certain environmental concerns should be acknowledged and dealt with in order for the development processes to continue: "Yes… . Development as the integration of western technologies or increase of income per capita, can be carefully done by implementing appropriate technologies into the productive activities of the communities. Sustainability defined as a continuous productivity level over the long term." (S2); "Yes. It is only a question of integration of environmental considerations in all we do and adjustment of behaviours accordingly." (S12); "Yes, because there can never be sustainability without development. People have, first to develop for them to have a sense of sustainability." (S13); "Yes, I do. The point is how you can reach a determinate "state" of development without undermining financial, ecological and human capacities in a determinate site (or taking into account their characteristics)." (S40) SD: human - environmental security There were others that perceived the compatibility or the possibility of sustainable development as the chance to diminish human/environmental security risks: "Yes of course in the long run - otherwise life is not possible." (S18); 9 The author is currently preparing a report that will summarise some of these discussions. 7 "Yes. Both are necessary for the survival of the area." (S21); "Si. Solo las acciones en el hoy nos pueden garantizar acciones en el mañana. (Yes. Only by taking action now we can guarantee we could act tomorrow)." (S23); "Yes, development should always be sustainable otherwise there are costs that are not taken into account. i.e. cost of pollution" (S39); "We don't have any choice. We have to make development and sustainability compatible as it's the only way we can survive and at the same time preserve the earth for future generations." (S42) Pessimism, in the sense that without SD life will no longer be possible, was to be repeated in the responses to all of the survey questions. Sustainability is an aim The majority of the respondents that believed development and sustainability to be compatible or capable of becoming compatible, were also of the opinion that the goal of sustainable development had not yet been achieved. Some of them discussed requisite conditions for achieving sustainability. They either underlined the importance of accepting sustainability as a guiding principle for development policy and interventions or/(and) exemplified ways in which sustainable practices might be instituted: "They have to be. I think they are because they have to be. I am optimistic that eventually it will be seen as natural to have sustainable development, but the problem is when this attitude kicks in." (S3) "Depends on how you define the two terms. If you mean that human quality of life can improve while maintaining the natural resource base, I think this is possible but very difficult to achieve." (S5) "Yes, but development in qualitative and not in quantitative terms." (S8) "Yes… there can be sustainable development in an ecological sense of the word - which means installing 'best ecological practice' in planning development." (S24) "No solo lo creo sino que estoy seguro que ambos pueden ser compatibles. Un desarrollo sin considerar ciertos indicadores de sustentabilidad/ sotenibilidad no es posible o viceversa. Uno y otro deberan de ir al parejo tratando de limar los conflictos que a menudo surgen cuando se pretende no un desarrollo pero un crecimiento economico sin considerar la parte social/cultural o ecologica. (Not only I believe that the two can be compatible, I am certain. Development without considering certain indicators of sustainability is impossible or vice versa. Both should go hand in hand, trying to solve the social, cultural and ecological problems that often arise when economic growth rather than sustainable development is the goal)." (S 25) "Sim, no alto rio Negro onde trabalho a ideia e essa: implementar um programa regional de desenvolvimento indedgena sustentado. (Yes, in the Upper Black River, where I work, the idea is precisely to implement a regional programme for sustainable indigenous development)" (S29) "Yes they are. The problem is with the material and energy growth and its compatibility with some environmental standards, like critical thresholds and so on." (S35) "Yes. The only way is by avoiding rapid over-development and having good planning."(S37) ".El concepto de desarrollo sostenible lo veo mucho mas como algo a lo que se quiere llegar, es una nocion implementada por parte de las politicas gubernamentales y ong's donde lo que se 8 procura con estos es el aprovechamiento al maximo de los recursos con un minimo impacto ambiental y social. (I see the concept of sustainable development as goal towards which we heading. It is an idea implemented through governmental and non-governmental policies which aim at maximum exploitation of resources with a minimum of environmental and social impacts)." (S48) "Yes, because they represent the best option to keep for human life." (S51) The need for local definitions Among the respondents that considered sustainability and development compatible if certain conditions were met, there is group of responses that emphasised the need for local definitions of 'sustainability' and 'development', or 'sustainable development': "They can be compatible providing that development is targeted at the right level i.e. small scale and in-keeping with the natural resources and environment." (S5) "Depende de las condiciones y del desarrollo para quién? Por lo tanto el desarrollo es sostenible si es buscado y logrado por la misma comunidad local (It depends on the conditions and on the question 'Development for whom'? Development can only be sustainable if it is sought and implemented by the local community itself)" (S20) "Yes but mainly if made through indigenous methodologies in their territories in Amazonia" (S27) "Yes. There is work done in northern Scandinavia where the "sammi" (lapps) have been given economical support and encouraged to create their own parliament. They have programs protecting their way of life, language and customs. The Norwegian broadcasting company NRK sends news in the language and coastal dialects. All this, at least for Norwegian sammi (lapps) has been key factors in late developments where communities have developed economically achieving great sustainability, contributing, not only to their well being, but to the sustainability of the inhospitable sub-artic regions." (S31) "Yes - but only if there is an 'appropriate' deployment of tools, techniques and processes of development in line with local community needs." (S52) Semantics and the economic imperative Interestingly, one respondent was very pessimistic about the possibilities for sustainable development even when it was sought and pursued at the local level. This respondent brought into the equation the idea that people are driven by monetary benefits to deplete their environment, even though they know that such practices are unsustainable: "To a certain degree, yes. I think that monetary considerations will always outweigh humanitarian concerns and it is very hard to convince people who are seeking a living from sometimes-meagre resources that it is in their own good to give consideration to long-term sustainable use of their resources. It is usually easier and cheaper to move on to the next area when one area has been depleted." (S17) This last argument derives from a rationality that considers poor people to be collaborators in their own misery. In this particular response there was no questioning of the developmental project or the social structures within which people are stimulated to act regardless of the future; but it did address 'monetary considerations' as the driving force. 9 Those responses that argued that the concepts are incompatible claimed an intrinsic contradiction in "sustainable development": "Development of any kind cannot sustain anything." (S4). Instead of blaming the people (needy or not), the proponents of incompatibility pointed their fingers at 'the system'; contemporary capitalist structures, the current developmental project and the prevailing economic model are seen as unavoidably contrary to sustainable practices: "No because development is premised upon economic gain, and capitalism is inherently unsustainable" (S10); "The problem with sustainability is that the economic model is not compatible with social, economic and ecological aspects at the same time and proportion. The neo-liberal model promotes the economic aspect leaving as secondary the social and ecological." (S19); "No, because development does not imply a recognition of limits or the necessity to preserve the natural and human resources used to achieve it. It is an economic concept, which has bases in the apparently unlimited uses of resources… " (S47); "… Si lo entemos [desarrollo] como crecimiento economico, por supuesto que no son compatibles. Ya que el crecimiento economico, tal y como lo plantean los economistas, excluye de raiz criterios sociales, culturales y ambientales requeridos para la sustentabilidad." (If we understand development as economic growth, of course they [sustainability and development] are not compatible. This is because economic growth, as economist have brought it up, excludes from its bases the environmental, cultural and social requirements of sustainability)" (S34) S.D. inconsistent with the present There are less radical rejections of the compatibility, which do not portray sustainable development as a contradiction itself but rather as inconsistent with current economic and ecological trends. The point such respondents make is that the necessary conditions for sustainable development are currently, rather than inherently unattainable: "… The current model of industrial development, where 'development' means material economic growth, is unlikely to be sustainable on a long term basis for the majority of the world population." (S1) "Present development of our world is clearly not sustainable" (S33) "Yes, they are compatible. But in a different social and economic order, not in the one the world is living now… " (S36) "Yes, if we change the way development is understood, for instance, development is associated to living styles resembling to those Europe and USA have, which are a lot related to consumption. But we could live in a healthier and more compatible way with our environment if we change our pattern of consumption and the generalised idea of development nowadays, it would be turning it into "only use what I need and get from nature, exclusively this, not until I just can't get anymore from it", 'cause I over pressed the place, to obtain more benefits. So, at last, this could be possible but in the long term, I hope not when there's nothing left to do." (S45) 10 Greening politics Some responses expressed doubts about the compatibility of sustainability and development. These doubts arise from the apparent use of "sustainability" as a green rhetoric, the aim of which is the continuation of projects that degrade the environment or human rights: ". usually development translates into cutting down natural habitats without regard to "sustaining" cultures" (S32); "In theory 'yes' but much depends on the definition of the terms and societies' acceptance of equal human rights and obligations to others." (S7) "Los conceptos de desarrollo y de sostenibilidad resultan ser bastantes amplios y ambiguos. En la mayoria de los casos cuando se plantean proyectos de desarrollo se trata de relacionarlos directamente con proyectos que resulten ser favorables para el medio ambiente. Como si un concepto llevara implicito otro, sin embargo creo que lo que se esta haciendo desde hace algunos años es precisamente disfrazar los proyectos de desarrollo para que sean aprobados bajo el nombre de mantenimiento del medio ambiente." (The concepts of sustainability and development are very ambiguous. In the majority of cases, there is an attempt to portray development projects as environmentally friendly[, a]s if one concept implied the other. However, I believe that what has been happening for the last few years is a camouflaging of development projects, in order to get them approved under the heading of environmental management) (S48). Reflections on responses to Q110: If "all development is not 'absolute' but will have a beginning and an end" (S24) then, "[d]evelopment of any kind cannot sustain anything." (S4). The impossibility of re-establishing high quality energy after it has been transform into low quality energy (or entropy) is a characteristic feature of closed systems, this would leave us with a world in decline where there is no possibility of sustaining anything. It could be argued that this is the case, as we cannot even guarantee perpetual solar energy flow. But this is perhaps taking the concept of sustainability too far, leaving us with no possibility for discussion. The central political discussion arising from the different responses revolves around the contradiction between those arguments of compatibility that leave the development project unquestioned and those that reject any possibility of compatibility because of a profound questioning of development. Between the two, the picture is blurred, undefined, open and elusive. There does not appear to be any significant correspondence between the two opposite groups of respondents in relation to whether they have been in Amazonia or not. Three out of five of the respondents claiming that there is absolutely no compatibility between development and sustainability have been in Amazonia; but so have two out of four of the respondents that left the development project unquestioned. However, it may be of some significance that none of those that accepted 'sustainable development' are related to social sciences. Those respondents with academic backgrounds in the social sciences all fit into groups 10 A schematic summary can be found in Table 1, Appendix 3. 11 that see sustainable development as a principle, something to be defined locally or as a reformist greening of politics. None of them were found in the group arguing for absolute incompatibility. The middle ground, where the picture is most blurred, came from the majority of respondents by whom it was argued that sustainable development may be possible but that they were unsure about how it might be achieved. Although these responses varied from those expressing suspiciousness (those pointing out the rhetoric of sustainability) to hope: "They have to be. I think they are because they have to be". This acceptance of a possibility of sustainable development, despite the semantic contradiction and current political rhetorical manipulation of the term, reflects a process of thinking and acting that is deeply rooted in Utopian beliefs. This 'sustainability' will happen in the future, in another time, when local communities take control of their lives and their resources, when environmental protection is taken seriously, when today's actions reflect our responsibility toward the future, etc. According to one of the respondents even continuous increases in productivity will be possible, when the proper technology has been developed. Q2 - Is there a relationship between indigenous reserves (IR) and protected areas (PA)? In Colombia IR are called "Resguardos Indígenas" or "Resguardos de Tierras". The term resguardo, literally means protection. Its meaning is not too different from that given to natural conservation areas of different grades: áreas protegidas, protected areas (PA). Both, IR and PA, emphasise the need for an area to be specially protected. Some of the respondents of this question pointed out an implicit relationship between IR and PA perhaps departing of this meaning: "… In a general sense, indigenous reserves are protected areas; they are protected from outside influence for the benefit of the indigenous people… " (S1); "Yes there are relationships. Both have natural systems and environmental quality that requires some level of conservation and protection" (S9); "Yes , for obvious reason. Because the protected reserves are a birth child of indigenous reserves and because we do not want to lose the nature environment the relationship should be maintained." (S13); "Yes, indigenous reserves are protected areas" (S28) As in the case of Q1 (Do you think that development and sustainability are compatible?) some respondents pointed out that it would depend on what we understand by the two terms: "Depends on the sort of protected area or what we mean with protected area… " (S25). "There could be" (S38); "It could be, but I am not sure" (S46); "… this has to be context specific" (S1). Five respondents simply said "yes" (S37, S18, S22, S43, S50) and one simply said "no" (S15). However many of the respondents did go on to qualify the relationship in some way. 12 Harmony or the need for it Some of the affirmative responses portrayed indigenous peoples as the guardians of the environment while others offered concrete examples of this viewpoint: "Si. Las culturas indigenas han demostrado que sus culturas han vivido armonicamente con su entorno durante miles de años" (Yes. Indigenous peoples have demonstrated that their cultures have lived in harmony with their environment during millennia). (S23); "Empirical evidence through statistical analysis has shown (particularly in Colombia in the north west region of the Sierra Nevada) that there is a direct relation between conservation and indigenous reserves. So, the answer is "yes, I do think so". (S40) There were those that referred to the need for a harmonic relationship because: 1) the environment should be protected for the benefit of indigenous peoples: "… indigenous reserves are related with spaces or areas that the government leaves for indigenous people and protected areas are where the local authorities or government provide the ($) resources in order to protect them" (S19); "Existe una relación, historica y cultural, respecto a su territorio, esto debe ser respetado y protegido para las mismas comunidades indigenas" (There is an historic and cultural relationship with respect to their territories. This should be respected and protected by indigenous communities for their own sake (S20). 2) the protection is fundamental for biodiversity conservation: "… Podria ser que se proteja un area porque existe cierta flora o fauna que esta en peligro de extincion. Por ejemplo, muchos animales que viven en la selva solo se aparean una vez al año en cierta temporada y si estos son interrumpidos por presencia humana su decendencia podria verse aun mas en peligro de extincion… " (It may be that an area is protected because there are endangered flora or fauna. For example, there are many rainforest animals that mate once a year or seasonally; if they are interrupted by human activities their progeny could be further endangered) (S25); "… development there should be restricted for the sake of conservation" (S33) 3) sustainable practices could be developed based on indigenous peoples' experiences: "Yes. By protecting areas where almost all indigenous people are more and more confined, there will be a way to preserve indigenous experiences in order for these experiences to contribute to a sustainable development." (S11). Utopia There were also those sorts of answers that reflected a feeling of hope or a sense of Utopia, in which a harmonic, positive relationship was acknowledged as desirable but not yet achieved: "I imagine IR to equate with PA in some way. Perhaps naively. IR is implicitly protected from external development forces, but not necessarily internal." (S3); "There can be. If people are continuing a way of life that has been sustainable in the past and are able to develop sustainably (… ) there is no reason why both should not coexist." (S6); "Most indigenous reserves must be also protected areas. How to effectively do it? I don't know." (S36); "In countries with mindless and irresponsible politicians and business people, it should be mandatory that 'indigenous reserves' must be synonymous with 'protected areas'. (S42) 13 Contamination and cultural imposition Some respondents signalled the risk of contamination, this is of indigenous peoples being influenced by a mestizo culture and therefore driven to break the presumed harmonic relationship with the natural environment. This may be seen as a lost opportunity, that of the rest of humanity to learn from indigenous experiences or, that of given indigenous people to assert managerial control: "Yes, as indigenous populations tend to live in harmony with nature these areas tend to require protection from the outside world. (S12); "… I also think it is difficult to put it into practice since indigenous people want to be part of the economic system and therefore there is a risk of depletion. Anyway who is better to protect certain areas than the people who have lived there for hundred of years!!!" (S39); "Yes, in fact, so far as I know, many of our indigenous people live in these protected areas, where most of them have been able to live in a sustainable way, I say most of them, because others are affected by the mestizo men that live nearby or want to get something from that place due to its economic importance, affecting these natural areas." (S45) It was pointed out that both types of jurisdiction, IR and PA, derived from a cultural-historical process, in which self-determination was not accounted for: "Yes, a very imperialistic one - especially in the Americas (including Canada). It is an old regressive link between the two, in the 60s and 70s this paternalistic viewpoint saw indigenous culture as static --which is wrong!" (S24); "Yes, they both seem to be defined by the ruling 'white' government." (S26) A respondent that had visited Amazonia (VA) added that there is resistance to this imposition, at least as far as indigenous peoples of Colombia are concerned: "yes-especially when indigenous management systems are practised in spite of the models of dominant society in Colombia" (S27). Similarly, another VA respondent suggested that in Colombia there are no friendly relationships between IR and PA: "It depends from country to country, but in Colombia no" (S10)! Analytical responses The analysis provided by some of the respondents tended to localise the relationship: to put it into the historical process. The analysis underlined the main problem for a "non-confrontational" relationship between IR and PA regimes. As they are designations that came about without public participation and from a rationality that is especially alien to indigenous peoples, when IRs and PAs overlap, competition for management arises. These type of answers either acknowledged that the relationship happens through overlap, or mentioned the difficulties of hitting indigenous rights and conservation target simultaneously: "Freedom of choice for all people, in terms of lifestyle, cultural heritage can translate into giving management control to indigenous people in protected areas. However the balance between sustainable economic development for indigenous people and at the same time protecting the environment is a difficult topic to discuss at a macro level. Individual environmental and socio-cultural circumstances need to be fully accounted for and explicitly articulated." (S7) "Yo creo que existe una relacion estrecha entre reservas indigenas y areas protegidas alrededor del mundo. Ya que estas dos figuras juridicas en muchos casos (p.e. Colombia) se encuentran translapadas." (I believe there is a close relationship between indigenous reserves and protected areas around the world. It derives from the fact that in many cases these two jurisdictions overlap) (S34). 14 "There is a relationship when they overlap, which I think happens often." (S44) "Los resguardos y las reservas indigenas han tenido la tendencia a considerarse y definirse como areas protegidas, sin embargo me parece importante tener en cuenta que al establecer los limites territoriales entre los resguardos quedan zonas intermedias que no pertenecen necesariamente a algun resguardo, y esto hace de un modo u otro que tambien se presenten roces con diferentes actores. Por la misma razon que al no estar circunscrito en un resguardo aparentemente se consideraría como un area no protegida… " (It has been the tendency to consider the resguardos and indigenous reserves as protected areas. However, I think it is worth considering that when the resguardo boundaries are established, there are zones in-between not ascribed to any resguardo. And this makes it somehow possible for different [political] actors to get confrontational. This happens as a consequence of the non-ascription of the in-between zone, which is not considered as protected area… ) (S48) However it came about and assuming that both jurisdictions are somehow competing, some respondents argued that IR should be more effective, as it gives responsibility to the people for their own lives: "Yes, although I think indigenous reserves serve to protect the environment/area better. This is because they are protected by local people who value the resources and use them in a traditional and more sustainable way. Protected areas can be designated/run by Governments and this can remove the responsibility from the indigenous peoples." (S5); "Yes. I think that indigenous reserves do offer more protection than protected areas because it gives local people more incentive to use sustainable practices. They can see it being in their own interests" (S17) In contrast, one respondent argued: "Maybe there is, but I don't believe in reserves" (S35). And a second respondent (VA) added that poverty have driven indigenous peoples to behave unsustainably: "I think it is possible. However, some indigenous areas are completely degraded because they are selling their natural resources to survive." (S53). This response (S53) is related to one of those made to Q1: "To a certain degree, yes. I think that monetary considerations will always outweigh humanitarian concerns and it is very hard to convince people who are seeking a living from sometimes meagre resources that it is in their own good to give consideration to long-term sustainable use of their resources. It is usually easier and cheaper to move on to the next area when one area has been depleted." (S17) Both answers (Q1-S17, Q2-S53) echo a neo-Malthusian argument. It implies that a 'tragedy of the commons' is happening in Amazonia and elsewhere as result of overpopulation. The politics involved "No. Indigenous reserves and protected areas (for nature conservation) are two different political land use strategies. If the government is assigning an Indian reserve then they should respect the use the indigenous people are making of the terrain according to traditional use or to improved technologies. Areas for Nature conservation must be treated separately and with a different priority. We cannot make the indians responsible for the disappearing of the diversity. The government has to be responsible by applying appropriate conservation and management regimes" (S2) This response makes an argument for the need to differentiate between IR and PA as diverse political strategies that pursue different aims. The first would aim to 15 comply with Indigenous Peoples Rights, particularly that of self-determination. The second political strategy would aim at biodiversity conservation. The respondent acknowledges indigenous social change as indigenous management depends on both, tradition and technological improvement. Interestingly, the analysis provided does not try to conceal the confrontational nature of the relationship; nor does it neither place much hope in conciliation. On the contrary, it advocates for a distinction. If there is some hope or sense of utopia in the response it comes from solutions provided by technological improvement. Which is something this particular respondent had already stressed in Q1: "… . Development as the integration of western technologies or increase of income per capita, can be carefully done by implementing appropriate technologies into the productive activities of the communities. Sustainability defined as a continuous productivity level in the long term." (S2) Non-conclusive comment-Q211 Nowadays, the establishment or enlargement of IRs (Resguardos in Colombia) and PAs requires the interested proponents to follow long protocols, the fulfilment of precise administrative procedures and of legal conditions. One aim of the process is to allow different stakeholders to participate and to assure the fulfilment of fundamental rights to all citizens in equal conditions. In Colombia, like in many other parts of the developing world, when the "juridical figures" were established these procedures were not necessary, therefore, many IRs and PAs were established without participation of all interested parties. It is not surprising that some of the respondents refer to the confrontation or competition of regimes that began with their imposition. It could be of some significance that none of the respondents that claimed the need to harmonise IR and PA have been in Amazonia. In contrast, the two respondents that pointed out that these two regimes are conflicting in Colombia have been there. The analytical response that called for clear differentiation between the two also came from the group of people that had visited Amazonia (VA). From the set of answers given to Q2 it is clear that different and contrasting narratives ascribed to with respect to environmental management. For some of the respondents indigenous peoples are guardians of the environment, victims of colonialism or in risk of a cultural contamination that will force them to adopt maladaptive strategies that would threaten conservation strategies. For others, indigenous reserves are untrustworthy designations: the environment should be preserved against development and human intervention, be it indigenous or otherwise. Therefore indigenous peoples should not be in charge of environmental management. Yet, another political perspective is derived from hopes of compatibility between the two regimes, which although pursuing different aims are seen as relevant for environmental and human security at the same time. Thus, the third perspective could be characterised as dialectic or iterative. From this (last) perspective indigenous experience could help the development of conservation strategies; and, 11 Schematic summary: Table 2, Appendix 3. 16 at the same time, the revision of environmental and conservation management strategies could be vital for the survival of indigenous peoples. Hope or Utopian visions also have a place here: the development of technology is seen as a key component for adequate environmental management. Technological improvement would allow both compliance with indigenous peoples' rights and biodiversity conservation. We are sketching a continuum from our comment on Q1, suggesting that the narrative of conciliation 'reflects a process of thinking and acting that is deeply rooted in utopia'. Q3 - Do you think that the concepts of protected areas (PA), indigenous reserves (IR) and sustainable development (SD) are useful for environmental management today? Two respondents say that the concepts should be context specific: "Yes, but which of them is useful depends on context… " (S1). "As I said before, all these terms have to be defined properly in the first place before they can be applied." (S2). There were two respondents that simply said 'yes' (S14, S22), while one answered: "yes, if it works" (S4). S4's response suggests that concepts are instruments, and not surprisingly many answers referred to the "applicability" of these three concepts. Environmental indians and contamination risk Some respondents reiterated the idea, already expressed in Q1 and Q2, that indigenous peoples are practitioners of SD or conservation managers: "… Indigenous reserves are important because they allow the preservation of a way of living in sympathy with the environment long gone in most areas… " (S12); "Claro que si. Las culturas indigenas son un ejemplo de convivencia y explotacion sostenible del entorno en que viven" (Yes of course. Indigenous cultures are an example of coexistence with the environment they live in and of sustainable exploitation.) (S23); "Yes because indigenous people are the 'shepherds' of the landscape and they have a first-hand understanding and experience (handed down from previous generations) of ecosystem processes. Sometimes indigenous customs and habits reflect an understanding of nature's processes that can be exemplary in the planning of management plans… "(S41) One response re-enforced an idea presented in Q2, that indigenous sustainable practices are in risk as the younger generations begin to adopt western lifestyles: "… , but this knowledge is also in danger [endangered],… , shamanism is related in many cases to the management of the natural resources, but I have listened to the indigenous people from the community that I'm working in, that they're not interested in receiving this knowledge from their parents, and day by they they're a lot like us in their agricultural practices." (S45) Principles as instruments Various responses made reference to certain conditions that would have to be fulfilled in order for the concepts to be useful. This perspective, where the concepts are understood as political instruments, could be useful if a 'real' or 'truth-value' definition of them were accomplished. This truth-value would come from using the political instrumentality of a concept only if it were to reflect a set of principles such as intergenerational equity, empowerment, and participation. 17 And, in the case of participation, special emphasis were given to the incorporation of indigenous people, their knowledge and ways of dealing with the environment: "The concept of protected areas will only be successful if indigenous peoples are involved, therefore this would seem to indicate that indigenous reserves would be the best way forward of the two" (S5) "… indigenous reserves need to be redefined according to the wishes of the people who will be living in them,… (S6); "… If sustainable development means development with the means which exist and with the participation of the people concerned… " (S11); Yes. Exercising indigenous knowledge should not be limited to reserves but integrated into the management plans along with scientific knowledge more widely. (S26); "Yes… Any protected area, etc. must actively incorporate the participation of indigenous people" (S41) The idea of intergenerational equity is attached to that of resource reserve for the developmental process: "Yes… The sustainable development concept relating to the obligation of the present generation to leave enough natural assets and capital for future generations to enjoy at least the same quality of life we enjoy today must be at the heart of environmental management activities." (S12) "Yes, because the natural environment that we believe is endangered should be protected as a reference in future years to come and because of this a sense of environmental management is very important as the same environment becomes a resource for development" (S13) "Yes. We need to protect the area and its people and provide for sustainable development. (S21) "… pero estoy cierto que las areas protegidas independentemente del interes en prervarlas desempeñan un papel importante en el manejo de ambientes naturales para la captura de CO2, conservación de recursos biogenéticos/biodiversidad/ y como elementos de estudio para futuras generaciones… " (… but I am certain that, independently of the interest in preserving them, protected areas play a roll in the management of natural environment for CO2 sequestration, conservation of biodiversity/genetic resources and as study subjects for future generations (S25) "yes, otherwise development will go against our own endurance. I think we have to consider the possibility that we are not the most powerful force in this world." (S38) Risk and Protection Following this idea is that of concepts (as political instruments) being useful if they could provide and enforce protection (S13, S21 above). In this case either the environment is seen at risk (endangered species or ecosystems) or both indigenous peoples and their environments: "Yes. Protected areas are important as pools of natural resources not affected by human activity. Indigenous reserves are important because they allow the preservation of a way of living in sympathy [tune] with the environment long gone in most areas." (S12); "I think they are vital. Until everyone has a responsible attitude to environmental control certain protections have to be enforced." (S17) Some of the responses expressing a need for environmental protection have a sense of impending catastrophe: "Yes, but they are loaded concepts so we have to be careful in using them… sustainable development is the only way we will survive, but is usually glibly applied." (S6); "in a limited sense perhaps.but what we need to accomplish is protection of all that there is left, without cutting and taking land around the so called protected area. stop the modernisation process wherever it has not already reached into" (S32); "Yes, because they are the only source to preserve life on earth." (S51) 18 Protection but of cultural diversity: "… They may contribute to 'capturing' and saving fragile cultures and 'unknown' languages." (S31) Although acknowledging the need for protection, some respondents made it explicit that IRs were not effective, as the policies derived from such concepts (regimes) would increase risk instead of attenuating it: "… in terms of indigenous groups if they become circumscribed to a specific protected area then this will prevent persistence of nomadic lifestyles etc. and as a result the protected area may become 'unsustainable' as people are becoming circumscribed to a specific reserve. I guess this also answers the question on indigenous reserves, however, the indigenous reserves of N. America should be used as an example of the problems of tying people to such reserves,… " (S10) "… 'indigenous reserves' are not so useful - most of indigenous social problems have been caused by the colonisers, and are being reproduced through generations. Keeping indigenous people enclosed in such areas, and introducing paternalistic rules and laws is not healthy for any society. It instils racism in a society, and will not ensure that indigenous practices of environmental management will be maintained - that depends on the indigenous group and how they choose to manage their environment… " (S24) The need for integration and its impediments Some emphasis was put on the idea that there is or should be a link between the concepts (political instruments): "Yes all concepts are useful as they each permit different aspects of the economic/ecology debate to enter into the wider public arena. Ultimately for there to be sustainable solutions to environmental problems there needs to be a holistic approach adopted… " (S7) "… environmental development will not be meaningful without taking into account the interrelation between 'indigenous reserves' and 'sustainable development'" (S11) "Yes, because all areas are linked with each other very closely" (S18). "Yes. Exercising indigenous knowledge should not be limited to reserves but integrated into the management plans along with scientific knowledge more widely." (S26) "… Lo que creo es que tanto las reservas indigenas, como las areas protegidas deberian orientarse hacia un desarrollo sostenible. Bien sea que estas dos figuras se translapen o no. Si entendemos el desarrollo sostenible como un proceso que involucra criterios sociales, culturales, economicos, y ambientales." (… What I do believe is that indigenous reserves as well as protected areas should direct their attention towards sustainable development, whether or not the entities [juridical regimes] overlap. If we understand sustainable development as a process that involves social, cultural, economic and environmental criteria.) (S34) However, quiet a few responses pointed out the problems that prevent this integration from taking place: 1) Incompatibility of interests between IR and PA: "… Protected areas are useful, but they raise the debate as to whether one should protect an area and exclude people from it so that a certain species/ archaeological site/community can survive or whether people should have access… " (S10); "It is quite difficult to harmonies those concepts, specifically among indigenous people. They are convinced that 'sustainable development' is an imperialist concept, and the first idea they have -as far as they hear the concept- is that they are going to be exploited by others… " (S40) 2) The prevalence of economic efficiency and profit at the expense of anything else: 19 "… El desarrollo sustentable que ha sido cada vez mas un objetivo importante en varios paises del mundo. Pero encontrar los balances correctos ha sido y es dificil, particulrmente cuando las sociedades y gobiernos estan sometidos a un proceso de globalizacion y de efeicientizacion economica. He ahi los conflictos permanentes de lograr un desarrollo verdaderamente sustentable que considere no solo los aspectos economicos, pero politicos, cultrales, sociales y ecologicos o ambientales. (Sustainable development has become an increasingly important objective in several countries around the world. But to find the correct balances has been and continues to be difficult; in particular as a result of societies and governments being subjected to economic efficiency within the globalisation process. There are permanent conflicts in the way of obtaining a real sustainable development that involve not only the economic aspects, but also the social, cultural, ecological and environmental criteria " (S25). "… too many people think of 'sustainable' as meaning economic sustainability and not environmental sustainability." (S30). "… While protected areas and indigenous reserves serve to maintain environmental quality, the concept of sustainable development is often disregarded for the sake of profits and globalisation." (S33) 3) Political manipulation: "I think there have been problems with these concepts for two reasons: First, they mean different thing for different people, second, they have been used and to serve particular interests. There are several and opposite definitions of 'sustainable development' and it's a difficult concept. 'Indigenous reserve', used as a general concept does not describe usefully the complex realities and 'protected areas' have been used to serve particular interests over time so I think it is seen suspiciously by a lot of people." (S44) "I think so, but these concepts are used a lot by politicians, and then the meaning can be manipulated". (S46) "… The big problem is not related to the concepts alone, it is related to the way in which these are applied according with particular interests and purposes. Many times the terms are used by different groups or organisations in order to pretend to be environmental friendly or responsible, when the real purposes reveal an opposite target or interest." (S47) "… Muy seguaramente estos términos se manejan como deben ser en el plano académico teórico, mas no ocurre lo mismo en el ambito práctico donde lo que prevalece son los interese de los diferentes actores que trabajan en este campo, lo que lleva inevitablemente a que se presenten situaciones de tension entre estos y se deje de lado el objetivo primordial en cuanto a la conservación y le manejo ambiental" (For sure, theoretically and within the academic circles these concepts are managed as they should be. Although, in the practical scenario privilege is given to the particular interests of those different [political] actors who work in this field. Thus, it is unavoidable that tensions will arise between these [political actors], which leave aside the fundamental aim of environmental management and conservation) (S48) 4) Semantics, the concepts mean too many things to too many different political actors (S44 above): "… 'Sustainable development' is not so useful for environmental management, as the concept is too contested - it means too many different things to different people." (S24); "As I said, the problem is that there are many definitions of those terms and it makes it difficult to determine if they are useful in one place compared to other places" (S50) Dynamism The perspective of 'dynamism' reflects a perception of mutating meanings as an advantage. Under this perspective 'contested' means 'in change', which is seen as part of a learning process, which is in tune with the idea of local definition of concepts (emphasised above): "Ultimately for there to be sustainable solutions to environmental problems there needs to be a holistic approach adopted, where people can better appreciate that their lifestyle has much in 20 common with others - even if they are in an OECD country and cannot appreciate the day to day lifestyle of someone in a less developed country. … . Therefore the concepts listed can provide an opportunity to raise the awareness of the majority of the world's people." "Yes, there is plenty that can be learned from these three concepts and also applied" (S37) "A lot, I believe there are a lot of things we can learn from them, specially in this field of study,." (S45) "If these concepts are [understood or interpreted] under a dynamic and changing world (attached to contexts), which mean that there is not a unique definition or way to apply them, I think they are still useful for environmental management." [original: understanding or interpreting… ] (S47) The need for new concepts-Q3 Contradicting narratives can be appreciated through the reading of these responses. There is a group of respondents that are uncritical of the concepts or the policies derived from them (like S37, S45 above and): "Yes, they are important to efficient environmental management" (S28); "Yes. An understanding of the mechanism of these terminologies is essential for effective environmental management … " (S9). Another group could be made out of those responses that reflect suspicion or are definitely critical of the concepts (S10, S24, S25, S30, S33, S40, S44, S46, S47, S48, S50 above). And, besides the group of respondents that express conditionality or hope (see above), there is a group of responses that, while critical of the concepts, acknowledge that at present they are all we have: "… which of them is useful depends on context… If an ethnic group is to be allowed to determine the course of events within its own territory, then the territory must be reserved for them until such time as they develop complete autonomy or decide to integrate more closely with wider society. Sustainable development may seem a rather broad, unspecific term, but it does at least draw attention to the unsustainability of conventional development… " (S1) "… The concept of sustainable development is gradually getting better developed and, even if it is not strictly attainable, gives decision-makers something to work towards… (S5) "I don't agree with the concept of SD as it is a contradiction in terms, but at present there are few better alternatives… " (S10) One respondent actually moved forward in the critique, pointing out that the concepts were built on preconceptions and identifying the need to generate new concepts that would integrate the useless categorical divide of nature and society: "I think they are old fashioned, and generated by the Anglo-Saxon culture. We should move towards an increased compatibility between human activities and nature, making it therefore not necessary to talk about reserves, or natural areas." (S35) Non-conclusive comment-Q312: The majority if not the totality of respondents took 'concepts' as 'politics'. They discussed the history of these politics, their adequacy and sufficiency. It is very interesting that while the conduct through which political ideas become policies is supposed to be complex, it is obvious for the respondents that there is more than theoretical debate going on in the process of policy making. There is a prevailing, sometimes automatic or non-reflexive awareness that narratives pursue the aims that drive the policies and politics that are transforming the environment. 12 Schematic summary: table 3, Appendix 3. 21 In continuity with the results of Q2, only 1 out of five respondents of those who argued for the need to integrate the concepts had been in Amazon; while the two respondents that argued the case of 'incompatibility of interests' had been there. Of those which suggested that these concepts –political strategies- are useful for environmental protection or that this is the last chance –catastrophism- for life, none had visited Amazonia. It may be of some significance that none of the five respondents that suggested that IR might be a better strategy than PA have been in Amazonia, while one person of the two that argued that IRs are ineffective had been there. The responses correspond to several narratives that can be identified. One of them is that of 'confidence in science and trust in political instrumentality' derived from the (traditional definitions of) concepts outlined. Another narrative is that of 'natives as heroes and outsiders as villains', which is reflected in the suspiciousness of concepts based in untested assumptions and in mistrust of the governmental policies derived from them. In summary there is a status-quo narrative and a counter narrative. Yet a third type of narrative could be identified, that of 'critical understanding'. Q4 – Should environmental managers (EM) get involved in the territorial ordering process (TOP) of the Amazon? One of the respondents simply answered yes (S4). One was unsure (S52), perhaps suspicious? One considered the question was tricky (S32), and three of them put the question into question. Two of these responses asked for the term 'environmental manager' to be defined: "Difficult to answer. Define the roles, mandate and empowerment of the environmental manager… " (S31); "What do you mean by environmental managers?." (S6). The third one was more critical: "this sentence is colonialist as if indigenous peoples of Amazonia were not in fact environmental managers" (S27). With a similar intent, one respondent argued that indigenous people were better-qualified environmental mangers: "Las comunidades indigenas han sido las mejores administradoras del territorio ancestral, eso debe ser respetado y replicado en zonas donde la intervención humana 'civilizada' ha afectado las condiciones ambientales. (Indigenous communities have been the best managers of ancestral territories, this should be respected and should be replicated in areas where 'civilised' human intervention has affected environmental conditions) (S20)" The response of Indigenous peoples as better managers had been expressed in Q1, Q2 and Q3. Another three responses reinforced the ideas of catastrophism, the need for urgent environmental protection and to stop development (S32, S33, S42). Perspectives EMs are the ones: "Definitely" (S12); " … They have in many cases a better view for the long-run." (S18); 22 Yes. Who else is better suited to do so?" (S21); "Environmental Managers should get involved. They are best able to ensure protection of ecosystem" (S28); "Por supuesto que si. Ya que el ordenamiento territorial de un territorio (en este caso de la Amazonia) debe tener como objetivos el desarrollo sostenible." (Definitely. Territorial ordering (of the Amazon in this case) should have sustainable development as an objective) (S34); "Because they are the ones that can understand the balance that must exist between economic development, traditional culture and environment." (S36); " They should, how can they do whithout?" (S46) "Yes, because they can contribute to better territorial ordering in the region" (S53) EMs and scientists figure out the solutions and take the decisions: "Deben estar involucradas todas las personas del planeta, pero con mas razon los 'decision makers', que a fin de cuentas, toman las acciones concretas sobre nuestro futuro medioambiental. (All people from the planet should get involved, but the 'decision makers' have more reason to be there, after all they are the ones that take the concrete actions in respect to our environmental future) (S23); "Yes, but along with some other scientists, not only because of the importance of the Amazon from a global point of view, but specially for the importance for the people living there." (S35); "Yes, always considering multiple disciplines result in a better understanding and so better solutions." (S38) But taking into account the other opinions: "Yes, although indigenous peoples will also play a major part and without them any agreements between Governments and environmental managers will not work… " (S5); "Not always, because it is necessary to take into consideration lay people's opinions too." (53) Indigenous peoples direct EMs: "If they are asked to do so by indigenous peoples, I see no problem with this." (S1); "Territorial ordering should be primarily decided upon by the indigenous groups that inhabit them, … ultimately decisions need to come from the bottom upwards" (S10); "… The indigenous people should be in charge of the program at the ultimate level" (S14). " They should but they should make sure they respect the opinion of indigenous people and they should be very discreet in their approach and aim for cooperation." (S41) EMs have equal rights to participate as other stakeholders: " Of course. All actors should be involved in the process… It doesn't mean that they have to take decisions but they can evaluate the circumstances under different and also important perspectives." (S2); "What do you mean by environmental managers? But yes, I think they also have a stake in the fate of the Amazon, and have a right to make their voices heard. (S6); " Involvement - yes but only in collaboration and co-operation with the Amazonian people and those in the higher levels of bureaucracy and policy making … Environmental managers can make significant contributions in this area, given their depth of understanding of the issues (relative to the general public)" (S7); "Deveriam estar envolvidos no processo de re-ordenamento territorial, junto com edndios, ribeirinhos etc" (they should be involved in the territorial ordering process together with indigenous peoples, riverine inhabitants, etc." (S29); " I think they should be involved as advisors and technical support but I support the idea of a non-technical management, where decisions are taken by the different stakeholders based on the technical advice and the social, cultural and economic factors." (S44) 23 But this intervention should be avoided within indigenous territories: "Not in indigenous reserves or territories which historically have been managed by indigenous communities. In other areas, should be taking part in dialogue of knowledge between cultures, people, communities, scientists and decision makers from private and government sectors, to order process on the amazon area." [Original text:… historically has been management by… ](S47) The apolitical EM: "Yes, but not for political reasons. It should be for the cause of sustainable use of our natural environment which is our heritage." (S9); " … Generally though I think that environmentalists like missionaries before them should not get involved in political processes as this can have a very negative reaction within the local community." (S17) "Yes, their knowledge will hopefully be of use in the ordering process" (S37) The political participation of EMs: "Yes, to counteract the interference of other external actors but hopefully to work with the indigenous people respecting their values and practices, not independently." (S26) EMs as facilitators of the dialog between IK and WS: "… without them [indigenous peoples] any agreements between Governments and environmental managers will not work. Environmental Managers should facilitate discussion… " (S5); "Territorial ordering should be primarily decided upon by the indigenous groups that inhabit them, environmental managers roles here should be as referees to help in the co-ordination of the process, but ultimately decisions need to come from the bottom upwards." (S10); "It's necessary for people involved in this field of study, that had already gained a conscience, and that are able to understand that we have to work with indigenous, not from our usual management vision, but theirs, trying to see the world like they do. In this way could be easier, perhaps to understand and give convincing and why not scientific arguments to the authorities (or people in charge of handling these affairs) about the different way they have already distributed their territory, which [in] most of the case (if not all) doesn't have our political distribution. (I.E, those groups that live between Colombia and Brazil boundaries) they don't have the same division of territories, because of this, they must be managed in a way more in concordance to their political organisation." (S45) Capacity, ability and quality of EMs: "Depends who the environmental managers are - if they are from the area and have a passion for the area, then why not. If they are drafted in from outside, and seen as the 'outside experts' then probably not - it usually causes friction within the area."(S24) "Define the roles, mandate and empowerment of the environmental manager. They may fall into different categories, of which I may name at least 4: 1. The conflictive manager. Created by a lobbying body. A good example is the body (forget the name) that is in charge of the Everglades in Florida. Their work is tainted by conflict of interest: the provision of water to cities and sugar cane farmers, at the same time maintaining the 'wet lands' as an ecosystem and controlling flooding! 2. The romantic. Exemplified by rich Europeans or North-Americans. Wanting to keep habitats, they may buy some land and resort to eco-tourism in order to keep their sustainability. I believe there are some German managed 'eco' destinations in Ecuador. Driven by an alternative way of life, they may not 'manage' the environment as they should. 3. The bureaucrat. A member of a government agency or NGO that may not be aware of local needs, responding always to policies made from a distance. Current legislation may be a hinder. "Los paisas", developed and colonised what is today Risaralda, Quindio, Caldas and 24 parts of Choco in Colombia, by using legislation that enabled them to cut and clear big forest areas to be claimed afterwards, creating the concept of the "colono". A colonisation process I witnessed in Caquetá some years ago. 4. The "grass roots" manager. Perhaps, the type who knows best the ecosystem and the power relationships that develop around it by the people involved with it. Usually their voice is not heard, mainly because of the threat they represent to some landowners or 'colonos'. If the law regarding claiming land that has been cleared is still existing, managing the environment is going to be a great task. One shall not forget that the 'colono' phenomenon represents one of the many socio-economical problems a nation like Colombia faces. … Management work usually develops around a policy. Trust among all participants is primordial. There ought to be some kind of legal-economical framework that will ease management work. If this is in place and all conflicts of interest reduced, then the territorial ordering process of Amazonia may become real." (S 31) Political risks, EMs tough job: "Yes, however the pressures on the person might be extreme. It would be preferable to have both on-site environmental managers and use some respected external managers as reference." (S15); "Yes, but bearing in mind that you should work with politicians and many kinds of 'parasitic' people which are thinking every day in the short term. It means that environmental managers are not enough for sustainable management and use of natural resource: their analytical models as well as their technical capacity is necessary, but they cannot work isolated, they require to work with others, despite the fact that 'the others' could (and should) think in a different way." (S40) Summarising-Q413 Like in the responses to Q1, Q2 and Q3, we can identify different and often contradictory perspectives. There were those that argued that environmental managers14 are the best qualified for the task and appeared somewhat perplexed by the question. Within that group there were those responses that assumed that decisions were taken by environmental managers or should be taken by them, although two expressed that others' opinion should be considered to a lesser extent. In the other direction were the responses that questioned intervention by EMs and considered it useful only when the decision-making process was led by indigenous peoples themselves. Yet, a third group was of the opinion that EMs should get involve in the same conditions that other stakeholders, such as indigenous peoples but, one respondent suggested they should not intervene in the management of indigenous peoples' territories at all. 13 See also Table 4, Appendix 3. 14 Called EMs in the survey to differentiate them from other experts and indigenous peoples. As it has been explained elsewhere (See "The march of the Manikins: Agroforestry practices and Spiritual dancing in Northwest Amazonia) indigenous peoples management of the environment departs from a different rationality and uses different instruments. What indigenous people from Northwest Amazonia call "management of the world" is not only a set of shamanistic practices but a way of living that combines social aims, aesthetic values, religious believes, and economic practices in a distinctive manner. Although acknowledging indigenous peoples from Northwest Amazonia are in fact environmental managers, the author has stressed that their "management of the world" incorporates many things, some of them of tremendous importance for environmental management more generally. 25 The other contrasting perspectives concerned the character of the intervention. While one group of responses were of the opinion that EMs should not get involved in politics, but have a technical approach, others thought that they should get involved to contrast and balance the political interests of other groups. A third group emerged, which advocated the intervention of environmental managers as conciliators and facilitators. Related to this roll of managers as advisers there was a group of responses showing concern with the capacity, ability and quality of environmental managers and, the possible risks that they have to face. Non-conclusive comment-Q4: As in responses to questions one, two and three, we can trace arguments and contra-arguments. One set of respondents portrays EMs as heroes. In this scenario they face a tough job, they are well trained, better able and indispensable for the process of territorial ordering; their politically risky job in which they have to make the decisions would be fundamental for diminishing environmental risk and even saving life on earth. (As in Q2 and Q3 none of those arguing conservation/catastrophism had been in Amazonia). A counter narrative is that provided by respondents arguing that EMs' participation should be directed by indigenous peoples (IP) or that the projects should be led mainly by natives, and that EMs should not intervene in the management of indigenous territories: in this case the heroes are indigenous peoples. A second counter narrative seems to be reflected by some of the respondents. In this scenario, EMs like IP should have equal rights to participate as different stakeholders, in this case decisions would come from a rational process in which dialog between cultures would take place. The participation of EMs would not be limited by their status/power but by their capacity, ability and their roll as facilitators or conciliators. Discussion European colonisation of Africa, Asia, the Americas, and Australasia from the late fifteenth century onwards, gave a tremendous boost to the volume of global transactions involving natural resources. Over the long run, trade in these resources, and in an increasingly diverse array of environmental services, has been expanding ever since. However, much of what is called globalisation in the twenty first century has more to do with developments in information technology since the late 1900s. The increasing speed of communications media and information transfer have proved fundamental in economic restructuring and the transformation of the world into a largely urban space (Castells 1996). In the globalised, twenty first century, local political decisions have little chance of being autarchic; international policy advisors inform local stakeholders about what is considered adequate or legal in accordance with international treaties, foreign protocols and political compromises. The local politics of environmental management is the concern of everybody: corporations, governments, international, regional and national NGOs, all of which compete for access to information and expansion of their scope of power in the political arena (Ambrose-Oji, Allmark et al. 2002). During the 1990s, and especially after the Río Earth Summit in 1992, one of the main topics of discussion was management of the global environment (Sachs 26 1993). Global targets for sustainable development were established at Río and similar processes were set in train at regional, national and local scales all over the world, following the guidelines set out in one of the policy documents agreed at Río: "Agenda 21". The official discourse that emerged from the Río process was replicated and many of the assumptions that informed the original discourse have been accorded a quasi-factual status by many people all over the globe (Sevilla_Guzmán and Woodgate 1997). The official discourse on globalisation emphasised the need for environmental management at supranational levels. At the same time, counter-discourse or anti-globalisation narratives have emerged. These emphasise the rights of indigenous people and local political actors to manage natural resources independently, in ways that allow them to make their own livelihood decisions and establish resource-use regimes that can provide the environmental goods and services that people need15. The management of the environment has always motivated debate and often led to confrontation. One of the main arguments of conservative conservationists concerns the 'vulnerability' of rainforest environments, and thus the need for their protection. Since the 1980s the problem of deforestation of tropical rainforests has been a global issue with special emphasis in South East Asia, the Congo basin and Amazonia (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001). In a 1998 analysis of 'rainforest' web-sites, Stott revealed four metawords within the conservation rhetoric: orientalism (the exotic other), climax (harmony), old age (ancient, undisturbed) and vulnerability (Stott 1999). Metawords such as these become key rhetorical devices so that even research and development project proposals tend to employ them, thus replicating assumptions that are no longer questioned. How is this metalanguage produced? What are the bases of its principal cannons? And why is it that semantic analysis tends to remain the preserve of scientists – or is it something that is also dealt with at a local level? Narratives can be traced back in time. Equilibrium disturbance (climax rupture) and environmental fragility (vulnerability) both played parts in Hardin's 1968 'tragedy of the commons' (Hardin 1998). The neo-Malthusian discourse of environmental catastrophe as a result of an increasing population (of 'poor people') lies at the heart of Hardin's tragedy. The conservative conservationist perspective on the management of the rainforest is based on mistrust of systems of environmental management in which property rights (over life and resources) are not yet marketable. From a conservative political perspective responsible environmental action can only be achieved through the clarification of property rights to allow the unfettered action of free markets for the negotiation of such rights. It is assumed that the tragedy of the commons is happening or will happen in rainforest contexts where private property rights are not yet the rule and where societies still practise communal environmental management regimes based on indigenous knowledge rationalities in which nature and society form an ontological continuum. For conservatives only free markets for environmental rights, good and services can guarantee sustainable development. Neo-Malthusian 15 The discourses that emphasise on the need of eco-efficiency, economic transnationalization and planetary ecological management, were named by Sachs as contest and astronauts' perspectives. And the counter-discourse arising from the desempowered communities of the South as the home perspective (Sachs 1977). 27 and neo-liberal assumptions are fundamental to this perspective on sustainable development. With the aim of promoting Agenda 21 at local, national and regional levels, a complex and sophisticated process of institutionalisation was embarked upon. Amazonia did not escape this process; governmental officials or conservationist NGOs replicated the dominant conservationist discourse at the local level in NWA16. This official discourse of deforestation with its main initiative of protection of the environment from people has been labelled 'hegemonic' (Stott and Dullivan 2000) or 'neo-Malthusian' and 'managerial' (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001). It should come as no surprise then that counter narratives have developed in Amazonia (and elsewhere), for many of which the principal intention is to contradict the conservative policies derived from this hegemonic discourse. The rights of indigenous people to define the course of their lives: their rights to manage natural resources and the environmental services used or supplied by the Amazonian environment have been key issues in these significant counter-claims against the official Amazonian territorial ordering politics and policies, which have involved environmental management that has been designed elsewhere. This counter-narrative pursues the principle and right of self-determination against the interests of political initiatives for global environmental management. The counter-narrative was not just a reaction to neo-liberal, neo-Malthisian conservative politics and conservation policies during the 1980s and '90s, however. In Latin America, all indigenous peoples' rebellions against the European empires were motivated by a call to reconstruct pre-colonial socio-cultural orders returning to territorial orders where the management of 'agroforestry' was undifferentiated from the sacred (Varese 1996:124-25). In modern, post-colonial states, indigenous peoples continued to struggle for the recognition of their territories. In today's NWA this struggle is related to governmental and conservationists policies of environmental management and the presence of armed groups opposed to political resolution of territorial ordering. Many of the Protected Areas (PAs) of NWA were created at a time when no legal procedure was established for public intervention in the designation of such areas. The official titles of the PA or IR (Resguardos in Colombia) have not prevented non-native invasion of lands or the expansion of illegal crop production inside either PAs or IRs. Conservationists and indigenous peoples alike have vacillated between alliances with, and the rejection of, the armed groups in charge of illegal crop production, depending on the political gains to be made and the risks involved in rejecting the proposals or achieving an alliance. The armed groups, on their part, have sought political alliances when such co-operation could benefit their military capacity or improve the managerial efficiency of their enterprises.17 16 With respect to the territorial ordering process, the Colombian Amazon controversy is discussed in Forero 1999, 2000; Forero, Laborde et al. 1998. 17 See Forero 2000, "Territoriality and Governance in the Colombian Amazon". 28 As far as local inhabitants were concerned, rainforest conservation policies arrived in NWA from another space and time. The legal establishment of protected areas took no account of the opinions or desires of the peoples already inhabiting NWA. Indigenous agro-ecosystems and the livelihood strategies of more recent colonisers were both ignored. The ideology expressed through legal frameworks was that of protection of the environment from people. The villains were local inhabitants and the regulations to be enforced were those of expelling people from the 'conservation' areas and maintaining their exclusion. The dominant discourse made no distinction between complex indigenous agro-ecosystems and the less sophisticated livelihood strategies being developed by recent immigrants. All of them were labelled as "slash and burn" agriculture (Myers 1980). Yet it has become increasingly apparent over the last thirty years that slash and burn is just an aspect of indigenous environmental management in Amazonia, which combines agricultural production, fish and game management, ritual prescriptions, and aesthetic developments18. It has even been suggested that movement towards "short cropping/long-fallow" cultivation patterns within indigenous Amazonian agro-ecosystems was an strategic response to alien invasion of territories and the introduction of metal axes (Denevan 2001: 115-31). Today, most ethnoscientists find it self-evident that the concepts of "chagras" (gardens) and "rastrojos" (abandoned gardens) are far too simplified to reflect the structure of cultivations over the short-, medium- and long-terms, in accordance with local knowledge of agro-ecological variation. It is obvious that indigenous environmental management has transformed Amazonian ecosystems for millennia; this was already evident to many of the nineteenth century European explorers19. Even the most knowledgeable people in the industrialised world have no precise idea of how 'vulnerable' rainforest is and few have accurate knowledge about the political conditions facing indigenous peoples or other human inhabitants of the Amazonian rainforest. With respect to NWA, even the most determined researcher would have problems accessing this information. It is often said that the rainforests of Amazonia are the 'lungs of the planet' (S.33), a metaphor used to emphasise the region's role in the carbon cycle, especially the absorption of CO2. This is somewhat ironic given that our own lungs actually consume oxygen and release CO2 during respiration. Indigenous people have been portrayed as villains or victims depending on the observer and the moment of observation. When portrayed as victims the picture is something like this: the wise guardians of the rainforest are obliged by violence to sell their natural resources or abandon their noble environmental practices. The role of violence in the functioning of extractive economies has been well documented. Violent coercion has been the dominant system in NWA for more than a century. Although indigenous people are no longer sold, 'debt-peonage' systems still dominate and exploit poor indigenous and immigrant inhabitants of 18 See Forero 2001, " The march of the Manikins: Agroforestry Practices and Spiritual Dancing in Northwest Amazonia". 19 See Forero 2002a, " Indigenous Knowledge and the Scientific Mind: Activism or Colonialism". 29 NWA. These people are employed for the harvesting, transport and commercialisation of coca base, cocaine and, the functioning of 'extractive economies' in general (Gómez, A. 1999). But there has been an indigenous response. This has sometimes taken the form of open rebellion and sometimes that of making strategic and tactical alliances in an attempt to obtain or preserve political power, to secure the acquisition of merchandise or simply to survive20. The counter-hegemonic narratives that we mentioned above have been labelled 'populist discourse': making it explicit that the victims are the indians and the villains the international organisations, sometimes allied to transnational corporations (like oil drilling companies) and the dependent and often corrupted governments that collaborate with these international organisations (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001: 687). For NWA there are reports that seem to corroborate these arguments; e.g. indigenous peoples and environmental campaigners have protested jointly in Ecuador and Brazil against the construction of massive pipelines planned to cross through both IRs and PAs in both countries. The pipeline construction projects in both countries have arisen following collaboration between national governments and international oil exploration companies and have provoked public feelings of outrage (Weinberg 2001)21 . " [In NWA] Governments, multilateral lenders, multinational corporations, private banks and other institutions may not be counting on the convenient disappearance of indigenous peoples who get in the way of their ambitious development plans, but they often act as if they are." (Rabben 1998:122) "We who live in indigenous communities are surviving in the midst of a war imposed upon us by different factions and by the very same Colombian state that historically abandoned the countryside and permitted our lands to be invaded by waves of colonizers. Today we are caught in the crossfire, menaced by killings and displacement, while the State manifests its presence in the air with planes that slowly kill our plants and animals, our subsistence crops, and our people." (Organizacion Zonal Indigena del Putumayo_ OZIP 2002) However, is it possible to claim that there is a policy of 'ethnic cleansing' for NWA? From one side the whole issue of national sovereignty has been put into question; the expansion of Plan Andino (formerly Plan Colombia), the USA's anti-drug strategy for Latin America, exemplifies the delicate situation in which some of the Latin American countries have entered the twenty first century. The military component Plan Andino is aimed to support economic measures, the famous and indeed infamous structural adjustment plans that have provoked strikes and rebellions22. Additionally, even if there were an official policy of ethnic cleansing, South American States, given their size and power, would find it difficult to implement 20 See "Indigenous Knowledge and the Scientific Mind: Activism or Colonialism" (Forero 2002a), and "Technology in Northwest Amazonia: Sketches from Inside" (Forero 2002b). 21 For recent (March 2002) press releases on this issue see www.amazonwatch.org and www.americas.org 22 See Forero and Woodgate 2002, "The semantics of 'Human Security' in Northwest Amazonia: between indigenous peoples''Management of the World' and the USA's State Security Policy for Latin America". 30 it. The poor, be they indigenous peoples or colonisers are in the middle of a territorial war linked to international networks of criminality; they have been displaced, kidnapped or killed regardless of their claims of neutrality. In the case of Colombia, although some military authorities have been linked to some of the worst of the paramilitaries' atrocities, it has not been proved that the State itself has a policy of ethnic cleansing. In the case of Brazil, in 1996 the national executive proclaimed Decree 1775, instructing a right to contravene which, contrary to 169 WTO international agreement on Indigenous Peoples' rights, gave other stakeholders the opportunity to challenge Indigenous property rights. Paramilitary groups associated with illegal evictions of indigenous peoples in Brazilian Amazonia have long sought such a 'charter'. At the same time, the decree left the definition of indigenous land rights to the will of the executive power itself (Ministry of Justice). But, as in the case of Colombia, it cannot be proved that there is a policy of ethnic cleansing. It has been suggested in the non-conclusive comments on the survey results, that many people's responses echoed hegemonic and populist narratives. Indigenous peoples were portrayed as heroes or victims, as well as scientists and environmental managers. However, quiet a few of responses cannot be associated with either populist or hegemonic narratives. There is a group of responses that reflect critical thinking and are willing to challenge such simplistic dichotomies. Thus, the concept of sustainable development has been questioned, suspiciousness of western, scientific and technological solutions was expressed, and there was little willingness to give environmental managers carte blanche to prescribe whatever measures they might see fit. Interestingly, this last group, while acknowledging the need for: new concepts and adequate guidelines for environmental management, and the difficulty of achieving conservation targets while complying with indigenous peoples rights, still consider the concepts of SD, PA and IR as useful or the politics derived from them as desirable. What is interesting is that the responses to this survey, which were made by outsiders (respondents were not inhabitants of Amazonia), reflect a tendency to picture the conflict over territory in ways that do not correspond to either of the two main narratives. We can say that inasmuch as outsiders see possibilities for political action outside hegemonic or populist approaches, so Amazonian insiders are organising and negotiating regardless of whether their political discourse echoes either conservative or counter-hegemonic politics of territorial ordering. As no significant statistical analysis could be derived from the survey it would be difficult to speak of tendencies. At first sight it seems that adherence to hegemonic, counter-hegemonic, utopic or conciliatory narratives reflects each respondent's intellectual background more than his or her witnessing of the situation of peoples and forests in Amazonia. However, certain coincidences among the responses to each question might be representative: - For Q1-SD, two out of four of the respondents that accepted the imperative of SD without question have been in Amazon, none of them is a social scientist (SS) though and the other two were environmental managers. None of the SSs 31 that had visited the region argued for complete incompatibility between sustainability and development. Instead, SSs were part of a third group acknowledging that the concept of SD might be of some use, given certain conditions. - For Q2 – the relationship between IRs and PAs, not one of those who argued for the need to harmonise the two concepts (5), or those that emphasised SD as a desirable aim that has not yet been reached (4), or those or that argued that IRs are better than PAs (2) had been to the Amazon (in total 21 % of respondents). Respondents that had visited Amazonia (VA) were among those that acknowledged a relationship between IRs and PAs and that the relationship can be both complementary and competitive. Two respondents from the VA group argued that a complementary relationship was not possible in Colombia and one of them pointed out that being political strategies with different aims they should be kept differentiated in order to avoid conflict. This result might indicate that people that have been in Amazonia are more aware of the problems of territorial ordering caused by the imposition of regimes based in alien concepts. - For Q3 – on the usefulness of the concepts, none the five respondents arguing that IRs might be better that PAs had been in Amazonia, while one of the two that argued that IRs are ineffective had visited. Only one out of five respondents that argued for the need to integrate the concepts had been in Amazonia, while both those that argued for an incompatibility of interests have. This result seems to confirm that people who have visited the area are more conscious of the problems caused when policies formulated elsewhere are imported to Amazonia. Conclusions All technological adoption/adaptation has diverse effects in the life and development of society. People living within the society that is adopting them, and the outsiders that are analysing cultural change perceive these effects in different ways. The assessments of 'usefulness' or 'risk' a society makes when adapting/adopting technologies are linked to the conscious and subconscious present and future scenarios into which the society places itself alongside other societies. If the rest of the world wishes to respect Amazonian indigenous peoples' rights of self-determination, they should not intervene in ordering processes of indigenous territories. The problem is that indigenous ways of dealing with the world might not be compatible with the ideas that foreigners have with respect to Amazonia, its peoples and its future. And, for good or bad, fairly or unfairly, each group has a way of intervening and exercising a certain amount of power to modify the global political agenda for the governance of Amazonia in function of their own particular interests. Replication of narratives is a common strategy used by all groups aiming to make alliances and enhance their power. However, the responses analysed here seem to indicate that a large group of people (at least from the academic sector) is 32 unhappy with the assumptions behind either populists or hegemonic discourses with respect to rainforest management, and seeking new ways of environmental policy making. This group of people acknowledged that political conflict has derived from policy formulated elsewhere, and derived from an epistemology alien to local inhabitants. There are varied political groups competing for the governance of Amazonia. Information and Communication Technology (ICT) facilitates analysis and political action. It is expected that better-informed indigenous peoples would be in a better position to make decisions with respect to the governance of Amazonia. At the present time, the indigenous peoples of Amazonia have very limited and precarious access to ICT. Thus, their perspectives on territorial ordering are less likely to be represented than those such as conservation agencies, multinational developers, insurgent and mafiosi groups, all of which have far superior access to ICT. 33 Appendix 1 PRIVACY POLICY: Email addresses will be used only to send out materials related to this survey. Aggregate survey results may be distributed, but all personal data will be kept strictly confidential. No information about individual users will be disclosed to third parties. 34 Appendix 2 Summary of Web-site technical work The most demanding work was designing the pages that would contain indigenous territorial maps. CAD versions of the map would have to be transformed into image files suitable for Web use. In order to do this ArcView- GIS (Geographical Information Systems) software was needed. A picture of the map could be easily generated in ArcView-GIS and to certain extent, editing and colouring could enhance some features. But such a map or, more precisely, such a picture of the bi-dimensional representation of the Tukano territory remained inadequate for publication in WebPages. "The pics were to heavy" (I would learn the ICT design jargon), meaning that the memory used to storage, loading and unloading of these pictures was vast. Besides dividing the map and generating pictures of several areas, these pictures needed transforming to make them 'lighter'. This meant that the pictures had to be edited and the storage format had to be changed in terms of the colour pallet and resolution (a maximum of 72 dpi). Most importantly, the pictures should look better! An early version of PhotoImpactTM was used to change the colours and other features as well as to design the icons that would be used to identify the hypertext links between pages. However, the software was not appropriate for the task and the 'pics' were still too heavy. The design was poor, too rigid, with inappropriate colours and, worst of all the 'weight' of the maps would not allow for easy loading of the images by potential users. To change the maps (pics) again, PhotoshopTM was used, while major design transformations were achieved using FireworksTM software. For the actual montage and edition of the whole web-site Dreamweaver3TM was used. A similar process was followed to generate the vegetation map, which was adapted from one of the Amazonian Vegetation maps generated by Puerto Rastrojo. The introduction to a political ecology taking as a case study the Yaigojé Resguardo, was originally a single text (like in the preliminary version) but following the advice of critical reviewers, this page was divided into six parts. 35 Appendix 3 Table 1 Q1- Do you think that 'development' and 'sustainability' are compatible? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Unquestioning the developmental project 2 1 PhD Student Biology 12 1 Environmental Engineer 13 1 Environmental Engineer 40 1 Project Co-ordinator (SD) Yes, to diminish environmental risk 18 1 Student 21 1 Taxation 23 1 Designer 39 1 Postgraduate Student 42 1 Biologist Sustainable Development is an aim to be 3 1 Epidemiologist reached 5 1 Civil Servant 8 1 Accountant 24 1 Student 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 29 1 Anthropologist 35 1 Lecturer 37 1 Postgraduate Student 48 1 Anthropologist 51 1 Postgraduate Student Compatible if defined locally 5 1 Civil Servant 20 1 Lecturer: Ecotourism 27 1 Anthropologist 31 1 Postgraduate Student 52 1 Lecturer: IT & Development Possible but risk of economic imperative 17 1 Unemployed Incompatible a) Contradiction in terms 24 1 Student 4 1 PhD St. Environmental genetics b) Financial economic imperative 10 1 Student 19 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 34 1 PhD Student: Environmental Manager 47 1 PhD Student SD inconsistent at present time 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 33 1 PhD Student 36 1 Research Engineer 45 1 EM SD is green rhetoric 7 1 Student 32 1 Teacher 48 1 Anthropologist 36 Table 2 Q2 - Do you think there is any relation between 'indigenous reserves' (IR) and 'protected areas' (PA)? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Yes 37 1 Postgraduate Student 18 1 Student 22 1 Anthropologist 43 1 Anthropologist 50 1 PhD Student No 15 1 Consultant: Health & Safety Need to harmonise IR and PA to protect a) For (IP) Indigenous Peoples' benefit 19 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 20 1 Lecturer: Ecoturism b) Protection of Biodiversity 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 33 1 PhD Student c) SD based on IP experiences 11 1 Consultant: Rural Development. SD as Utopia 3 1 Epidemiologist 6 1 Lecturer Ecology Env. Management 36 1 Research Engineer 42 1 Biologist IR and PA are different political strategies 2 1 PhD Student - Biologist IR and PA are colonisation strategies 10 1 Student 24 1 Student 26 1 Student Indigenous resistance to IR/PA strategies 48 1 Anthropologist IR and PA overlapped 7 1 Student 34 1 PhD St. Environmental Management 44 1 Postgraduate Student Environmental Indian 23 1 Designer 40 1 Project Co-ordinator (SD) Environmental Indians contaminated 12 1 Environmental Engineer by mestizo culture 39 1 Postgraduate Student 45 1 Environmental Manager IR are Inefficient 35 1 Lecturer 53 1 Journalist IR more effective that PA 5 1 Civil Servant 17 1 Unemployed 37 Table 3 Q3 - Do you think that the concepts of 'protected areas' (PA), 'indigenous reserves' (IR) and SD are useful for environmental management today? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Depends on the context 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 2 1 PhD St. Biologist Yes 4 1 PhD St. Env. Genetics 14 1 Economist 22 1 Anthropologist Indigenous Environmental 12 1 Environmental Engineer 23 1 Designer 41 1 PhD Student Indigenous Environmental in contamination risk 45 1 EM Concepts: Principles and instruments a) Participation: IR better than PA 5 1 Civil Servant 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 11 1 Consultant: Rural Development RD 26 1 Student 41 1 PhD Student b) Intergenerational Equity: resource reserve 12 1 Environmental Engineer for Development 13 1 Agriculturist 21 1 Taxation 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Dvnt. 38 1 Gardener (MSc) Risk and Protection a)Environmental Protection (EP) 12 1 Environmental Engineer 17 1 Unemployed EP and catastrophism 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 32 1 Teacher 51 1 Postgraduate Student b) Of cultural diversity 31 1 Postgraduate Student IR as ineffective 10 1 Student 24 1 Student Integration of concepts or the need for it 7 1 Student 11 1 Consultant RD 18 1 Student 26 1 Student 34 1 PhD Student Env. Mgment. Difficulties for integration a) Incompatibility of interests 10 1 Student 40 1 Project co-ordinator (SD) b) Financial economic effectiveness' imperative 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture Devent. 30 1 Postgraduate Student 33 1 PhD Student c) Political manipulation 44 1 Post. St. Environment 46 1 Lecturer 38 47 1 PhD Student 48 1 Anthropologist d) Semiotic blur 24 1 Student 50 1 PhD Student Education: Dynamism of the concepts 37 1 Postgraduate Student 45 1 Environmental Manager 47 1 PhD Student 39 Table 4 Q4 - Should or should not environmental managers (EM) get involved in territorial ordering process in Amazon? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Yes 4 1 PhD St. Evolutionary Genetics In fact they are 22 1 Anthropologist Unsure 52 1 Lecturer: IT & Development 32 1 Teacher Question into Question 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 31 1 Postgraduate St Indigenous Peoples as EM 27 1 Anthropologist Yes, for Env. protection (catastrophism) 32 1 Teacher 33 1 PhD Student 42 1 Biologist Yes, EM are the ones (better able that IP) 12 1 Environmental Engineer 18 1 Student 21 1 Taxation 28 1 Lecturer 34 1 PhD student 36 1 Research Engineer 46 1 Lecturer 53 1 Journalist EM provide solutions/ take decisions 23 1 Designer 35 1 Lecturer 38 1 Gardener Yes but listening to others 5 1 Civil Servant 53 1 Journalist If Indigenous Peoples direct EM or projects 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 10 1 Student 14 1 Economist 41 1 PhD Student EM have equal rights to other stakeholders 2 1 PhD St. Biology 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 7 1 Student 29 1 Anthropologist 44 1 Post. 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