Suchergebnisse

Population fluctuations of rodents have always aroused human interest due to their importance in ecosystems and human welfare. However, their scientific study became especially relevant in the late 19th and early 20th centuries when Robert Collet and Charles S. Elton described periodic eruptions of lemmings and voles. Since then, hundreds of theoretical, experimental, and field works have provided a basis for understanding the mechanisms underlying the different population fluctuations observed in nature. However, the generality of these mechanisms across different species and geographic areas remains one of the greatest unknowns in ecology; posing a problem for understanding natural ecosystems, as well as for managing species and their effects on human welfare. This dissertation takes advantage of the vast amount of data and knowledge on vole population dynamics to test the existence of general demographic mechanisms, as well as to identify predictors of events such as plagues to better understand and manage these species. This dissertation compiles nearly 70 years of capture-mark-recapture data from 17 trapping areas with weekly, biweekly and monthly sampling frequency from five populations of four vole species in North America and Europe (M. agrestis = 4 sampling areas or spatiotemporal replicates, M. ochrogaster = 4, M. pennsylvanicus = 5 and M. townsendii = 4); being to date the largest database of rodent demographic data with high temporal resolution (monthly resolution or higher). Subsequently, this dissertation analyses whether part of the inter-annual fluctuations is produced by common demographic mechanisms in different species and geographic areas (e.g. similar variations in survival, reproduction or migration). But to do so, it first overcomes one of the main obstacles in the study of population dynamics of rodents and many other species, the relatively low number of observations to make models sufficiently complex and informative to understand population dynamics. Specifically, this thesis proposes an extension of traditional capture-mark-recapture models, using regularization techniques widely used in different fields of statistics such as in the calculation of random effects, in order to estimate demographic parameters under conditions of relatively low data availability. With this new analysis tool, whose usefulness goes far beyond the study of rodent demography (e.g. elusive species or species with low densities such as some endangered species), this dissertation estimates the abundances and vital rates of the four vole species in the 17 sampling areas at a fine enough temporal scale to study biological models that allow an adequate understanding of their population dynamics. This dissertation uses these estimated demographic parameters to evaluate the existence of common general patterns. The results show not only the existence of such common demographic mechanisms, but also suggest their great relevance; reopening an interesting debate on the relative importance of common and specific factors in the origin of population fluctuations. Furthermore, by testing predictions of the most accepted hypotheses in the scientific community, it showed that feeding and social interactions are more likely underlying these common demographic patterns. Finally, the dissertation shows how theoretical knowledge about population dynamics can be used to solve or mitigate a human welfare problem, such as vole outbreaks. Specifically, this dissertation identifies an early warning signal capable of predicting outbreaks of the common vole (M. arvalis) one year in advance in Castilla y León (Spain). This predictor facilitates farmers and regional government to take preventive measures to mitigate the impact of vole outbreaks in crop fields. Complementarily, this dissertation proposes an approach to solve an important but little discussed problem in applied ecology, which is that erroneous predictions entail costs for users. This dissertation proposes an approach to measure the usefulness of predictors in decision making by considering their hit and error rate (statistical aspect) as well as the expenses, effectiveness, and indirect effects of the treatment to be applied based on the predictions (management aspect). This last contribution aims that scientific researches proposing predictive models explicitly indicate their usefulness for each potential user; which can enhance and improve its use in applied ecology. In general, this dissertation focuses on vole population dynamics from a basic, theoretical, and applied ecology point of view. On the one hand, it provides fundamental theoretical knowledge to understand the generalities of vole population dynamics, as well as vole outbreaks in Mediterranean environments. On the other hand, it provides diverse conceptual and analytical approaches with great multidisciplinary utility. All this together makes the present dissertation an important key piece in future research in various fields of science. ; Las fluctuaciones poblacionales de roedores han despertado siempre el interés humano debido a su importancia en los ecosistemas y en el bienestar humano. Sin embargo, su estudio científico empezó a ser especialmente relevante a finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX cuando Robert Collet y Charles S. Elton describieron las erupciones periódicas de lemmings y topillos. Desde entonces, cientos de trabajos teóricos, experimentales y de campo han proporcionado una base para entender los mecanismos que subyacen a las diferentes fluctuaciones poblacionales observadas en la naturaleza. Sin embargo, la generalidad de estos mecanismos a lo largo de las diferentes especies y áreas geográficas sigue siendo una de las mayores incógnitas de la ecología; lo que supone un problema para comprender los ecosistemas naturales, así como para gestionar las especies y sus efectos en el bienestar humano. Esta tesis aprovecha la amplia cantidad de datos y conocimientos sobre las dinámicas poblacionales de topillos para testar la existencia de mecanismos demográficos generales, así como para identificar predictores de eventos como las plagas que permitan entender y gestionar mejor estas especies. En primer lugar, esta tesis recopila casi 70 años de datos de captura-marcado-recaptura en 17 áreas de muestro con frecuencia de muestreo semanal, quincenal y mensual de cinco poblaciones de cuatro especies de topillos en Norteamérica y Europa (M. agrestis = 4 áreas de muestreo o réplicas espacio-temporales, M. ochrogaster = 4, M. pennsylvanicus = 5 y M. townsendii = 4); siendo hasta la fecha la mayor base de datos demográficos de roedores con alta resolución temporal (i.e., resolución mensual o mayor). Posteriormente, esta tesis analiza si parte de las fluctuaciones interanuales se producen por mecanismos demográficos comunes en diferentes especies y áreas geográficas (e.g. variaciones similares en la supervivencia, reproducción o migración). Pero para ello, antes supera uno de los principales obstáculos en el estudio de la dinámica poblacional de los roedores y de muchas otras especies, la relativa baja cantidad de observaciones para realizar modelos lo suficientemente complejos e informativos para entender las dinámicas poblacionales. En concreto, esta tesis propone una extensión de los modelos de captura-marcado-recaptura tradicionales, mediante el uso de técnicas de regularización ampliamente utilizadas en diferentes campos de la estadística como en el cálculo de los efectos aleatorios, y así poder estimar parámetros demográficos en condiciones de relativa baja disponibilidad de datos. Con esta nueva herramienta de análisis, cuya utilidad va mucho más allá del estudio de la demografía de roedores (e.g. especies esquivas o con bajas densidades como algunas en peligro de extinción), esta tesis estima las abundancias y tasas vitales de las cuatro especies de topillo en las 17 áreas de muestro a una escala temporal lo suficientemente fina como para poder estudiar modelos biológicos que permitan una adecuada comprensión de sus dinámicas poblacionales. Esta tesis utiliza esos parámetros demográficos estimados para evaluar la existencia de patrones generales comunes. Los resultados muestran no sólo la existencia de tales mecanismos demográficos comunes, sino que también sugieren su gran relevancia; reabriendo un interesante debate sobre la importancia relativa de los factores comunes y específicos en el origen de las fluctuaciones poblacionales. Además, esta tesis pone a prueba las predicciones de las hipótesis más aceptadas en la comunidad científica sobre los factores causales que subyacen a las variaciones demográficas (e.g. la alimentación, la depredación o las interacciones sociales). Los resultados sugieren que el alimento y las interacciones sociales podrían ser los factores causales detrás de las variaciones en las tasas vitales que producen los patrones comunes. Por último, la tesis muestra cómo el conocimiento teórico sobre la dinámica poblacional puede utilizarse para resolver o mitigar un problema de bienestar humano, como las plagas de topillos. En concreto, esta tesis identifica una señal de alerta temprana capaz de predecir las plagas de topillo campesino (M. arvalis) con un año de antelación en Castilla y León (España). Este predictor facilita que agricultores y gobierno regional tomen medidas preventivas para mitigar el impacto de las plagas de topillo en los campos de cultivo. Complementariamente, esta tesis propone un enfoque para solventar un problema importante pero poco discutido en ecología aplicada como es que las predicciones erróneas conllevan gastos para los usuarios. En particular, esta tesis propone un enfoque para medir la utilidad de un predictor en la toma de decisiones considerando la tasa de acierto y error (aspecto estadístico) y los costes, efectividad, y efectos indirectos del tratamiento que se aplicará en base a las predicciones (aspecto de gestión). Esta última contribución tiene como objetivo que las investigaciones científicas que proponen modelos predictivos indiquen explícitamente su utilidad para cada posible usuario; lo que puede potenciar y mejorar el uso de predictores en ecología aplicada. En general, esta tesis se centra en las dinámicas poblacionales de topillos desde un punto de vista de la ecología básica, teórica, y aplicada. Por un lado, proporciona un conocimiento teórico fundamental para entender las generalidades en las dinámicas poblacionales de topillos, así como de las plagas de topillos en ambientes mediterráneos. Por otro lado, proporciona diversos enfoques conceptuales y analíticos con una gran utilidad multidisciplinar. Todo esto junto hace que la presente tesis pueda ser una pieza importante clave en investigaciones futuras de diversos campos de la ciencia.

[spa] Joan Brotat (Barcelona, 1920-1990) fue un artista destacado en el proceso de recuperación de la modernidad pictórica durante los años de la postguerra española, aunque luego cayó progresivamente en el olvido. Esta tesis estudia y establece su trayectoria profesional vinculada a su biografía personal (contexto familiar y social), a los factores inducidos por el sistema artístico local y en relación con en el contexto nacional e internacional (fortuna crítica, evolución artística y comercial). Brotat fue uno de los máximos exponentes de una tendencia que podríamos denominar como figuración primitivista. Definimos aquí las características de esta tendencia, su lugar frente a otras opciones de vanguardia de la época como la abstracción y apuntamos sus variantes y principales representantes. Abordamos también las razones de su declive a partir del análisis de la carrera profesional de Brotat. Descubrimos, gracias al estudio de su archivo familiar, la participación de Brotat en la guerra civil como parte de la Quinta del biberón republicana, hecho que escondió toda su vida y cuyo trauma influyó de toda evidencia en su obra. El análisis iconográfico y evolutivo del ingenuismo nos muestra una dimensión trágica y existencial. Así, su etapa expresionista, singular síntesis entre ingenuismo e informalismo, parece responder a una genuina necesidad psicológica. La comparación de su obra artística son sus proyectos profesionales en el campo de la ilustración infantil nos permiten hacer la diferencia entre naif el ingenuismo, que tanto preocupó a la crítica de la época. Un aspecto fundamental es el descubrimiento de una etapa abstracta a finales de los años cuarenta que contradice la jerarquía evolucionista que explica la figuración esquemática como un paso previo a la abstracción. El primitivismo ingenuista fue una opción consciente y deliberada. En su período de madurez, la obra de Brotat muestra una tendencia al amaneramiento y entra en decadencia, que se puede describir por la perdida de refinamiento y el estancamiento de los argumentos críticos que la apoyaron. La relación con los marchantes (Maurice Bonnefoy y Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún particularmente) se revela ambivalente en sus resultados. Lo mismo sucede con el aprovechamiento de la política artística franquista, dirigida por Luis González Robles. El primitivismo figurativo catalán de postguerra es una combinación coherente (aunque intuitiva y sin programa militante) de medievalismo e ingenuismo. El ingenuismo de vanguardia de postguerra tiene dos manifestaciones, a veces coincidentes y otras divergentes: la radical y la nostálgica. El primitivismo se apoyó en un discurso crítico específico y ocupó un lugar, móvil, en el debate artístico. Estudiamos las diversas fuentes de este primitivismo y constatamos la influencia fundamental de Joan Miró. De entre los referentes internacionales destaca Massimo Campigli. Asimismo, se encuentran paralelos y vínculos con artistas españoles como Rafael Zabaleta, Benjamín Palencia y el núcleo valenciano con Manuel Gil y Salvador Faus. Un caso especialmente interesante es el de Manolo Millares, quien tuvo una relación significativa con Cataluña en esos años. Entre los artistas catalanes, el primitivismo tuvo gran protagonismo y adoptó diversas formas. De Sucre o Joan Ponç representan la vertiente más radical y atormentada, Albert Ràfols Casamada o Joan Vilacasas la opción más ingenua y afrancesada. Se observa una clara tendencia a la politización (Francesc Todó, Josep Guinovart, Estampa Popular). La opción lírica o poética, representada especialmente por Brotat, fue dejada progresivamente de lado. A menudo teñido de nostalgia y religiosidad, coincidente con cierta moda franciscanista, el discurso teórico al respecto del primitivismo fue ambivalente y pasó de la modernidad al conservadurismo. La constatación de una corriente primitivista, de la cual Brotat sería la figura paradigmática en su éxito y su fracaso, obliga a repensar el canon del arte catalán de postguerra. El primitivismo no fue un estadio inmaduro de la modernidad en el camino hacia la abstracción sino que responde al contexto histórico particular de la España de postguerra con soluciones originales.Joan Brotat (Barcelona, 1920-1990) fue un artista destacado en el proceso de recuperación de la modernidad pictórica durante los años de la postguerra española, aunque luego cayó progresivamente en el olvido. Esta tesis estudia y establece su trayectoria profesional vinculada a su biografía personal (contexto familiar y social), a los factores inducidos por el sistema artístico local y en relación con en el contexto nacional e internacional (fortuna crítica, evolución artística y comercial). Brotat fue uno de los máximos exponentes de una tendencia que podríamos denominar como figuración primitivista. Definimos aquí las características de esta tendencia, su lugar frente a otras opciones de vanguardia de la época como la abstracción y apuntamos sus variantes y principales representantes. Abordamos también las razones de su declive a partir del análisis de la carrera profesional de Brotat. Descubrimos, gracias al estudio de su archivo familiar, la participación de Brotat en la guerra civil como parte de la Quinta del biberón republicana, hecho que escondió toda su vida y cuyo trauma influyó de toda evidencia en su obra. El análisis iconográfico y evolutivo del ingenuismo nos muestra una dimensión trágica y existencial. Así, su etapa expresionista, singular síntesis entre ingenuismo e informalismo, parece responder a una genuina necesidad psicológica. La comparación de su obra artística son sus proyectos profesionales en el campo de la ilustración infantil nos permiten hacer la diferencia entre naif el ingenuismo, que tanto preocupó a la crítica de la época. Un aspecto fundamental es el descubrimiento de una etapa abstracta a finales de los años cuarenta que contradice la jerarquía evolucionista que explica la figuración esquemática como un paso previo a la abstracción. El primitivismo ingenuista fue una opción consciente y deliberada. En su período de madurez, la obra de Brotat muestra una tendencia al amaneramiento y entra en decadencia, que se puede describir por la perdida de refinamiento y el estancamiento de los argumentos críticos que la apoyaron. La relación con los marchantes (Maurice Bonnefoy y Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún particularmente) se revela ambivalente en sus resultados. Lo mismo sucede con el aprovechamiento de la política artística franquista, dirigida por Luis González Robles. El primitivismo figurativo catalán de postguerra es una combinación coherente (aunque intuitiva y sin programa militante) de medievalismo e ingenuismo. El ingenuismo de vanguardia de postguerra tiene dos manifestaciones, a veces coincidentes y otras divergentes: la radical y la nostálgica. El primitivismo se apoyó en un discurso crítico específico y ocupó un lugar, móvil, en el debate artístico. Estudiamos las diversas fuentes de este primitivismo y constatamos la influencia fundamental de Joan Miró. De entre los referentes internacionales destaca Massimo Campigli. Asimismo, se encuentran paralelos y vínculos con artistas españoles como Rafael Zabaleta, Benjamín Palencia y el núcleo valenciano con Manuel Gil y Salvador Faus. Un caso especialmente interesante es el de Manolo Millares, quien tuvo una relación significativa con Cataluña en esos años. Entre los artistas catalanes, el primitivismo tuvo gran protagonismo y adoptó diversas formas. De Sucre o Joan Ponç representan la vertiente más radical y atormentada, Albert Ràfols Casamada o Joan Vilacasas la opción más ingenua y afrancesada. Se observa una clara tendencia a la politización (Francesc Todó, Josep Guinovart, Estampa Popular). La opción lírica o poética, representada especialmente por Brotat, fue dejada progresivamente de lado. A menudo teñido de nostalgia y religiosidad, coincidente con cierta moda franciscanista, el discurso teórico al respecto del primitivismo fue ambivalente y pasó de la modernidad al conservadurismo. La constatación de una corriente primitivista, de la cual Brotat sería la figura paradigmática en su éxito y su fracaso, obliga a repensar el canon del arte catalán de postguerra. El primitivismo no fue un estadio inmaduro de la modernidad en el camino hacia la abstracción sino que responde al contexto histórico particular de la España de postguerra con soluciones originales. ; [eng] Joan Brotat (Barcelona, 1920-1990) was a prominente artist in the process of recovery of pictorial modernity in Spain after the Civil War, but then his work gradually fell into oblivion. This thesis studies his professional career, in relation to his personal biography (family and social context), the local art system, and the national and international context (critical fortune, artistic and commercial development). The thesis proposes that Brotat was in fact a paradigmatic figure of a primitivist tendency. Primitivism was not an immature stage of modernity on the way toward abstraction, but responded to the particular historical context of Postwar Spain with original solutions. The success and then failure of Brotat and Primitivism invites to reconsider the canon of Postwar Catalan art. Untill his death, Brotat did hide his involvement in the Civil War, a trauma that marked his work and existence. The iconographic analysis and the evolution of his modern naif style shows a tragic and existential undertones. A key aspect is the discovery of an abstract stage in the late forties contradicting the evolutionary hierarchy that explains schematic figuration as a step toward abstraction. On the contrary, naive primitivism was a conscious and deliberate option. Postwar Catalan Figurative Primitivism was a coherent mix of medievalism and naiveté(although without a declarated program). The naiveté of postwar art has two aspects : the radical and nostalgic, which sometimes appear together and sometimes separately. Among Catalan artists, primitivism had great prominence and took various forms. De Sucre or Joan Ponç represent the more radical and tormented side, Albert Rafols Casamada or Joan Vilacasas the most naive and influenced by French modernism. There is, later, a clear trend towards politization (Francesc Todó Josep Guinovart, Estampa Popular). We studied the various sources of this primitivism and found the fundamental influence of Joan Miró and Massimo Campigli. Likewise, there are links to Spanish artists such as Rafael Zabaleta, Benjamín Palencia, the valencians Manuel Gil and Salvador Faus or Manuel Millares. Often tinged with nostalgia and religiosity, in sinthony with a Franciscan fashion, the theoretical discourse about primitivism was ambivalent and evolved from modernity to conservatism.

Librarianship Critique journal published the Vol 7 No 2 (corresnponding to Jul-Dec 2014). Librarianship Critique: The Journal of the Sciences of Information Recorded in Documents is the international, peer reviewed and bilingual English-Spanish journal founded and directed by Dr. Zapopan Muela (PhD in Information Studies, University of Sheffield, UK, Full Tenured Professor at Nuevo Leon Autonomous University (UANL), (FOD); Head of the FOD-UANL Library; Editor for E-LIS Mexico since 2005; Editor for DOAJ in Spanish since 2015; and editor-in-chief of the journal) on May 31st, 2008 and ever since has published without stopping two issues per year, reaching so far 6 years and a half. The journal has served and will ever serve as a critical and radical plattform with a declared anti-capitalist, leftist, and socialist political ideologies against the new slavery of the increasingly greedy and rapacious capitalist and burgueois dominant classes, particularly on the part of informational and informational capitalism through their diverse fallacious cloths of neo-liberalism, neo-conservatism, of the social capital, cultural capital, human capital, and any other type of capitals. For a full description of the journal aims, scope, and description see: . Librarianship Critique maintains firmly its critical editorial policy against censorship and intellectual impostures within the sciences of information recorded in documents, at the same time maintains its editorial quality through a rigorous double-blinded peer-review process through an editorial board comprising 29 experts of the theory and practice of various sciences of information recorded in documents from different parts of the world: Argentina (2); Botswana (1); Brazil (2); Colombia (2); Germany (1); India (2); Italy (2); Mexico (3); Nicaragua (1); Peru (2); Spain (4); UK (2); Uruguay (2); USA (2); Venezuela (1). See the full profile of our peer-reviewers above or here: . New in this Vol 7 No 2 issue. Only 2 articles were published in this number, both from Mexico and 4 essays (1 from Mexico; 2 from Spain; and 1 from Uruguay). A reminder to our readers and authors, our journal is published twice a year, and that we receive contributions for articles, essays, and book reviews during the year long at any time. See here the instructions for authors: https://sites.google.com/site/criticabibliotecologica/l.c.instructions.authors . Send me your contributions to: critica.bibliotecologica@gmail.com, o zapopanmuela@gmail.com . Keep in mind the deadline for the next issue: June 30, 2015 deadline for Volume 8, Issue 1 (Jan-Jun 2015), where we'll be celebrating 7 years of non-stopping anti-capitalist critiques, challenges, resistances, and struggles against the informational and cognitive slavery that dominant capitalist-bourgeois, neo-liberal and neo-conservative classes have tried to subdue all humans since more than 5 centuries, but that thanks to efforts such as ours, and those of comrades of arms anti-capitalists, leftists, and socialists like us the neo-slavery oppressors have not accomplished it, at least not in totalitarian and fascist way as the German, Spanish, Italian, and Japanese fascists of the 20th Century did.

Contemporary hostility towards Muslims at the global level and the consolidation of Islam in the geopolitical context as an anachronic alterity to the West cannot be understood without addressing the dynamics of the LGBTQ globalization framework. Although this hostility has so far encompassed very diverse areas like the compatibility of Islam with democracy, the regulation of the visibility of Islam in the public space, and the institutionalization of Islam and its relation to immigration, currently there has been an intensification of a praxis of control over some Muslim subjects by contemporary nation-states. These practices have been accompanied by a certain rhetoric on antiterrorism, securitization, nationalism and patriotism, where the LGBTQ question has played a fundamental role. This phenomenon highlights the emergence of a specific form of Islamophobia—referred to as 'queered Islamophobia' in this article—related to what Puar (2007) coined as 'homonationalism' more than a decade ago to denounce an aspect of modernity marked by a convergence between diverse state practices, transnational LGBTQ politics and the emergence of new Islamophobic discourses nourished by the neoliberal instrumentalization of LGBTQ. The homonationalist logic is underpinned by a culturalist discourse that promotes a dichotomous view of the world, where the West —modern, secular and LGBTQ friendly— finds itself face to face with its alter ego —orientalized, anachronistic, Islamic fundamentalist and LGBTQ phobic. This confrontation becomes effective through the transnational production of two antagonistic subjects. National homosexual subjects can only exist outside the limits of religion embodying agency and resistance, and their national legitimacy is done at the expense of their depoliticization and their participation in the subalternization discrimination and criminalization of Muslim sexual-racial subjects. They, in turn, embody neo-Orientalist ideas that link Islam with a lack of agency, depravity and/or sexual repression and LGBTQ phobia, and seem to be invariably evaluated through the lens of LGBTQ Western neoliberal secularism. The theoretical construction of Muslim sexual-racial subjects and so-called Muslim homophobia is, at this time, central to debates on values and securitization in the West and is used to justify repressive antiterrorist measures within Western nation-states (Haritaworn, 2008). Hostility towards gender and sexual diversity connected to Islam and/or Muslims has been conceptualized in different ways. Authors like Abraham (2010) refer to it as hegemonic Muslim homophobia, while Massad (2008) categorizes it as Islamic resistance to Western imperialism. In either case, it seems clear that the assumption of religiosity, in the Geertzian (1966) sense, constitutes a determining element when defining what a Muslim is —or is not— and explains their attitudes towards LGBTQ (Rahman, 2014). The problem is particularly acute considering the urgent need to address LGBTQ phobia as a compendium of geographical, cultural, sociopolitical, economic and legislative factors that goes beyond the strictly religious question. Indeed, the current rejection towards LGBTQ based on traditionalist interpretations of Islam —'Islamicate LGBTQ phobia' in short— and the growing institutionalized repression against sexual and gender minorities in Islamicate nation-states are part of a problem with many elements that cannot be understood without addressing some issues. Firstly, the relationship between gender and sexual diversity in relation to the Islamic tradition is complex. The second question concerns the influence of colonialization and neocolonialization on the gradual transformation of the traditional forms of sex/gender diversity that developed in the historic lands of Islam, as well as on social perception and the legislation adopted regarding these forms in the aforementioned states. The emergence of sexual liberation movements in the United States and Europe in the 1970s entailed an ongoing process of homosexualization (Roscoe, 1997) through which contemporary globalized LGBTQ categories have spread around the world (Rao, 2015). When combined with the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the emergence of Islamicate nation-states, this process has constituted a threat to the continuity of the traditional forms of sex/gender dissidence. This phenomenon would not have been possible without the construction of an invented tradition of Muslim homophobia that is being instrumentalized both in the West—through the disciplinary apparatus of nation-states—and in Muslim-majority countries—through certain forces linked to Islamic fundamentalism—with the common purpose of legitimizing control over the internal order of the societies of both frameworks (Rahman, 2015). The main objective of this article is to review the state of the art of Islam in LGBTQ globalization by looking at the specific historical forms in which knowledge linked to each of these two axes is constituted, as well as the social practices, forms of subjectivities and power relations inherent to such knowledge from the point of view of surveillance, control and banishment strategies. This exercise will be materialised through the analysis of the two hegemonic oppositional positions of Islam and gender and sexual diversity—one of Islamicate LGBTQ phobia and the other of queered Islamophobia—through which Muslims in general and LGBTQ Muslims in particular are subalternized, discriminated against and criminalized today both in the West and in Muslim-majority countries. To that end, the present article proposes a queer approach that aims to contributes to international studies—and the contemporary debates within them—in which LGBTQ issues in relation to Islamic tradition are largely missing. In this regard, while the connections between race, ethnicity, religion, religion, class, gender, sexuality, state and nation have been addressed by certain disciplines of the social sciences, there is still reluctance to take queer contributions into account and, even more so, to frame them within the umbrella of the recently named field of Queer International Relations (Weber, 2016). For the purpose of this work, and without wishing to provide here a specific definition of a queer approach, what is really at stake in any queer research is not so much a specific methodological proposal, but rather a substantial political commitment to place gender and sexuality at the forefront of social science analysis, challenging, in so doing, the hegemonic orders denounced in their research. The queer approach is understood here, therefore, in the sense of moral and political commitment and counter-hegemonic denunciation, rather than in terms of disloyalty to conventional academic methods to which certain queer theorists refer. The article is structured in four sections: introduction, theoretical-methodological approach, discussion and conclusions. The introductory section clarifies from a critical anthropological perspective the relevance of the reconceptualization of religion as a category of analysis when approaching the study of Islam. The section on theoretical and methodological approach reflects on the implications of putting queer studies and international relations in conversation. The first discussion heading, focusing on Islamicate LGBTQ phobia, reflects on the relationship between sexual and gender dissidences, Islamic tradition and Muslim identity, as well as on the influence of colonization and neo-colonization on the current state of these dissidence within Muslim-majority countries. The second discussion heading, dealing with queered Islamophobia, delves into the framework of homonationalism and the consolidation of LGBTQ as a requirement for access to citizenship and as a civilizational marker of Muslim otherness. Finally, I present some brief conclusions and outline some possible future lines of research. ; El objetivo de este artículo es la elaboración de un estado de la cuestión sobre el islam en el marco de la globalización LGBTQ atendiendo a las formas históricas específicas en que se constituye el conocimiento vinculado a cada uno de estos dos ejes, además de las prácticas sociales, las formas de subjetividad y las relaciones de poder inherentes a tales conocimientos desde el punto de vista de las estrategias de vigilancia, control y prohibición. Este trabajo se ha llevado a cabo a través del análisis de las dos posiciones hegemónicas de oposición entre islam y diversidad sexual y de género —una, de LGBTQfobia islamizada, la otra, de islamofobia queerizada— sobre la base de las cuales las personas musulmanas, incluyendo las LGBTQ, son subalternizadas, discriminadas y criminalizadas en la actualidad, tanto en Occidente como en los países de mayoría musulmana. Este trabajo propone un enfoque queer a través del cual poner en conversación las Relaciones Internacionales y los estudios transnacionales y/o globales queer en torno a las conexiones contemporáneas entre raza, religión, clase, género, sexualidad, estado y nación desde un compromiso de denuncia contrahegemónica. Con el fin de profundizar en todas estas cuestiones el artículo está estructurado en cuatro secciones: introducción, enfoque teórico-metodológico, dos epígrafes de desarrollo y conclusiones. El apartado introductorio clarifica, desde una perspectiva antropológica crítica, la pertinencia de la reconceptualización de la religión como categoría de análisis a la hora de abordar el estudio del islam. El primer epígrafe de desarrollo, centrado en la LGBTQfobia islamizada, analiza los múltiples elementos geográficos, culturales, sociopolíticos, económicos y legislativos que componen esta problemática. El segundo epígrafe de desarrollo, dedicado a la islamofobia queerizada, profundiza en el ensamblaje del homonacionalismo y constata la consolidación de lo LGBTQ en tanto que requisito de acceso a la ciudadanía y como marcador civilizacional de la alteridad musulmana. Finalmente, en el apartado de conclusiones, se presenta un resumen de los resultados del trabajo y se pincelan algunas posibles futuras líneas de investigación.

Cultural heritage, understood as the selection of sites or cultural manifestations transmitted for future generations, is rooted in the nationalist projects of states during European modernity. After the terrible consequences of the world wars this conservation model was universalized searching to preserve the heritage of mankind and supporting, at the same time, the construction of a liberal international order. Since then, international organizations have sought to direct efforts towards this goal. In 1972 the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage emerged as a result of discussions at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This convention was concerned about the deterioration or disappearance of cultural or natural heritage, something viewed as harmful and an impoverishment of the heritage of all the nations of the world. This is why the agreement summoned the states to participate in the protection of world heritage of outstanding universal value, by cultivating collective cooperation and assistance. A list of monuments and sites that form part of world heritage was established, in terms of aesthetic, historical, artistic or scientific criteria. However, over time, in the selection process of world heritage sites disputes and power asymmetries have arisen between countries around the control of space. This problem can be analyzed through Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches, spanning the historical changes and current critical debates about heritage, as well as the political processes of narratives, metaphors and social image constructions around territory. We propose that nominating a territory as a world heritage site generates its alienation. That is, states absorb local territories (understood as a social construct) into dominant national narratives and images, subsequently, countries consolidate their appropriation by enlisting their nationalized territories within the meta-narrative of world heritage. In this process, countries must participate in a highly politicized and structurally unequal international negotiation that reproduces spatial hierarchies. Ultimately, these local territories and practices suffer a process of assimilation into the allegory of world heritage. With this in mind, the aim of this study is to analyze the territorial alienation of properties inscribed on the World Heritage List by Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries as a case study. This alienation occurs because, given the conditions of UNESCO, the countries of the region must adopt an artificial set of categories, typologies and narratives, absorbing or denying other territorial practices. This paper is divided in two sections. The first section gives a brief overview of world heritage origins centered on national projects within a specific European context, and explains Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches. A discussion of the evolution of world heritage categories and symbolic aspects of power is reviewed, highlighting the imposition of historical narratives in official documents, the reproduction of aesthetic codes and the construction of imaginaries around the past of territories. The second section analyses the particular case of the World Heritage List in Latin America and the Caribbean. In order to study territorial alienations, methodologically we review countries ratifications of the 1972 convention, the total number of sites, obstacles in international negotiations, narratives, as well as historical events commemorated by the world heritage officially recognized in this part of the planet. The inscription of a site on the World Heritage List requires a nomination file. We used the UNESCO's files to detect these historical narratives and discourses. Some conclusions are drawn, our findings would seem to show that world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean are underrepresented compared to Europe and North America. In addition, these sites are geographically concentrated in South America, with the Caribbean as the least favored sub-region. At the beginning, countries were reluctant to ratify the 1972 convention due to the prevailing Cold War context, but gradually all countries in the region accepted the commitment. States like Mexico top the List of World Heritage sites, but others have no sites recognized; differences in the number of sites registered by the countries do not only stem from their geographical attributes and their historical past, but also because of the political, technical and economic potential to participate in diplomatic negotiations at UNESCO. Arguments for inscribing a site as world heritage in this region highlights the relevance of natural and exotic places. This looks like a continuity of dominant imperialist narratives during the conquest and colonization of the continent America. The separation between natural and cultural world heritage is an artificial division adopted, but contrary to some local traditions in the region. The arrival of Europeans to Latin America has been established as a time marker used for example to talk about "pre-Columbian" cultures. In any case, few sites commemorate pre-Columbian civilizations, with the exception of the Mayas and the Incas, which contrasts with the cultural diversity and traditional groups that are not part of these dominant versions of the past. It may be assumed that in historical commemorations of world heritage sites in this region, the colonial past is notoriously overvalued and magnified; that is, it is presented as a favorable stage indicating a kind of cultural sophistication for indigenous people. Amazingly, territories essential to fulfilling their goal of extracting natural resources for the European settlers are now uncritically recognized as world heritage (for example mining centers, plantations, seaports or strategic villages). Similarly, cultural sites of Roman Catholic Christianity are evoked as a favorable contribution for the historical regional memory, but denying impositions around the conflictive and complex process of evangelization; in the same way other religions and beliefs are omitted. There are many colonial sites enlisted as world heritage but very few referring to the modern history of the region, significantly reformist narratives are absent: independence movements, abolition of slavery or contemporary indigenous and black population claims are not raised. In summary, these results suggest that, from a critical perspective, the world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean allow dominant relations to continue through values of European origin, selective historical narratives and illusory images as a colonized region. As long as other relevant regional historical events or social actors are ignored, the regional past and cultural heritage will be incomplete. The region reaffirms its peripheral and subordinated position in the international system through historical narratives acritically adopted. Latin American and Caribbean territories are more than exotic landscapes and places of colonial splendor for tourism. Analyzing world heritage from a critical perspective is a way to re-center the territory as a key axis in this dynamic and to recognize other memories and spatial relations. ; La acumulación de un patrimonio cultural, como una selección de bienes o manifestaciones sociales transmitida sucesivamente para generaciones futuras, se origina en los proyectos nacionalistas de los estados durante la modernidad, principalmente en un contexto europeo. Más adelante, con las funestas consecuencias de las guerras mundiales, este modelo se universaliza para tratar de conformar un patrimonio común a toda la humanidad. A partir de entonces, instituciones internacionales como la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO) han buscado dirigir los esfuerzos hacia este fin, de manera central a través de la Convención del Patrimonio Mundial de 1972. Sin embargo, la participación en estos mecanismos está fuertemente politizada y centrada en las capacidades e intereses nacionales de los países, por lo que prevalece una supeditación a estrategias geopolíticas alrededor de la figura estatal. Siguiendo este supuesto, el presente artículo busca analizar críticamente las propiedades del patrimonio mundial enlistadas según lo marcado por la convención de 1972 en el caso particular de América Latina y el Caribe (ALyC), esto desde la perspectiva teórica de la geopolítica crítica. El artículo se compone de dos secciones: en la primera se traza el origen histórico y estatista del patrimonio mundial, abordando los aportes de la teoría crítica del patrimonio y de la geopolítica crítica para estudiar este fenómeno; en la segunda se aborda particularmente la región de ALyC, revisando metodológicamente los procesos de inscripción, tipología, distribución y justificaciones del valor universal excepcional de las propiedades del patrimonio mundial en esta zona del planeta. Considerando que en las luchas interestatales influyen narrativas, imágenes y metáforas para imponer representaciones simbólicas dominantes del espacio, se propone que el patrimonio mundial es una metanarrativa que puede favorecer la alienación de territorios. Esto porque formas sociales de significar, usar y producir un territorio localmente son absorbidas por una memoria histórica nacional, en un primer momento, y alienadas más adelante dentro de un ideal patrimonial de apariencia universal, pero naturaleza selectiva. En esta alienación la imposición de versiones oficiales de la historia, valoraciones con categorías exógenas y alegorías son impuestas institucionalmente, lo cual puede reproducir una jerarquización espacial con centros y periferias. Se concluye que en el patrimonio mundial que se ubica en la región latinoamericana, pese a un proceso tardío de adhesión por desconfianza inicial a la convención de 1972, prevalece una subrepresentación frente a otras regiones del mundo, permean deficiencias estructurales entre países que impiden participar igualitariamente en los órganos decisorios y se presenta una forzada adopción de categorías patrimoniales que propicia una reproducción acrítica de narrativas históricas bajo cánones valorativos europeos. El resultado final es que muchos de estos territorios sufren un proceso de alienación donde se separa en forma artificial la relación entre ser humano y naturaleza, se menosprecia a las culturas originarias y se sobrevalora el legado del pasado colonial europeo, así como del cristianismo católico, lo cual repite una tradición extractivista y periférica de la región, absorbiendo o negando otras relaciones territoriales del pasado y presente.

Tezi yapmaktaki amacımız, Émile Zola'nın Emek adlı romanında Lucien Goldmann'ın Oluşumsal Yapısalcılık adlı yazınsal eleştiri yöntemini kullanarak bir inceleme yapmak ve yöntemin yazınsal yapıtlara uygulanabilirliğini göstermektir. Düşünsel ve yazınsal metinleri Marks'ın Eytişimsel özdekçilik ve Hegel'in Sanat anlayışlarıyla ele alan bu yöntem sayesinde Zola'nın Emek adlı romanını mümkün olduğunca bütüncül ve tutarlı bir şekilde incelemek tezin önemini oluşturur. Zola'nın bu eserinde yansıtmakta olduğu dünya görüşünü içkin unsurlardan yola çıkarak tarihsel ve toplumsal durumla açıklamaya çalışmak, ileride yapılacak buna benzer çalışmalara faydalı olacağını umuyoruz. Zola'nın eserleri üzerine daha önce Oluşumsal Yapısalcılık yöntemi aracılığıyla bilimsel bir çalışma yapılmamış olması ve bu esere oldukça uygulanabilir olması tezin yapılmasını gerekli kılan koşullardandır. Temelleri Marksizme dayanan bu yöntem, ilk olarak, yapısalcı yazınsal eleştiri yöntemlerinden faydalanarak eserin içkin unsurlarını incelemeyi amaçlar. Biz de Anlama aşamasında Gérard Genette, Algirdas Julien Greimas ve Roland Barthes gibi kuramcıların yöntemlerinden faydalandık. Daha sonra Açıklama aşamasında, Goldmann'ın yazınsal eserlere uygulanabilen toplumbilimsel yöntemi ışığında eseri ii ele aldık. İsimleri geçen kuramcıların eserleri haricinde bu çalışmada kullanılan araçlar; kütüphaneler, veritabanları ve kitapçılardan temin edilmiştir. 19. yüzyıl Avrupa'nın, toplumsal her alanda büyük değişimler ve çalkantılar yaşadığı bir dönemdir. Siyaset, ekonomi, ekin, eğitim, askeriye ve teknoloji alanlarında insanlık tarihinin en büyük gelişmeleri olur. Böylesine büyük değişimlerin yaşandığı bir dönemde de toplumsal yapılar tamamen değişir ve büyük toplumsal hareketler ortaya çıkar. Gelişen anamalcı dizgeyle birlikte Avrupa'da oldukça güçlü bir burjuva sınıfı oluşmasının yanında işçi sınıfı gibi emeğini satarak hayatta kalmaya çalışan, ezilen bir sınıf da oluşur. Burjuvalar her geçen gün zenginleşirken emekçiler oldukça kötü koşullarda hayatlarını sürdürürler. Böylesi bir ortam ve dönemde doğal olarak sınıf çatışmaları da had safhaya ulaşmıştır. İşçiler zamanla oldukça etkili örgütler, yapılanmalar ve ideolojiler oluşturmuştur. Émile Zola böylesi bir dönemde doğmuş, büyümüş ve dünya görüşü insanlığın bu ve buna benzer durumlarını gözlemleyerek oluşmuştur. O yazarlık kariyeri boyunca toplumu fizyolojik olarak incelemeye çalışmış ve bir sanat türü olan romanı bir bilim haline getirmeye çalışmıştır. Doğalcı kuramı, dönemin birçok olgucu düşünüründen etkilenerek oluşturmuştur. Rougon-Macquart adlı eserinde Fransız toplumunun genetik soy ağacını oluşturmaya çalışmış, her kesimden ve türden insanı ele almıştır. Özellikle III. Cumhuriyet döneminde, artık toplumu incelemeyi değil toplumun ve insanın nasıl olması gerektiği konusunda düşünmeye ve çalışmaya başlamıştır. Bundan dolayı Émile Zola'nın Emek adlı romanında yöntemsel bir inceleme yaparak eserin içkin ve aşkın yapılarını ortaya koymak, toplumsal ideoloji ve olayların yapıtın oluşumunda ne derece etkili olduğunu, yazarlardaki düşünce ve dünya görüşlerinin şekillenmesindeki öneminin kanıtlanması çalışmanın önemini oluşturur. Aynı zamanda bir gazeteci ve düşünür olan Zola, yazmış olduğu bu eserde nasıl bir dünya görüşü ortaya koyduğu, toplumsal ve tarihsel koşulların bu dünya görüşünü nasıl etkildiği ve yazarın bunlara nasıl tepki verdiği eserin içkin unsurları ele alınarak incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın anlama bölümünde eseri oluşturan içkin unsurlar incelenmiştir. Romanı oluşturan yazınsal teknikler oldukça başarılıdır ve yazar iii doğalcı tekniklere mümkün olduğunca bağlı kalır. Eserin ilk yarısı oldukça gerçekçidir fakat ikinci yarısından itibaren anlatı tamamen kurgusal bir evrene bürünür. Çalışmanın açıklama bölümünde eserin aşkın unsurlarını (siyasal, ekinsel, ekonomik, eğitsel vb.) incelemeyi amaçladık ve yazarın yaşadığı dönemin toplumsal koşullarından ve tarihsel olaylarından oldukça etkilendiğini gördük. Farklı bakış açılarıyla incelenen yazarın bu eserine Marksist temelli Oluşumsal Yapısalcı eleştiri yöntemi olan Lucien Goldmann'ın yöntemiyle yaklaşarak, dönemin sınıfları arasındaki çatışmaların toplumu yönlendiren ideolojiler üzerindeki etkisini gösterebilmek çalışmanın bir diğer önem arz eden yönüdür. Zola'nın Emek adlı eseri Lucien Goldmann'ın yöntemi aracılığıyla, kendi içkin yapıları içerisinde incelenmiştir. Sonrasında da bu eser meydana geldiği toplumdaki gerçekliklerle açıklanmıştır. Sonuç olarak yazar, yaşamış olduğu toplumdaki bozulmaları ve sorunları tespit ederek insanlığa bir çözüm önerisi sunmuştur. Aydın sıfatını taşıyan yazar topluma bir tez sunmuş ve bunun herkes tarafından anlaşılabilir olmasını istemiştir. Toplumu felakete sürükleyen sömürü, bireycilik, yabancılaşma, kölelik, eşitsizlik gibi olgulara karşı çıkmış ve bunların nasıl düzeltilebilceği konusunda çözüm önerileri sunmuştur. Zola bu öneriyi tasarlarken döneminin birçok önemli sosyalist ve anaşist düşünürünün fikirlerinden faydalanmıştır. Yazar, insanların fedakarlık yapması, eğitimin özgürleşmesi, paranın değil emeğin esas alınması, dayanışma, bilim ve özgürlükle daha iyi bir dünya inşa edileceğini savunur. Yaptığımız incelemenin sonucunda Zola'nın toplumda var olan birçok karşıt izleği eserinde yansıttığını tespit ettik. ; Notre but dans ce mémoire est de faire une analyse en utilisant la méthode de critique littéraire appelée le structuralisme génétique de Lucien Goldmann dans le roman Travail d'Émile Zola et de montrer la pertinence de la méthode dans l'analyse des oeuvres littéraires. Étudier le roman de Zola de manière totalisante et cohérente, grâce à cette méthode prenant en main les oeuvres philosophiques et littéraires avec le matérialisme dialectique de Marx et la conception l'esthétique de Hegel, constitue l'importance du mémoire. Essayer d'expliquer la vision du monde de Zola dans cette oeuvre avec la situation historique et sociale en partant des structures immanentes, serait utile pour les futures études. L'absence d'étude scientifique sur les oeuvres de Zola avec l'approche de structuralisme génétique et la volonté de démontrer que celle-ci est parfaitement pertinente dans l'analyse de ses oeuvres, constituent l'une de principales motivations de cette entreprise. En effet, cette méthode, basée sur le marxisme, vise d'abord à examiner les structures immanentes du travail en utilisant des méthodes de critique littéraire structuraliste. Nous avons également utilisé les méthodes des théoriciens tels que Gérard Genette, Algirdas Julien Greimas et Roland Barthes dans le niveau de compréhension. Ensuite, au cours du niveau d'explication, nous avons discuté du travail à la lumière de la méthode sociologique applicable à toutes les oeuvres littéraires de Goldmann. v Sauf des travaux de ces théoriciens, les sources utilisées dans cette étude ont été procurées des bibliothèques, bases de données et librairies. Le XIXe siècle est une période où l'Europe connaît de grands changements et bouleversements dans tous les domaines : les plus grands développements de l'histoire de l'humanité se sont réalisés dans les domaines de la politique, l'économie, la société, l'éducation, l'armée et la technique. Dans cette période de grands bouleversements, les structures sociales changent totalement et de grands mouvements sociaux se révèlent. Avec le système capitaliste développant, il se présente d'une part, une classe bourgeoise très puissante et d'autre part, une classe ouvrière qui tente de survivre en vendant sa main-d'oeuvre en Europe. Alors que les bourgeois s'enrichissent chaque jour, les ouvriers vivent dans des conditions extrêmement difficiles. Dans un tel environnement et telle période, les conflits de classes ont également atteint une phase critique. Au fil du temps, les travailleurs ont formé des organisations, des structurations et des idéologies très efficaces. Émile Zola est né et a grandi à cette époque, et sa vision du monde a été formée en observant ces situations de l'humanité. Tout au long de sa carrière d'écrivain, il a tenté d'examiner la société physiologiquement et a essayé d'en faire un roman, qui est une sorte d'art, une science. Il a formé la théorie du naturalisme en étant influencé par de nombreux penseurs positivistes de l'époque. Dans son ouvrage intitulé Rougon-Macquart, il a tenté de créer l'arbre généalogique de la communauté française et a traité toutes sortes et types de personnes. Surtout, dans la période de la IIIe République, il avait commencé à travailler et à réfléchir non seulement à examiner la société mais aussi à savoir comment la société et les gens devraient être. Par conséquent, faire une étude méthodologique sur Travail de Zola, mettre en évidence les structures internes et transcendantes de l'oeuvre, l'importance de l'idéologie sociale et des événements dans la formation du travail et la démonstration de leurs rôles de façonner les idées et les visions du monde chez les écrivains, constituent l'importance de l'étude. Zola étant également un journaliste et un penseur, en prenant en main les structures internes du roman, on a étudié comment les conditions sociales et historiques ont affecté sa vision du monde, quelles sont ses vi réactions et quelle est la forme de sa vision du monde dans son livre. Au niveau de la compréhension de notre étude, les structures internes constituant l'oeuvre ont été examinées. Les techniques littéraires qui composent le roman avaient été successivement appliquées et l'auteur adhère aux techniques naturalistes autant que possible. La première moitié du travail est assez réaliste, mais à partir de la seconde moitié, le récit s'installe à un univers fictif. Au niveau de l'explication de l'étude, au cours duquel nous avons visé à examiner les structures transcendantes (politique, culturelle, économique, éducative, etc.) du travail, nous avons constaté que l'auteur avait été impressionné par les conditions sociales et les événements historiques de la période vécue. En approchant cette oeuvre à travers différents points de vue, avec la méthode critique du structuralisme génétique basée sur le marxisme de Lucien Goldmann, nous tentons de montrer l'effet des conflits entre les classes de l'époque sur les idéologies qui dirigent la société ; cela constitue un autre aspect important de l'étude. Travail de Zola a été étudié moyennant la méthode de Lucien Goldmann dans sa structure interne. Après, ce travail est expliqué avec les réalités de la société dans laquelle il s'est produit. En conséquence, l'auteur a présenté une solution à l'humanité en identifiant les problèmes et les détériorations de la société. L'auteur, qui agit comme un intellectuel, offre une thèse à la société et a voulu qu'elle soit comprise par tous. Il s'est opposé à des phénomènes tels que l'exploitation, l'individualisme, l'aliénation, l'esclavage et l'inégalité qui ont conduit la société au désastre et il a proposé des solutions pour les corriger. En concevant cette proposition Zola a bénéficié des idées de nombreux penseurs socialistes et anarchistes importants de son époque. Selon l'auteur, un monde meilleur peut être constitué par les hommes en faisant des sacrifices, en émancipant l'éducation, l'exaltation de travail, la solidarité, la science et la liberté. Dans le résultat de notre étude, nous avons constaté que Zola reflète de nombreux thèmes opposés de la société dans son travail.

Housing tenure structures differ considerably across OECD countries. Typically, the share of owner-occupied housing is very high in Southern European countries (Spain, Italy, Greece), while relatively low in Austria, Germany, France, the Netherlands and in some Nordic countries such as Sweden, Finland and Denmark (see Catte et al. [2004]). This share has increased in most OECD countries during last two decades. Italy, Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands and Belgium registered the largest increases from the eighties to the mid of the first decade of the century. In the UK, the homeonwership rate increased steadily up to 2005, then dropped sharply in the last few years. High homeownership rates and their increments have been in part determined by pro-ownership policies implemented throughout most OECD countries. Such policies can take the vest of tax reliefs for mortgage interest payments, exemptions for capital gains taxation applied to residential property, or generous subsidies for low-income families to reduce the costs of homeownership. Although the orientation of several governments, particularly in Europe, has been to promote homeownership, economists have raised several concerns about the consequences of large homeownership shares on the functioning of the labour market. The analysis of the relation between the housing tenure and the labour market dates back to mid-nineties, when Andrew Oswald pinned on high homeownership rates the blame for the high unemployment rates in Europe (Oswald [1996], Oswald [1997], Oswald [1999]). Making use of aggregate data, Oswald found a strong positive statistical association between the two rates at the international and regional level. Thus, his receipt to reduce unemployment was strikingly at odds with the prevailing political wisdom: "We can put Europe back to work . . . by reducing homeownership" (Oswald [1999])1. Oswald identified five mechanisms that drive the positive impact on unemployment. These are mostly related to the idea that the mobility constraints imposed by homeownership introduce frictions in the labour market which harm its efficiency. The first and most important, is a direct effect. Owner occupiers incur higher transaction costs for selling home and moving to a new accommodation, which can be even higher whenever capital gains for houses are taxed and there are no exemptions. The other four mechanisms can be thought as externalities of homeownership. Second, where the rental market is thin, everyone, regardless of the housing tenure, can have difficulties in finding the accommodation close to the job they aspire to, so that efficient job matches are hindered. This is the case even for mobile people who would be happy to move for job reasons, such as young still living in the family-home in a kind of free-rent status. Third, owning the accommodation hampers also job-to-job changes and prolong poor job matches hence harming the whole economic system efficiency. Fourth, owner-occupiers are more likely than renters to lobby for deterring entrepreneurs from investing in their residential area. Fifth, since owners commute much more than renters, and over longer distances, higher homeownership rates in the area lead to higher transport costs and possibly to congestion costs, which make getting to work more costly for everyone and act as a sort of unemployment benefits in increasing the relative attractiveness of not working. Although the argument underlying a positive relationship between homeownership and unemployment originates from macroeconomic evidence, its theoretical foundations are mainly microeconomic and a vast part of the empirical research carried out subsequently has been based on micro data. The typical test of the so-called "Oswald thesis" consists in estimating the homeownership effect on the duration of the unemployment spell or, less often, on the probability to be unemployed. The expected sign is positive, along the main idea that higher mobility costs due to property holding reduce the willingness to accept job offers which require a residential move. Fewer studies, and only recently, have focused on the employment duration, testing whether homeownership can reduce job finding rates also for people already employed. Generally, empirical tests on micro data find no support for the Oswald hypothesis, and in most cases even that homeowners have shorter unemployment spells and lower likelihood to be unemployed, which are exactly counter-Oswald results. However, homeownership seems to increase job stability by hampering job-to-job changes for people already employed. As regards unemployment outcomes, the existing literature has put forward two possible reasons for the falsification of the Oswald hypothesis. The first one looks at the different effect of mobility costs on job search behavior in the local and in the non-local labour market. In fact, homeowners may have higher reservation wages for jobs which require a residential move (nonlocal market), but also lower reservation wages for jobs which do not (local market), so that job finding rates for the latter may be as high as to offset the lower rates for jobs in a distant area. Thus, whether the total job finding rate is lower for homeowners or for renters is just an empirical matter which depends on the magnitude of these two opposite effects. The second explanation points out the need for a refinement in the definition of the residential status. On the one hand, one should distinguish between owners who have to comply with mortgage payments and outright owners, as housing financial commitments can bear higher pressure to return to work or to keep on with the current job. For mortgage-holders, these financial constraints can counteract the effect of the reduced mobility due to ownership. On the other hand, unemployment outcomes can be different also for private and social renters. In fact, below-market rent, long waiting lists, security of tenure and the restricted transferability within social housing, can harm the relative performance of social renters. In this work, we aim at investigating the validity of the "Oswald thesis" taking into account the recent refinements by following both a theoretical and an empirical approach. The focus will be on UK micro data. In particular, we will make use of the two leading UK Surveys, the UK Quarterly Labour Force Survey and the British Household Panel Survey. In the first chapter, we investigate the relation between job search effort of unemployed and housing tenure. We test this relation focusing on the impact of the UK Jobseeker's Allowance reform introduced in the UK in October 1996, whose main aspect was a strengthening of search requirements for eligibility to the unemployment benefit. We revisit a simple model of search in which we introduce moving costs and housing costs to capture the two channels through which the degree of attachment to the accommodation influences search behaviour. Our theory suggests that a tightening in job search requirements, as implied by this reform, raises movements off benefit of non-employed with low search intensity and that this effect should adjust in size depending on the different housing tenure. We draw a dataset from the Labour Force Survey for the period 1995-1997, and by means of a Difference-in-Differences approach we analyze the impact of the reform on the claimant outflow. Average Treatment Effect estimates suggest that the impact of the reform is related to housing tenure. Specifically, renters account for a major portion of claimants who were crowded out of the benefit without finding a job, while the effect on outright owners and mortgagers is lower. Empirical evidence from our dataset clearly confirms that mortgagers search for a job more intensively than renters, as our model predicts. This latter finding is consistent with a higher estimated treatment effect for renters, since a high initial search intensity seems the key to insulate oneself from the impact of the tightening of search requirements. In the second chapter we attempt to reconcile the empirical evidence with the argument in favour of a negative effect of homeownership on exit rates from unemployment. Taking into account some likely reasons for the falsification of the Oswald's thesis, we provide evidence which supports it. At first, in a theoretical model of endogenous job search adapted to distinguish between local and non-local labour markets, we show that homeowners higher moving costs imply unambiguously lower search and lower job finding rates, even though an opposite effect works for jobs which do not require a move. Then, in the empirical analysis we make use of data drawn from the British Household Panel Survey to compare job search intensity measures by housing tenure. In defining the residential status, we distinguish between outright owners and mortgage-holders, and between social and private renters. We find that, controlling for housing costs and for the four-fold tenure definition, non-employed outright owners have definitely a lower attachment to the labour market than renters, and that this effect is even more evident when we compare them to private renters. In the third chapter, we analyse the impact of the housing tenure on labour market outcomes using individual data from the UK labour Force Survey. We estimate both a binary model for the probability to be unemployed and a hazard model for exits out of unemployment. In both models we test for endogeneity of housing tenure. In the binary model, exogeneity is rejected so we perform endogenous multinomial treatment effects estimates. In the hazard model, we find no evidence of unobserved heterogeneity thus estimates are performed assuming exogeneity. Results show that mortgagers have the lowest probability to be unemployed and the highest job finding rates, while social renters exhibit the worst performance. Whether private renters perform better than outright owners is a matter of debate: while we have no evidence in favour of this claim, the evidence in favour of the opposite is only modest.

The author received the Fishery Research Award (Fiskeriforskningsprisen) at the University of Tromsø 2009, for this doctoral thesis. The papers of the thesis are not available in Munin (mainly) due to publishers' restrictions: 1. Nielsen, Kåre Nolde, and Petter Holm: 'The TAC Machine: On the Institutionalization of Sustainable Fisheries Resource Management' (manuscript) 2. Nielsen, Kåre Nolde and Petter Holm (2007): 'A brief catalogue of failures: Framing evaluation and learning in fisheries resource management', Marine Policy 31: 669-680 (Elevier - publisher's restrictions). Available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.marpol.2007.03.014 3. Schwach, V., D. Bailly, A.-S. Christensen, A. Delaney, P. Degnbol, W. van Densen, P. Holm, H.A. McLay, K.N. Nielsen, M.A. Pastoors, S.A. Reeves, and D.C. Wilson (2007): 'Policy and knowledge in fisheries management: a policy brief', ICES Journal of Marine Science 64: 798-803 (Oxford University Press - publisher's restrictions). Available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icesjms/fsm020 4. Nielsen, Kåre Nolde: 'Risking Precaution: Framing Uncertainty in Fisheries Advice' (manuscript) 5. Hauge, K.H., K.N. Nielsen, and K. Korsbrekke (2007): 'Limits to transparency— exploring conceptual and operational aspects of the ICES framework for providing precautionary fisheries management advice', ICES Journal of Marine Science 64: 738-743 (Oxford University Press - publisher's restrictions). Available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icesjms/fsm058 6. Holm, Petter and Kåre Nielsen (2007): 'Framing fish, making markets: the construction of Individual Transferable Quotas (ITQs)', in 'Market Devices' edited by Michel Callon, Yuval Millo and Fabian Muniesa (Blackwell - publisher's restrictions). Check availability ; What is the relationship between science and politics? What should it be? How are their respective roles conceived and acted out in practice? Should science and politics be clearly separated? How? Are there cases in which they can be usefully mixed? What cases are those, and are there some ways of mixing that are better than others? This project explores such questions by examining relationships between ICES fisheries advice and decision-making in fisheries management. While traditional conceptions portray science as a rather autonomous entity, this case examines a context in which such conceptions are particularly prone to be challenged. First, scientific advice that forms direct inputs into policy-making is better characterized as 'research' or 'mode-2 science' than as autonomous science. Second, advisory science on fisheries management is 'post-normal' insofar as its knowledge claims are uncertain, values disputed and decisions urgent. Here, fact and values easily become entangled, which in turn challenges conceptions of autonomous science. How is the science-politics boundary constructed here? Since ICES advice constitutes the formal and highly important link between science and politics in fisheries, it offers a concrete location for studying boundary dynamics. Although this project mainly mobilizes Science and Technology Studies theory (in particular Actor Network Theory) it not only seeks to contribute to this literature, but considers how insights generated from such perspectives may contribute to the ongoing discourses on fisheries science and management. The thesis demonstrates that a comprehensive understanding of the construction, maintenance and transgression of the boundary between fisheries advisory science and management cannot be limited to studies of 'boundary work' as discursive practices; it also requires examinations of practices in scientific knowledge production, the material embodiment of this knowledge, its use in policy-making, and conditions on which its stability depends. Forms of uncertainty in ICES fisheries advice are explored and are demonstrated to challenge conceptions of a clear-cut science-politics boundary. The thesis proposes ways in which the science and politics of fisheries can be reconsidered by the development of a framework for enabling evaluations of fisheries management systems. This is expected to enhance communication across disciplines concerned with fisheries management, and to promote systemic learning. ; Hva er forholdet mellom politikk og vitenskap? Med et utgangspunkt i Science and Technology Studies teori (primært ANT), undersøker jeg dette forhold i en case, nemlig forholdet mellom det Internasjonale Havforskningsråds (ICES) fiskerirådgivning og fiskeriforvaltning, der forestillingen om en uavhengig vitenskap er særlig utfordret. ICES vitenskap er 'post normal' for så vidt at kunnskapsgrunnlaget er usikkert, verdiene diskutable og beslutningene haster – en situasjon der verdier og fakta fort sammenfiltres. Jeg viser at en grundig forståelse av grenselinjene mellom rådgivende fiskeriforskning og politisk forvaltning krever en undersøkelse av vitenskapens metoder, hvordan de former politiske beslutningsprosesser, og hvilke antagelser de bygger på. Forskjellige former for usikkerhet i ICES rådgivning undersøkes og vises at utfordre forestillingen om en klar grense mellom politikk og vitenskap. Avhandlingen inviterer til refleksjon over politikk og vitenskap gjennom utviklingen av et rammeverk, som kan muliggjøre en systematisk evaluering av fiskeriforvaltningssystemer, og stimulere systematisk læring.

The Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (Pantawid Pamilya) remains as the main social protection strategy of the government with its objective of breaking the intergenerational transmission of poverty by helping poor households invest in the health, and education of their children. Previous impact evaluation studies of the program show that the program has been successful in keeping children healthy and in school. The third impact evaluation (IE Wave 3) aims to reassess the program impact on short term and intermediate outcomes on health, education, household welfare and other socio-behavioral domains. The 3rd wave evaluation employs regression discontinuity design (RDD) to analyze program impact by comparing treatment (Pantawid beneficiaries) and comparison households (non-Pantawid beneficiaries) within specific bandwidths of distance from the poverty thresholds that determine program eligibility. In general, the results of the evaluation indicate that the program still shows desirable impacts on most of the target education and health outcomes of children and pregnant women. The results also show positive impacts on household welfare such as income and food security; large positive impacts on community participation, and awareness of basic means to mitigate vulnerabilities such as disaster preparedness among adults; and strong impact on "grit" or determination of children. Nevertheless, some of the results are inconsistent with previous evaluations such as the negative impact on some nutrition outcomes, inconsistencies in the utilization of maternal health care services, and lack of significant reduction in child labor incidence. Recommendations put forward include strengthening and improving of program monitoring and enforcement of health conditions, further study on the factors driving some of the unexpected results, corresponding adjustment in the policies or incentives that the program provides—particularly in terms of reevaluating the value of the cash grant and taking advantage of the positive program impacts on the behavior of children and adults as a model and/or platform for other interventions.

In her recent book published after the election of Donald Trump as the US President in 2016, Cynthia Enloe argues that the patriarchy, similar to our smart phones, has updated itself as a reaction against the achievements of the second and third wave feminisms. The updated patriarchy has this time renewed itself through the beliefs and values about the ways the world works (2017). The competing foreign policies representing the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity of the current world politics and its authoritarian leaders are the outputs of this new updated version of patriarchy. Enloe doubts that having gained sustainability with its updates, the patriarchy could be fought against simply with street demonstrations, as it was before. The patriarchy could be forced to retreat only by incessantly asking "curious" feminist questions that would expose all masculine patterns of life (2017). Continuously asking questions without giving up or giving in would make the patriarchy transparent and vulnerable. In the face of curious, non-stop questions from a gender perspective and the conscious use of the terms supporting gender equality, the patriarchy, albeit updated and sustained, does not stand a chance.
Enloe explains the reason why incorporating gender in International Relations has been considered irrelevant by the power- and security dominated character of the discipline. Also, because the heavy majority of the academics associated with International Relations are male, it is them who choose what is important and worthy of 'serious' investigation (Enloe, 2004, 96). This masculine attitude, however, has been clearly excluding multiple human experiences and hindering their capacity to create new possibilities for peaceful co-existence in international relations (Youngs, 2004).
As a matter of fact, when we look at the emergence of International Relations as a separate discipline, and the political theories that it takes as its first point of reference, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen) – the human rights document at the time of the French Revolution – Machiavelli's The Prince; and Man, the State and War, written in 1959 by Kenneth Waltz, the founder of neo-realism, were the mainstream writings that brought liberal (libertarian) and realist perspectives to the discipline of International Relations, respectively. The fundamental aim of these texts was, in fact, to make an analysis based on history and 'his' problems. Although these texts put forward a desire for rights and freedoms, as well as the achievement of peace, these values are mostly targeted towards men. Thus, over time, the prominent concepts of International Relations, such as security and hegemony, were defined from a masculine and patriarchal perspective. For instance, from the theoretical view of realists, hegemony is attributed to the order established and led by the most powerful state of the international system– both militarily and economically– while sovereignty evokes the Hobbesian Leviathan (the Devil), with its masculine nature and might. Raewyn Connell responds to these masculine conceptualizations by pointing out that hegemony includes organized social domination in all spheres of life, from religious doctrines to mundane practice, from mass media to taxation (1998: 246). As Connell reminds us, "hegemonic masculinity" expresses the domination of men over women intellectually, culturally, socially, or even politically, thus establishing an unequivocal linkage between gender and power (Connell, 1998).
Just as the Western approach to reading and identifying the East and its fiction found an answer in Edward Said's critique of Orientalism, the theory of political realism put forth by Hans Morgenthau was criticized by Ann Tickner for conceptualizing international politics through the lens of an assumed masculine subject (Tür & Koyuncu, 2010: 9). Critical theory and postmodernism, as alternative approaches in International Relations, drew attention to the otherization of different geographies, civilizations and identities. Yet, on the issue of gender equality, the otherization of women has not been sufficiently recognized; the superiority of man and patriarchy is made possible through the othering of women. From this point of view, it would be beneficial to make a holistic reading of the International Relations literature, and to dismantle these masculine concepts by asking "curious" questions of the discipline.
In Terrell Carver's words, "Gendering IR" is...a project; "gendered" IR is an outcome" (Carver, 2003: 289). In order to achieve such outcome, it bears utmost importance for the gender-equality advocates to insist on, institutionally and practically, gender-based approaches and to not agree with the priority list of the masculine agenda. Security, order, control and retaliation increasingly dominate the discourse shaping the world politics. The gender perspective in International Relations develops to create alternative paradigms that would break this vicious circle of (in)security.
Feminist theory in International Relations has demonstrated significant progress since the 1990s and opened pathways in an uncharted territory. Cynthia Enloe, Ann Tickner, Spike V. Peterson and Christine Sylvester, among others, are the most prominent forerunners of this field. Through their works, feminist theory has adopted a perspective critical of the masculinity and the masculine values of international politics by taking not only 'women' but a wider category of gender into its centre. These feminist scholars have deconstructed International Relations theories by posing gender-related questions and displayed the masculine prejudice embedded in the definitions of security, power and sovereignty. The feminist theories of International Relations have thus distinguished themselves from the other theories of the discipline by paying a 'curious' attention to the power hierarchies and relation structures through inclusiveness and self-reflexivity (True, 2017: 3).
As Cynthia Enloe puts it, the gender perspective in International Relations must first be guided by a feminist consciousness (2004: 97). The feminist International Relations, however, although more than a quarter of century has passed since its emergence, are still struggling with the masculine theories to be considered as an equally legitimate way of understanding how the world works. Various epistemological, ontological and ethical debates may have enriched the field (True, 2017: 1), but at the same time, too many as they are, such debates may paradoxically be accusing the spreading-thin of the gender coalition. The capacity of the feminist International Relations' ethical principles to participate in the global politics has been limited to the United Nations Security Council's decision number 1325 and the Swedish feminist foreign policy.
The feminist attempt to facilitate substantial change and interaction by creating a normative agenda has been called 'normative feminism' by Jacqui True (2013: 242). Normative feminism is a project of institutionalising gender in foreign policy by focusing on socio-economic and political changes. The special issue here is our attempt to partake in this project of change in international relations. We have aimed to enhance the visibility of the gender norms of behavior and decision-making with the presupposition that they would pose an alternative to the masculine norms in International Relations by better supporting the human priorities of peace and co-existence.
Adopting Judith Butler's notion of performativity, the feminist existence in international politics has an undeniable connection to engaging in continuous activities. As Rihannan Bury suggests, "what gives a community its substance is the consistent repetition of these 'various acts' by a majority of members." "Being a member of community," therefore, "is not something one is but something one does" (2005: 14). In Turkey, too, in order to challenge the recognition of the 'hyper' version of the hegemonic masculinity as the only viable world view, gender-charged normative discourses, interactions and agendas must be continuously created and multiplied. We hope that the Turkish literature-review and the articles published here will serve this purpose.
As is the situation in all disciplines, the feminist International Relations has nurtured many onto-epistemologies, some in competition with one another. Such multitude, though definitely a richness, has been challenging the feminist stance's capacity to stand united against the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity. In her latest book, Enloe calls for a continuous struggle of a new and wider feminist coalition against the updated authoritarianism of the patriarchy –inspiring our title "Don't Give Up! Don't Give In!." Such expanded coalition could rise on the common purpose of fighting male dominance and ignore the differences of discourse created by the debate on identity. The gender-guided change and transformation desired in international politics could be achieved more easily in this way (Hemmings, 2012: 148, 155). On this account, in parallel with Enloe's proposal of establishing a wider consensus simply on peace and co-existence (2017), a new era, in which questions of identity will, for some time, not be asked, may be dawning. A grand coalition of consensus has better chance of resisting the authoritarian leaders of hyper hegemonic masculinity.
Our special issue of Gender and International Relations opens with a Turkish literature review with the aim of introducing the topic to Turkish readers. Çiçek Coşkun, against a historical background, presents some of the prominent feminist scholars who have left their footprints in this very masculine area with their fresh gender perspectives. In doing that she offers us a comparative framework in which works by the Turkish and international scholars could be assessed simultaneously. Nezahat Doğan's article seeks to establish the relation between global peace and gender by using the data obtained from the Global Peace Index, Gender Inequality Index and Social Institutions and Gender Index. In this way, adopting a currently trendy approach, Doğan investigates the interaction between gender and International Relations through a quantitative method. Zehra Yılmaz's article discusses the temporary position of Syrian women asylum seekers in Turkey from the perspective of the post-colonial feminist concept of subaltern. The article aims to combine feminist migration studies and post-colonial feminist literature within the context of International Relations. Sinem Bal's article questions whether the EU has designed its gender policies as an aspect of the human-right norms of the European integration or as a way to regulate market economy. Bal pursues such questioning through the reading of the official documents of the EU that prescribes what Europeanization is for Turkey. Thus, all articles constitute a well-rounded understanding of what gendered approaches can achieve in the current practice of international studies.
The co-authored article written by Bezen Balamir-Coşkun and Selin Akyüz examined how the images of women leaders in international politics were presented in the international media. The selected images the three most powerful women political leaders list of Forbes in 2017 –Angela Merkel, Theresa May and Federica Mogherini were analysed in the light of the political masculinities literature from a social visual semiotics perspective. It is believed that such an analysis will contribute to the debates about gendered aspect of international relations as well as the current debates on political masculinities. Gizem Bilgin-Aytaç points out that the global policy that emerged after the Cold War and the emergence of the new way of approaching the IR from a feminist perspective have improved the scope of conceptual analysis in peace theories as well. Bilgin-Aytaç discusses global peace conditions with a gender perspective - in particular, referring to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, with a focus on exemplary contemporary issues. Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu, in her article, discusses the debate between Ukraine-based feminist group FEMEN staged several protests in support of Amina Tyler, a Tunisian FEMEN activist receiving death threats for posting nude photographs of herself online with social messages written on her body and the Muslim Women Against FEMEN who released an open letter criticizing the discourse FEMEN used in these protests, which they found to be white colonialist and Islamophobic. Thus, İbrahimhakkıoğlu aimes to examines the discursive strategies put forth by the two sides of the very debate, and unveiling the shortcomings of liberalism as drawn on by both positions, the author attempts to rethink what "freedom" might mean for international feminist alliances across differences.

Många självklarheter i vårt digitala samhälle är beroende av Internet för att fungera. Allt från smarta dörrar för hemtjänster, till självscanningsapparaterna på ICA, till nyare bilar, moderna tillverkningsrobotar, telefoner och affärssystem. Den här licentiatavhandlingen reder ut vad Internet är, hur det styrs och vad det har för praktiska konsekvenser. Tidigare forskning finns bland annat inom telekommunikation där Internet liknas vid andra telekommunikationstjänster, så som kabel-TV eller mobiltelefoni, och inom digitalisering både inom management och informationssystem där Internet i det närmaste tas för givet som teknisk infrastruktur. Här tar jag en ansatts där jag förklarar Internet ur ett kombinerat tekniskt och organisatoriskt perspektiv. Studien är principiellt uppdelad i tre delar. Den första delen fokuserar på att begreppsmässigt hitta ett sätt att diskutera Internet utan att essentiella aspekter faller bort, såsom styrningen eller konsekvenser av den tekniska designen. Jag landar i att Internet är både ett tekniskt och ett organisatoriskt fenomen. Tekniskt i bemärkelsen att det handlar om digital paketbaserad kommunikation (dvs att olika paket kan ta olika väg och att det inte finns ett beroende på en viss specifik väg, eller "krets"), vilket kan särskiljas från exempelvis kretskopplad kommunikation (dvs en specific väg från sändare till mottagare) eller rent analog kommunikation. I denna tekniska dimension är Internet förhållandevis likt klassisk telekommunikation såsom kabel-TV och mobiltelefoni, och förlitar sig på best-effort paketbaserad kommunikation. I den andra dimensionen, styrning och organisation, är Internet ett explicit bottom-up fenomen som styrs med andra principer och ideal än klassisk telekommunikation. Till sin utformning är denna minsta möjliga koordination som krävs för att möjliggöra koordinering av de tekniska unika identifierare som behövs för att Internet ska fungera (dvs idag DNS- och BGP-flororna av protokoll för användning av namn och nummer på Internet). Båda dimensionerna, de organisatoriska och tekniska, följer samma designprinciper, och generellt är det meningsfullt att se Internet som en ekologi av aktörer snarare än en organisation i strikt teoretiska termer (exempelvis finns ingen tydlig övergripande strategi, organisationsnummer eller löneutbetalare). Det är dessa designprinciper, som ligger väl i linje med systemarkitektursprinciper för datorsystem, som är orsaken till Internets lager-design där man (generellt) inte ska bry som om vad som händer på andra lager än sitt eget (beskrivet som "separation of concerns" eller i dubbel negation "high cohesion" i texten) samt att ha en minimalistisk ansatts till koordinering och enbart koordinera eller skapa beroenden mellan enheter (både tekniskt och organisatoriskt) när det verkligen behövs (beskrivet som "minimum coordination" eller "low coupling" i texten). Den andra delen fokuserar på hur Internet kan socialt påverkas eller förändras till något annat, eller till något med en annan funktion sett som en styrd organisation. Jag använder begreppet social robusthet, som motpol till teknisk robusthet som i hur man tekniskt kan förstöra Internet, för att diskutera dessa aspekter. Slutsatserna här mynnar ut i att Internets explicita bottom-up och problemsuppdelnings-design gör det märkbart svårt för någon att medvetet påverka Internet för att ändra dess beskaffenhet, och dessutom visar jag att även om man praktiskt lyckas ta över de formellt beslutande råden (exempelvis ICANNs och IETFs styrelser) så finns det inga formella eller praktiska hinder för att bara ignorera dem (dvs switching costs för just ICANN eller IETF är låga, om än tekniskt omständligt med att konfigurera om rötter och routing-tabeller, och betydligt enklare än att gå från IPv4 till IPv6 då utrustning kan behöva ersättas och därmed en betydligt högre switching cost). Med andra ord, det är enklare att byta ut Internets koordinerare än att byta ut Internet mot något som fungerar annorlunda. Däremot är den rådande politiska världsordningen ett hot mot Internet, eftersom den regelstyrda och koordinerade världsordningen inte längre är lika självklar som den varit tidigare. Den tredje och sista studien fokuserar på nätneutralitet, dvs rätten nätverksoperatörer har att fånga värde i andra dimensioner än trafikmängd, som en praktiskt effekt av hur Internet styrs och fungerar. Det primära praktiska bidraget är att nätneutralitet inte får ses som enbart en reglerings och lagstiftningfråga utan det är mer relevant att prata om i termer av nätneutralitet i praktiken. I den bemärkelsen är lagstiftningens vara eller inte vara mindre intressant än praktisk nätneutralitets vara eller inte vara och en tyngdpunktsförskjutning i den offentliga debatten hade fört diskussionen närmare hur Internet fungerar. Sammanfattningsvis ger Internets designprinciper att marknadskrafter, och ej direkt reglering, ska möjliggöra nätneutralitet. För att förtydliga, tanken är att det ska finnas konkurrens inom de flesta nivåer eller lager, och att det är av vikt att det finns konkurrens rakt igenom så att en kundvilja för paketneutralitet på tjänstenivå även påverkar nätägar- och infrastrukturnivå, så att det är användarnas efterfrågan som leder till nätneutralitet (om den användarviljan finns). Dock kan det mycket väl vara så att man som användare inte är intresserad av nätneutralitet och då ska tjänsteleverantörer, nätägare och infrastrukturoperatörer inte heller tvingas vara neutrala genom lagstiftning då det går stick i stäv med designprinciperna. Inte heller ska en grupps vilja kring nätneutralitet påverka andras möjligheter att välja. Genomgående identifierar jag två kolliderande världsbilder, den distribuerade regelstyrda och koordinerade ordningen i sitt perspektiv med sina förkämpar, och den mer integrerande och suveräna världsordningen med sitt perspektiv och sina förkämpar. Rent praktiskt uppfyller Internet en önskad funktion i den tidigare men ej i den senare, då Internet designmässigt är byggt för att tillåta snarare än kontrollera och bestämma. Exempelvis finns det inte inbyggda (tekniska) mekanismer i Internet för att till exempel möjliggöra statlig övervakning eller kontroll av material som finns tillgängligt, och då ligger det mer i statens intresse att ha kontrollerade telekommunikationstjänster, såsom kabel-TV, mobiltelefoni och liknande lösningar där man inte helt enkelt kan lägga på ett "extra lager" för att uppnå kryptering, anonymitet eller tillgång till andra tjänster. I texten använder jag perspektiven tillsammans med teknologi, marknader och byråkrati för att fånga upp dynamiken och strömningarna i Internet-ekologin och jämför med tekniska samhällsförändringar, som exempelvis järnvägsnät, postverk och finansiella marknader. Jag konstaterar att Internet har varit styrt av teknologiskt baserade värderingar, till skillnad från de andra exemplen som i huvudsak har utformats av dynamiken mellan byråkrati och marknad. I denna mån förelår jag att teknologi kan användas som strömning och motperspektiv till den klassiska uppställningen med byråkrati och marknad för att beskriva fenomen i digitaliseringens tidsålder. Avhandlingen sätter även pågående trender i ett bredare perspektiv mot både organisation och teknik, och trycker på vikten av att förstå delarna var för sig och tillsammans för att på ett rikare sätt måla upp helheten. ; The modern society is to a large extent Internet-dependent. Today we rely on the Internet to handle communication for smart doors, self-scanning convenience stores, connected cars, production robots, telephones and ERP-systems. The purpose of this thesis is to unbundle the Internet, its technology, its coordination, and practical and theoretical consequences. Earlier research has, in telecommunications, focused on the Internet as one of many potential telecommunications services, such as cellphones or cable-TV, and the management and information systems field has by and large treated the Internet as black-boxable infrastructure. This thesis explains the Internet from the combined perspectives of technology and coordination. This text contains three empirical studies. The first is focused on conceptualizing and discussing the Internet in a meaningful way using both technology and coordination frameworks. I unceremoniously conclude that the Internet is both a technological and a coordination phenomenon and neither of these aspects can be ignored. The Internet is technological in that it concerns digital packet switched digital communication (as opposed to circuit switched) or purely analog communications. The technological dimension of the Internet is similar in its constituency to classical telecommunications networks, and has best-effort mechanisms for packet delivery. In the other dimension, coordination, the Internet is an explicit bottom-up phenomenon minimally coordinated (or governed) by other ideals than classical telecommunications networks and systems. At its core this least necessary coordination concerns technical unique identifiers necessary for inter-network communication (in practice today manifested as naming with the DNS protocol suite, and numbering with the BGP protocol suite). Both dimensions follow similar design characteristics; the design of the technical Internet is similar to the design of the coordination of the Internet. These design principles, which are well aligned with software design principles, is the cause of the Internet's layered design ("separation of concerns" in practice) and minimal view of coordination (the "least coordinated Internet"). In general terms it is fruitful to view the Internet and involved actors as an ecology, rather than one organization or entity in need of governance or control. The second study looks at the social resilience of the Internet. That is, is it possible through social means to change what the Internet is or can be viewed as. I use social resilience as a counterpart to technical resilience, i.e. resilience to technical interference. In essence, the bottom-up and separations of concerns design of the coordination aspect of the Internet minimizes possible influence of actors intent on mission disruption. I also practically show that even a take-over of the central councils have little effect the constituency of the Internet, since these councils are not invested with formal powers of enforcement. This thesis suggests that the cost of switching from ICANN and IETF to another set of organizations is quite low due to the nature of the coordination of the Internet, compared to for example, switching all equipment to IPv6 capable equipment. However, the current political situation is a threat to the current Internet regime, since an international and rule-based world order is no longer on all states' agendas. The final empirical study focus on the practical and theoretical implications of the Internet on the case of net neutrality. The primary contribution is that de facto and de jure net neutrality differ in practice, and as such de facto net neutrality deserves more attention. Also, I suggest that any regulation, either for or against net neutrality, is problematic, since such regulation would interfere with the inherent coordination mechanisms of the Internet. As such regulation should focus on providing the necessary markets for Internet function given the coordination and design of the Internet. As a net neutrality example, net neutral Internet access options should exist as part of a natural service offering if wanted by customers, not due to direct regulation. Throughout the thesis I identify two colliding world orders, both in terms of digital communication networks and terms of organizing society in general: the rule-based and coordinating order with its champions, and the integrated or sovereign order with its champions. In practical terms, the Internet can be considered a want in the former (the distributed perspective), but not the later (the integrative perspective), since the Internet lacks inherent (technical) controls for surveillance and content control which are necessary in a world order where borders are important. Regardless of if that importance stems from state oversight or intellectual property rights legislation. I use these perspectives together with technology, markets and bureaucracy to catch the dynamics of the Internet ecology. I then compare these dynamics with other technological and societal phenomena, such as railway networks, postal services and financial markets. And conclude that the Internet (as conceptualized in this thesis) can best be explained by technological values, in opposite to the other examples which can best by explained by the dynamics of markets and bureaucracies without any real influence of the values of technology. As such, I suggest that the classical frame of markets and bureaucracy can fruitfully be expanded with technology to better explain the Internet and similar digitization phenomena. This thesis puts current trends in a broader perspective based on technology and organization, where the two perspectives together better can draw the full picture in a rich fashion.

Sabemos que el fútbol es el deporte más practicado en todo el mundo y también el más seguido, por eso es uno de los deportes con más potencial de influencia en la sociedad y el entrenador es su figura más influyente por la acción de liderazgo que promueve junto a los demás, que lo rodean, sobre todo si hablamos de niños y jóvenes. Es el entrenador que puede mantener la práctica del fútbol del lado positivo, donde se pretende que esté y donde debe permanecer, en el fomento de los valores educativos y en el aprendizaje armonioso de la modalidad. Dada la importancia que tiene esta figura en el deporte en general y en el fútbol en particular, es determinante que su formación sea un punto fundamental de sus cualidades, ya que de ella pueden emanar muchas otras competencias, capaces de influir al joven futbolista de forma favorable en todas sus dimensiones. De esta forma, se hace preponderante el estudio sobre la formación del entrenador de fútbol, que todos los días es una pieza importante en el entrenamiento de nuestros jóvenes, no sólo en el capítulo deportivo, sino también en el capítulo social. Comenzamos nuestro trabajo buscando realizar la fundamentación teórica del tema. En una primera parte iniciamos un marco global haciendo referencia a la legislación reciente que rige la figura del entrenador y su formación, revisamos todos los documentos internacionales y nacionales sobre la formación de entrenadores y sus competencias recogiendo la información pertinente. En una segunda parte, más específica, fuimos gradualmente entrando en las características que debe tener el entrenador, en las concepciones de enseñanza y en las necesidades de formación de entre otros aspectos desarrollados. Uno de los grandes objetivos de esta investigación fue el desarrollo de una herramienta válida y fiable para el estudio de la formación de entrenadores que posibilitase su posterior aplicación en Portugal y para permitir la replicación del estudio en diferentes contextos. Para ello construimos un cuestionario que partió del estudio de Abad (2009) y sometemos esa herramienta a un proceso de validación con el objetivo de analizar la formación de los entrenadores de fútbol de base en los clubes de la Asociación de Fútbol de Beja. Hemos diseñado un cuestionario que al final del proceso de validación quedó con 121 ítems agrupados en 8 dimensiones (Características Sociodemográficas, Experiencia Deportiva, Aspectos Personales, Formación como Entrenador, Formación Continua, Concepción de Enseñanza, Planificación y Programación, Necesidades de Formación). Hemos realizado un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo que se realizó a través de la evaluación de 12 expertos. La validez del contenido fue analizada a través del coeficiente V de Aiken, estableciendo un intervalo de confianza del 99% y el coeficiente de variación. Para establecer la fiabilidad, el cuestionario fue aplicado a 20 entrenadores de cuatro clubes diferentes de la región en dos momentos diferentes, la consistencia interna fue analizada por el método Alpha de Cronbach (0.915) y la fiabilidad test-reteste usando el coeficiente de correlación intraclase resultando 0.890 (p <0.01). Los resultados muestran que el cuestionario reúne suficientes propiedades psicométricas para ser considerado una herramienta válida y fiable para estudiar y analizar las necesidades de formación de los entrenadores de fútbol (Paixão, Abad & Giménez, 2019). En un segundo momento, los cuestionarios construidos fueron aplicados a 124 entrenadores de la región de Beja que estaban trabajando con niños y jóvenes en el fútbol de formación. Esta muestra representó el 91% del total de la población de estudio y a través de un análisis descriptivo e inferencial permitió analizar el perfil del entrenador, su formación y su intervención en los diversos dominios y parámetros. Destacamos algunos resultados como, el hecho de que la mayoría de los entrenadores aún no tienen siquiera el título de entrenador y sólo una minoría tienen una formación superior en el área del deporte; por otro lado, el gusto en entrenar y enseñar es el motivo por el cual los entrenadores están en el fútbol de formación, en lo que se refiere a las estrategias de formación continua: la creación de grupos de trabajo entre entrenadores, la visualización y análisis de juegos y entrenamientos en vídeo, y la participación en talleres prácticos, son las preferenciales; destacamos también que persiste una división entre los métodos directivos y los métodos de descubrimiento, entre otros resultados interesantes. Concluimos con la concreción de los objetivos generales y específicos, la presentación de las implicaciones del estudio, añadimos algunas propuestas de mejora, exponemos las limitaciones del estudio y por último indicamos las perspectivas futuras. ; Sabemos que o futebol é o desporto mais praticado em todo o mundo e também o mais seguido, por isso é um dos desportos com mais potencial de influência na sociedade e o treinador é a sua figura mais influente pela ação de liderança que promove junto dos que o rodeiam, principalmente se estivermos a falar de crianças e jovens. É o treinador que pode manter a prática do futebol do lado positivo, onde se pretende que esteja e aonde deve permanecer, no fomento dos valores educativos e na aprendizagem harmoniosa da modalidade. Dada a importância que detém esta figura no desporto em geral e no futebol em particular, é determinante que a sua formação seja um ponto fundamental das suas qualidades, até porque dela podem emanar muitas outras competências, capazes de influenciar o jovem futebolista de forma favorável em todas as suas dimensões. Desta forma, torna-se preponderante o estudo sobre a formação do treinador de futebol, que todos os dias é uma peça importante no treino dos nossos jovens, não só no capítulo desportivo mas também no capítulo social. Começámos o nosso trabalho procurando realizar a fundamentação teórica do tema. Numa primeira parte iniciámos por um enquadramento global fazendo referencia à legislação recente que rege a figura do treinador e a sua formação, revisámos todos os documentos internacionais e nacionais sobre a formação de treinadores e as suas competências, recolhendo a informação pertinente. Numa segunda parte, mais específica, fomos gradualmente entrando nas características que deve ter o treinador, nas conceções de ensino e nas necessidades de formação de entre outros aspetos desenvolvidos. Um dos grandes objetivos desta investigação foi o desenvolvimento de uma ferramenta válida e fiável para o estudo da formação de treinadores, que possibilitasse a sua posterior aplicação em Portugal e que permitisse a replicação do estudo em diversos contextos. Para esse fim, construímos um questionário que partiu do estudo de Abad (2009) e submetemos essa ferramenta a um processo de validação com o objetivo de analisar a formação dos treinadores de futebol de base nos clubes da Associação de Futebol de Beja. Desenhámos um questionário que no final do processo de validação ficou com 121 itens agrupados em 8 dimensões (Características Sociodemográficas, Experiencia Desportiva, Aspetos Pessoais, Formação como Treinador, Formação Contínua, Conceção de Ensino, Planificação e Programação, Necessidades de Formação). Efetuámos uma análise qualitativa e quantitativa que foi realizada através da avaliação de 12 especialistas. A validade do conteúdo foi analisada através do coeficiente V de Aiken, estabelecendo um intervalo de confiança de 99% e o coeficiente de variação. Para estabelecer a fiabilidade, o questionário foi aplicado a 20 treinadores de quatro clubes diferentes da região em dois momentos diferentes, a consistência interna foi analisada pelo método Alpha de Cronbach (0.915) e a fiabilidade teste-reteste usando o coeficiente de correlação intraclasse resultando 0.890 (p <0.01). Os resultados mostram que o questionário reúne suficientes propriedades psicométricas para ser considerado uma ferramenta válida e fiável para estudar e analisar as necessidades de formação dos treinadores de futebol (Paixão, Abad & Giménez, 2019). Num segundo momento, os questionários construídos foram aplicados a 124 treinadores da região de Beja que estavam a trabalhar com crianças e jovens no futebol de formação. Esta amostra representou 91% do total da população de estudo e através de uma análise descritiva e inferencial permitiu analisar o perfil do treinador, a sua formação e a sua intervenção nos diversos domínios e parâmetros. Destacamos alguns resultados como, o facto da maioria dos treinadores ainda não ter sequer o título de treinador e só uma minoria detém formação superior na área do desporto; por outro lado, o gosto em treinar e ensinar é o motivo pelo qual os treinadores estão no futebol de formação; no que diz respeito à formação contínua as estratégias preferenciais são: a criação de grupos de trabalho entre treinadores, a visualização e análise de jogos e treinos em vídeo, e a participação em workshops práticos; destacamos também que persiste uma divisão entre os métodos diretivos e os métodos de descoberta, entre outros resultados interessantes. Concluímos com a concretização dos objetivos gerais e específicos, a apresentação das implicações do estudo, aduzimos algumas propostas de melhoria, expomos as limitações do estudo e por último indicamos as perspetivas futuras. ; We know that football is the most practiced sport in the whole world and it is also the most followed. So, it is one of the sports with more potential to influence society and the coach is its most influential person by the leadership action that he promotes near those surrounding him, especially if we are talking about children and young people. The coach is the one who can maintain the practice of football on the positive side, where it is intended to be and where it should remain, to foster educational values and to learn the sport in a harmonious way. Considering the importance of this figure in sports in general and in football in particular, it is essential for training to be a fundamental aspect of his qualities, namely because many other skills can emanate from this training, skills which may influence the young player in a favourable way in all its dimensions. Thus, the study on the football coach's training, which usually plays an important part on our young people's training, is not only important in the sports chapter but also in the social chapter. We have started our work by looking at the theoretical basis of the theme. In the first part, we started with a global framework concerning the recent legislation governing the coach and his training, we reviewed all the international and national documents on the training of coaches and their skills, collecting the relevant information. In a second, more specific part, we gradually approached the characteristics that a coach must have, in terms of the concepts of education and training needs among other aspects developed. One of the main objectives of this research was the development of a valid and reliable tool for the study of coach's training, which might allow its subsequent application in Portugal and that might allow for the replication of the study in different contexts. For that purpose, we have created a questionnaire that started from the study by Abad (2009) and we have submitted this tool to a validation process with the aim of analysing the training of base football coaches in the clubs of the Beja Football Association. We have designed a questionnaire that, at the end of the validation process, included 121 items grouped in 8 dimensions (Sociodemographic Characteristics, Sport Experience, Personal Aspects, Training as a Coach, Continuous Training, Teaching Conception, Planning and Programming, Training Needs). We have carried out a qualitative and quantitative analysis that was performed through the evaluation of 12 specialists. The validity of the content was analysed through the Aiken V coefficient, establishing a 99% confidence interval and the coefficient of variation. To establish reliability, the questionnaire was applied to 20 coaches from four different clubs in the region in two different times, the internal consistency was analysed by Cronbach's Alpha method (0.915) and the test-retest reliability using the intra-class correlation coefficient resulting in 0.890 (p <0.01). The results show that the questionnaire gathers enough psychometric properties to be considered a valid and reliable tool to study and analyse the training needs of football coaches (Paixão, Abad & Giménez, 2019). In a second moment, the questionnaires created were applied to 124 coaches from the region of Beja, who were working with children and youth in football training. This sample represented 91% of the total study population and, through a descriptive and inferential analysis, it allowed us to analyse the profile of the coach, his training and his intervention in the different domains and parameters. We highlight some results, such as the fact that most coaches still do not even have the title of coach and that only a minority holds a higher education in the field of sports; on the other hand, the pleasure involved in training and teaching is the reason why coaches are in football training; as far as continuous training is concerned, the preferred strategies are: the creation of working groups between coaches, the visualization and analysis of games and video training, and the participation in practical workshops; we also emphasize that there is still a division between the directive methods and the discovery methods, among other interesting results. We conclude with the achievement of the general and specific aims, the presentation of the implications of the study, we present some improvement proposals, we show the limitations of the study and, finally, we indicate perspectives for the future.

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) address the importance of developing the skills of the labour force and the required reform of labour markets for poverty reduction. SDG 8 aims to 'promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all'. The corresponding targets aim to achieve and sustain a decent per capita economic growth and productivity in developing economies. In order to achieve this, market and competition reforms will be required to unlock creativity, innovation and entrepreneurship. Goal 8's focus is also on reducing youth unemployment. This is particularly important in South Asia, where one-fifth of the population are 15- to 24-year-olds; young adults continue to account for half of the unemployed; and young people are six times more likely than older workers to be jobless (World Bank, 2016). Among young people, women in particular are being left behind due to: constraints on their geographic and occupational mobility, access to education and training, and discriminatory cultural norms (Hunt and Samman, 2016). Based on this, and in light of the ongoing discourse on possible institutional arrangements for SDGs, this review paper discusses constraints to youth employment in South Asia and priority actions needed to accelerate progress on Goal 8. In particular, we focus on: youth employment, implementation and policy interventions to achieve priority actions, and the possibility of sharing regional experiences on mobilising youth. Our key policy recommendations start with an initial country-wide assessment to identify those segments of society that are left behind and that need timely intervention from a social safety net as well as youth engagement programmes. We also recommend setting up a national high-level advisory group to devise national strategies for youth employment and a monitoring framework to support policy implementation. Further, we advise: revisiting taxes and regulations that may limit youth-led start-ups and established businesses' capacity to invest in developing workforce skills; initiating a large scale seed-grant programme designed by local-level civil society organisations; and localised vocational training programmes, aimed at youth in the informal sector. Finally, sub-national governments will need to ground youth employment programmes in the overall framework of youth engagement through community service and youth advisory services. They should also use fiscal measures to encourage public secondary schools, colleges and universities to open their technical and vocational training subsidiaries for working youth. The findings of this study would help policy makers across South Asia to align national and local youth development plans, focus on long-term labour market interventions and rational spending on youth development programmes. Not only this, these findings would also be relevant to the private sector, being the largest employer of the youth, for building capacities of the employed labour force and to explore the opportunities for public-private partnerships for promoting youth employment in South Asia.

The Asia and Pacific region is now a powerful engine for the world economy, contributing 60% of global growth. The region's economic expansion has averaged 6.8% a year since the 2008–2009 global financial crisis—underpinned by stable economic conditions that have accelerated development and fostered poverty reduction. While the outlook for growth remains positive, several development challenges remain. The countries of Asia and the Pacific are experiencing rapid urbanization, huge demographic shifts, growing environmental pressures, and large infrastructure deficits. Income inequality has risen in several countries and social disparities persist. Meanwhile, an increasingly interconnected and interdependent world brings the potential for faster transmission of global shocks. Despite its strong economic growth, Asia and the Pacific is home to 264 million people living in extreme poverty (on less than $1.90 a day). An additional 836 million people are living in poverty (on an amount between $1.90 and $3.20 a day)—with many at risk of being pushed into extreme poverty through economic downturn or external shocks. How economies in Asia and the Pacific utilize new and emerging technologies will be important in meeting development challenges. Technological advancements are broadening the platforms for education and health care, making renewable energy competitive and expanding access to modern communications. The challenge for the region is to capitalize on these opportunities while managing the disruptive impacts—such as labor displacement, cyber fraud, and data theft—that some technologies may have on society.

A. Introduction A wide body of literature describes the relationship between innovation and the success of the organization. The evidence that innovative organizations are more successful is overwhelming [Bain 1956, Porter1983]. It is therefore not surprising that innovation is seen as one of the most important processes in the organization. The importance originates not only from the organization's ability to develop products with unique features and therewith improve its competitive position but also from the organization's ability to respond to changes in the environment, threatening its existing competitive position. Although the former, proactive implementation of innovation is often the organization's intention and the more glorious implication of innovation, the latter, reactive implementation represents more widely the context of innovation in organizations. There is also overwhelming evidence that many organizations have problems with innovation. In order to obtain a better understanding of these problems it is important to study the innovation process and its characteristics. The innovation process is not necessarily similar in every organization and depends on the type of activities that the organizations pursue. This study focuses on the innovation processes in Technology Intensive Organizations (TIOs) and more in particular TIOs active in High Tech industries like the semiconductor and material sciences industry. In these TIOs, technology development plays an important role in the innovation process because technology provides the functionality of the product or process. However, the technology development processes is often not considered as a part of the innovation process. In general there is more emphasis is on the New Product Development (NPD) process and the technology development process captured under the 'fuzzy front-end' of the NPD process. However, some contributions in literature indeed emphasize that the Technology Development process is not only important, but also hard to manage and quite different from the NPD process. This study supports this notion about the technology development process and intends to contribute to a better understanding of the technology development process, its role in the innovation process and how it is managed. B. Problem definition The technology development process is not well described in literature which is particular as technology becomes more and more important for new products. The tendency is that products not only comprise of more technologies, but also the manufacturing processes become more reliant on multiple technologies. It is expected that this increasing complexity and integration of product- and process technologies will continue. This implies having access to technology becomes more important. This access can be realized by licensing, technology acquisitions or by in-house developments. As a result of the higher level of integration of technologies in products, it becomes more difficult for organisation to own all the required product and process technologies. While licensing and trading technologies provides more external access, one can argue that owning and developing the core technologies of the products or processes remains crucial to maintain a strong competitive position. Therefore, the development of technologies will be important for Technology Intensive Organisations, now and in the future. Cooper argues that technology development processes are very important for the prosperity of the organisation and that that these processes are in general 'mishandled' by applying NPD-methods to it [Cooper 2006]. Cooper proposes to apply an adapted 'Stage-Gate' process to the Technology Development process, where the process is broken down in a flow where important decision points are represented by gates and the activities prior to these gates are defined as stages. This approach is not disputed but there are two issues that are not well addressed. Firstly, during the development activities that Cooper identifies as stages, many decisions are made that 'do not make it to the gate'. It is recognized that the technology developments process requires gates, especially at a management level in order to decide on resources supporting the process. Just because technology development is in general a costly and long lasting process, it requires a lot of management support to progress. However, at the operational level technology developers make all kind of decisions in order to make progress during the 'stages' of the process. These decisions have definitely impact on the outcome of the process and are therefore at least equally important to consider. The 'Stage-Gate' approach assumes that progress is made in the 'Stages', but how it is made is not discussed nor defined. Secondly, the 'stage-gate' process does not take into account the notion that technology development is subject to a certain path dependency. This notion is based on several contributions in several bodies of literature; scientific discovery [Kuhn 1972], [Klahr & Simon 1999] economics [Nelson & Winter 1981], Organizational change [Van de Ven & Poole 1995] and cognition [Garud & Rappa 1999]. An important aspect is how the organization is operating while following a path or may be even more interesting: What happens if an organization realizes that following the current path is not sufficient enough to meet the organisational goals that have been set? These different modes; following the path versus breaking with the path can be identified with the difference between evolutionary/equilibrium versus revolutionary/punctuated technology developments. This distinction is not taken into account in the 'stage-gate' approach, while the impact on the organisation can be very different. These two omitted issues will be particularly addressed in this thesis. C. Research questions The first research question is related to the technology development process and its relationship to product development and scientific discovery: What are the characteristics of the technology development process in general and in comparison to the product development process and the scientific discovery process? Technology developments that follow a certain path, progress in equilibrium, require only evolutionary changes, and have limited impact on the organization. However, technology developments that require a change of path are considered to be much more radical to the organization. There are at least five aspects that need to be understood about a path change. Firstly, it is important to understand how the organization resists against a path change. Secondly, how is a path change initiated? And thirdly, how is the organization adapting to this path change. These three aspects are addressed in the second research question: What are the processes and drivers at several levels in the organization, prior, during and after a technology path change? The fourth aspect is finding the alternative path: . How are alternative technology-paths identified, evaluated and selected? The fifth aspect is related to the required changes that are necessary to reach the alternative technology path: What are effective management techniques to manage decisions related to technology path change and the associated organizational changes? D. The Technology Development process The frame work presented in Chapter 2 comprises the following four sub-processes of the technology development process: knowledge processes, change processes, problem solving processes and organisational processes Knowledge processes: Technology can be seen as the embodiment of knowledge, indifferent whether it is scientific, explicit or tacit knowledge. Just theoretical knowledge is not enough to obtain a technology; it requires practical knowledge or 'know how' to create a 'construct' that embodies the theoretical principles. Also it is assumed that for technology development in an organizational context, knowledge is generated [Nonaka 1994], disseminated [Berends 2003] and integrated [Grant 1996]. Furthermore, technological knowledge is generated by problem solving cycles, alike scientific knowledge [Popper 1970]. This generation process is considered to be an individual process [Popper 1970, Polanyi 1962, Nonaka 1994]. Change processes: Technology developments tend to change according to punctuated equilibrium process [Pettigrew 1985, Gersick 1991]. Very similar to scientific developments evolutionary technology development tends to follow a certain predefined trajectory or paths, while revolutionary or radical technology developments are characterised by path breaking activities [Kuhn 1970, 1977]. The notion that technology development is following an existing path can be identified with an equilibrium state where the organisational changes are small and gradual. The punctuated periods where radical technology development takes place, resulting in breaking the existing path, may result in much more radical organisational changes. The skills, knowledge and capabilities the organisation developed to operate along the existing path become less relevant or even meaningless and in order to operate along a new path, new skills, knowledge and capabilities are required that can be radically different from the previously developed ones. Problem solving processes: Knowledge generation in context of new technology development is ultimately a process that takes place in the human mind, and is related to human problem solving. This individual knowledge generation process should be placed in the context of ongoing group processes and of the characteristics of the organization. The goal state in the problem solving cycles is very similar to the teleological change process as described by Van de Ven and is expected to play an important role in steering the problem solving cycles [Ven 1995]. The problem cycle is part of a broader decision making process. This process is related to the problem definition, goal state definition, the search strategy, and test strategies. These decisions are made on the basis of existing information and a stream of new information originating from the problem solving cycles. Organizational processes: The justification to view technology development as a distinct organizational process can be based on a few contributions in literature. Cooper pointed out that technology development processes are different from other development processes and deliver new knowledge, new technology, or a new technical capability. The process comprises fundamental research projects, science projects, basic research, and often technology platform projects. [Cooper 2006]. Cooper sees Technology development projects as a kind of meta-projects leading to multiple commercial projects and new product platforms. This suggests that technology development processes can be seen a distinct organisational process. Another way to look at the technology development process is to consider so-called technological options that are initiated be the Generation of Technological Option (GTO) stage, characterized by a divergent process where numerous options are created. This stage is followed by a convergent process, the Selection of Technological Option (STO) stage where various options are benchmarked and selected for further developments. In this stage the number of options is reduced. This stage is followed by a Integration of Technological Option (ITO) stage where various options are combined in order to test the combined functionality. And finally the Deployment of Technology Option stage represents the integration of a technological option into a product. The stages are forming the TO-model that is described in more detail in Chapter 3. E. Collective Frame of Reference Based on the case study research reported in Chapter 4 and 6, several patterns have been observed that appeared to be decisive on the outcome of the technology development process. These patterns are related to a phenomenon that has been identified as Collective Frame of Reference, which can be described as: Collective Frame of Reference (CFR) is a set of beliefs that is shared within a group and/or an organization. This belief is not necessarily justified (like knowledge), and can be based on shared intuition, experiences, cultures and perceptions. The CFR can proliferate through groups and across organizational boundaries. In summary the following was observed: - Coherent, coordinated activities and incoherent, uncoordinated activities coincide with the presence and absence the Collective Frame of Reference of the group. - The presence of a strong collective frame of reference keeps the group focused on its activities and allows for coordinated problem solving routines with a CFR based goal state. - The absence of the CFR initiates incoherent and uncoordinated activities; this results in uncoordinated problem solving routines were the goal state is set based on individual beliefs. - Proliferation of the CFR is based on influencing individual beliefs, and takes place internally, within the group, laterally towards functional interdependent groups and vertically, either top-down, or bottom-up. The CFR is seldom completely shared and not all individuals in an organizational structure fully conform to the CFR. From a management perspective this can be seen as an undesired situation; first order management techniques rely on a hierarchic structure where policies flow down, which are adopted smoothly. It is argued, that a not fully adopted CFR helps in situations where radical changes need to be made. The CFRs develop under the influence of interactions between management level and operational level and under the influence of internal and external factors. The internal factors include the following. - Competences: The know-how to conduct certain processes. - Technologies: The technological building blocks available to the firm, basically forming the technology paradigm. - Past Experiences: An organization carries the burden of historic failures and successes. In case of failures it imposes a certain fear factor to the CFR. - Past Strategies: Choices, made in the past, impose path dependency on technology development. These internal factors constitute in a paradigm that is related to the CFR. It is not only about the technological paradigms, but also about the routines, knowledge and skill sets that are present within an organization that constitute the paradigm of the organization. Successes and failures contributed to these paradigms and this is a burden that comes with the maturity of the organization. The external factors contributing to the development of a CFR include the following. - Market developments: The market developments obviously influence the CFR. - DESTEP factors: The Demographic, Ecological, Social-Cultural, Technological, Economic and Political factors influence CFR development. - Competitive developments: Competition can be considered as very significant in the development of CFRs with respect to prospective technologies. - External technological factors: The upcoming and downfall of technologies that are directly or indirectly related to the technology base of the organization will definitely influence the CFR of the firm. These factors are more about perceptions, rather than objective facts. Finally, four psychological and social factors are suggested that constitute to the CFR. - Values: The values of a group or individual impact on the CFR even as actors are unaware of the influence of this factor on their acting. - Individual Beliefs: The individual beliefs impact on the CFR, and tend to be more volatile than values. - Self Esteem: The self esteem is a perceptual view on the value that an individual or group has for its environment. - Risk perception: The perception of risks impacts the collective frame of reference and can be associated with entrepreneurial attitudes of a group or individual. These factors determine not only the coherency of the groups and the confidence levels contributing to the CFR, but also the course of action in the absence of a CFR. F. Management implications The management implications regarding the Collective Frame of Reference are summarized in the following management actions: Gathering and providing objective information: Managing the flow of information is considered a very important factor to influence the CFR. Providing a flow of objective information and providing the means to process this data in an efficient fashion will help for the 'good' and for the 'bad'. On the one hand, if the objective information is interpreted by the individuals in such a way that the CFR is reinforced this can be considered as 'good'; the organization is doing well, while following the existing paradigm and the members of the organization have the impression that this is sustainable. On the other hand if the objective information weakens the CFR, it can be expected that this is for good reasons; the members of the organization have the impression that following the existing paradigm is not sustainable and that change is required. Connect to the external networks: Connection to external networks provides useful information about the technological capabilities of the organization. Monitoring trends in technology allows the organization to anticipate better on 'sudden' external changes. These networks comprise scientific networks, supplier networks, user networks and other networks like for example economical think-tanks that can provide information about trends in future needs. Management of an organization can influence the CFR by assuring that professionals in the organization are connected to the relevant networks. Stimulate Confidence: Many organizations are aware that celebrating success is important to stimulate the confidence level in the organization. Showing internally the success stories is important, but for the CFR it is also important that previous failures are well understood. An organization tends to interpret failures as evidence that everything outside the comfort zone of the organization is doomed. The issue is that radical technology development results in one or two successes out of ten attempts and therefore easily can be interpreted as a waste of time and money. An organization has to manage these failures in such away that new opportunities are still considered despite the build-up of evidence that technology developments can only go wrong. Allowing non-conformist behavior: This may be the most difficult factor to manage, as the traditional management techniques assume that all members of the organization follow the strategy and contribute to the goals that are set by the management. Any behavior that is not contributing or sometimes even contradictory to the strategy can be seen easily as unwanted behavior. However as this non-conformist behavior is a source of organizational change, it should not be excluded by the organization. G. Conclusions The main conclusions of this study are: - The technology development process is positioned between the scientific discovery process and the product development process - A technological option is an artefact or construct that often is based on a scientific principle and which can provide a certain product or process function. - Based on the TO model, a technological option is passing through four phases: o A generation phase where an artefact is created, and which shows a certain functionality. o A selection phase where the functionality of the artefact is competing with alternative options, o An integration phase where a specific option and its functionality is integrated with other options. o A deployment phase where the option is incorporated into a product in order to provide this product with certain functionality. - Technology, like science develops along paths, governed by a paradigm, which provides evolutionary, more or less predictable improvements, punctuated by developments leading to new paradigms. - The paradigm character of technology plays not only on a macro- and mesoscopic scale; it is also present within Technology Intensive Organizations. - Radical or paradigm shifting technology development programs are hard to manage, unpredictable and require particular measures to weather short-term vs. long-term deliberations. - Technology development can be characterized as 'evolutionary' if it progresses along a technology path. - Technology development can be characterized as 'revolutionary' or 'radical' if it requires a paradigm shift. - Both the evolutionary and revolutionary technology development in the organization is driven by the Collective Frame of Reference. - A paradigm shift starts from and results into a recurring, cyclical phase, which represents an equilibrium state of the organization. The actual shift takes place in three phases; the reorientation phase where the organization identifies new technology paradigms to consider and start acquiring knowledge of paradigms that are thought to be suitable to provide useful and relevant technology options. In the second phase the organization takes all the decisions that are required to adopt the new paradigm. And in the third phase the organization implements decisions that have been made. - The development of the CFR changes throughout the paradigm shift; in the recurring or cyclical phase the CFR drives the focus on recurring tasks that develop the current technology option. - The breaking of the technology paradigm is assumed to be sparked by an individual who develops a belief that opposes the shared belief that keeps the organization on the current technology paradigm. - Once this individual is confident to share her or his beliefs with others, this belief may or may not be accepted by others. - If the non-conforming belief holds and gains foothold at the decision makers in the organization, a wider reorientation process is initiated to obtain knowledge about alternative technology paths. - The selection of an alternative technology paradigm is in general not a single decision point, but consists of a chain of decisions on sub aspects of the transition. - Managing the flow of information is considered a very important factor to influence the CFR. - Connecting to the external networks is important, not only because it can provide objective information as discussed above, but also because it provides access to external knowledge in that is or will become important for the reorientation process. - Stimulate Confidence is important for the balance between the CFR and non-conforming behavior. - Allowing non-conformist behavior as it is a source of change in the organization.