Keywords: state policy, national security, intellectual property National security ("NS") of Ukraine is achieved through a balancedstate policy in accordance with accepted doctrines, strategies, concepts and programsin such areas as political, economic, social, military, environmental, scientific andtechnological, information, etc.However, many theoretical and practical issues concerning the definition of thecontent, challenges, tasks and mechanisms of implementation of effective functions ofpublic policy and management decisions for the further development of social processesstill remain insufficiently studied. Therefore, the main tasks of the NS system subjectsare constant monitoring of the impact on NS of processes taking place in variousfields (including intellectual property), forecasting, identifying and assessing possiblethreats, destabilizing factors and conflicts, their causes and occurrence consequences.In particular, the impact on NS (especially on defence capabilities) of the significantdevelopment of intellectual property and the full use of intellectual property rights isnot taken into account at all.State NS policy should include measures to prevent the emergence and neutralizationof sources of threats to NS under the influence of the development of intellectualproperty.Theoretical aspects of the state policy of National Security and Defence of Ukraine("NSDU") development are considered. The necessity of current problems definition inthis sphere and the inclusion of intellectual property questions in these processes isinvestigated. It is determined that the effective implementation of the state NS policyis impossible without a comprehensive analysis of intellectual property issues impacton the sphere of the NSDU. The importance of further research on the development ofa unified approach to improving the protection of intellectual property and its determinationas a component of NSDU, the development of appropriate recommendationsto address issues of intellectual property in this area and to neutralize sources ofthreats under the influence of intellectual property in the structure of NSDU. ; Ключові слова: державна політика, національна безпека, інтелектуальна власність Розглянуто теоретичні аспекти розроблення державної політики національної безпе-ки і оборони України. Досліджено необхідність визначення актуальних проблем у ційсфері та врахування питань інтелектуальної власності в цих процесах. Визначено, щоефективна реалізація державної політики національної безпеки неможлива без усебіч-ного аналізу впливу питань інтелектуальної власності на сферу національної безпеки іоборони України. Вказано на важливість здійснення подальших досліджень щодо роз-роблення єдиного підходу з удосконалення системи охорони інтелектуальної власності тавизначення її як складової сфери забезпечення національної безпеки і оборони України,розроблення відповідних рекомендацій з вирішення проблемних питань інтелектуальноївласності та нейтралізації джерел загроз під упливом розвитку сфери інтелектуальноївласності в структурі національної безпеки і оборони України. Список використаних джерел 1. Державна політика : підручник / Нац. акад. держ. упр. при Президентові України ; ред. кол. : Ю. В. Ковбасюк (голова), К. О. Ващенко (заст. голови), Ю. П. Сурмін (заст. голови) [та ін.]. Київ : НАДУ, 2014. 448 с. 2. Лаврук О. В. Сутність поняття державної політики. Університетські наукові записки. 2018. № 67−68. 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This report presents the final evaluation of a project called: "Sammen for barn og unge – bedre samordning av tjenester til utsatte barn og unge.» Norwegian Social research (NOVA) was commissioned by The Norwegian Association of Local and Regional Authorities (KS) and The Ministry of Children, Equality and Social Inclusion (BLD) who stood behind the project. The basic idea has been that the various local authorities involved in assisting children and youth at risk, have to have well coordinated and functional ways of collaborating, if they are to offer the aid the youngsters need. The main goal of the project has been to develop functional models for interdisciplinary collaboration at the local level. These models can serve as inspiration and guides for other municipalities and be developed further. The three year project, started in the end of 2008, has supported fifteen selected municipalities in their efforts to develop good interdisciplinary models for such collaboration. In addition to financial support the participating municipalities received assistance in their efforts to raise the level of competence, internal control, secure support from administration and amongst the employees, clarify placement of responsibility and improve the quality of meetings etc. Each municipality tried out their own version of an interdisciplinary collaborative model. Some models had a narrow scope, while others included virtually all the local authorities that are involved with children and youth. The present evaluation includes six of the fifteen municipalities. These are: Haram, Harstad, Moss, Risør, Bærum and Fet. They were chosen to illustrate the variation in size and geographical location amongst the participating municipalities. Elaborate descriptions of the models are available online at: http://www.ks.no/Sammen-for-barn-og-unge The municipality of Harstad had a model that included a wide scope of participants; the public health centers, school health services, child welfare services, mental health care services, psychiatric services for children and youth, police, nursery schools, schools and The Norwegian Labor and Welfare Administration. They established an interdisciplinary "preventive" forum that played a central role in their local project. The forum worked with improving cooperation between the involved stakeholders and the implementation of a handbook in collaboration, was important. Haram had a program that included several developmental projects. They targeted the organization, management and structural aspects in the municipality. A key partner in their developmental efforts was the office "Tiltakstjenester for barn og unge", which included local health centers, child welfare services and the educational – psychological services. They also worked with other agencies, local and governmental. The municipality of Risør based their project on a previous one that had targeted youth at risk of becoming addicted to drugs. In their project they intended to coordinate the services for children and young adults, and developed a model for coordinating local measures to prevent crime, called the SLT- model - to strengthen primary preventive action. The development of a guidebook was central in their work. All services connected with children and young people are potential partners in their model. Moss had a model that aimed at implementing an overall childhood plan. The project was organized through the establishment of interdisciplinary teams in three city districts. The teams work with cases at the system level. Fet participated with a model where the interdisciplinary groups were organized around each school and childcare center. There are three main elements in their model. One is a resource team, in which an educational- psychological professional is added to the unit's own group. The second are interdisciplinary groups, consisting of the unit leader, an educational- psychological resource, Child Welfare Services, school nurse and the resource team. The interdisciplinary group visits the schools and child care centers every 4-6 weeks. The third is a coordinating working committee. The members of the committee are the leaders of each of the units that work with children and youth. Participating in the project are the health services, the educational- psychological services, Child Welfare Services and the coordinator for interdisciplinary collaboration for children and youth. During the project period this municipality also collaborated with Oslo University College on teaching 80 employees about interdisciplinary interaction. Bærum participated with a model that consisted of collaboration between the Child Welfare Services and Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. They have focused on developing their joint expertise and intensifying the collaboration between ten employees in each of the two services. They intend to transfer their good experiences to other collaborative constellations. While they were developing their competences, they also worked together on cases that involved other agencies. Network meetings and kickoffs were essential to getting the interaction started. The aim of the evaluation has been to evaluate and describe changes in the interdisciplinary and interdepartmental collaboration during the project period. Only 14-18 months passed between the first and second collection of data, which limits the likelihood of there having been any major changes in the municipalities. Organizations take time to change, and a year and a half is a short time in this respect. Municipalities usually also have several projects going on at the same time, which makes it difficult to know what is caused by which process. In our evaluation we have looked at criteria that characterize good types of cooperation. Amongst these are; regular meetings, clear allocation of responsibility, formalized routines, management follow-up and the correct skills and knowledge. Other characteristics of collaborative competence are knowledge about each others routines, work practices, duty of confidentiality and informing. The intent has been to understand which processes the employees have participated in and their experiences. We collected data for the evaluation twice. The first round was in the fall of 2009 in four of the municipalities and in January 2010 in the last two municipalities. The first round consisted of individual interviews and focus groups with the employees, and also gathering information from statistics and documents. The second round was the winter / spring of 2011. In February/ March we sent an electronic questionnaire with questions about how the employees in the involved services, in all six municipalities, experienced the interdisciplinary and interdepartmental collaboration. In the spring of 2011 we did a new round of individual and group interviews. After the first round of data collection NOVA wrote a status report about how the collaboration was perceived in the municipalities. Some of the municipalities used that Paper as a basis for the continuation of their efforts and development of their models. The first stage of the study showed that there was a lot of variation between the municipalities regarding how far they had developed their models for cooperation. There were some common experiences that can be summed up as follows: The participating services overall had high level of expertise. It was challenging to get the professionals working in "the field" committed to collaboration. All the municipalities experienced that there wasn't enough time for extensive collaboration. Collaboration wasn't always useful. Many had established routines for regular meetings, but the challenge was to make them meaningful, constructive to improving the services to the clients. Several were discontent with the results of the meetings. In general improvement of cooperational skills was required. There was discontentment with how the duty of confidentiality was handled. There was a lack of knowledge about and understanding of the partner's services, responsibilities and roles. There was a need for more knowledge about one's own organization and possible offers in the municipality. There were few who knew about the project "Sammen for barn og unge" at the time of the first round of data collection. The municipalities had made some changes between the first and second round of data collection. Some of the common experiences at the end of the project can be summarized as follows: Many employees were involved in interdisciplinary cooperation. Most were aware of the importance of collaboration in creating better services for the users. Several formal routines for collaboration have been established. Within the municipalities there were differing experiences of the changes in routines. Some experienced many changes in routines, while others didn't notice that any changes. Collaborative skills had improved through courses and the practice of collaboration itself. The respondents were generally more favorable to collaboration. Several focused on collaboration, and had a better understanding of its importance. The answers show that management can improve their facilitation of collaboration. Not everybody interpreted the changes that happened as results of the project, often they focused on the changes themselves. In the second data set there were fewer differences between the municipalities with regard to how collaboration was experienced. There were large variations in the degree interdisciplinary collaboration had contributed to an increase in perceived efficiency. A main challenge has been to incorporate collaborative routines amongst all employees. Staying focused increases the chances of success, without focus a model can deteriorate easily. With time and patience many eventually succeed at having constructive meetings, even if they felt meaningless in the beginning. There was less dissatisfaction with the routines for giving feedback. (During the project a new law about the Child Services duty to give feedback to someone who made a report was passed.) Most reply that collaboration has been on the agenda for years. Those who say they do experience a difference say it's mainly due to the common platform that has been established. Obstacles to interdisciplinary collaboration can amongst other things be due to differences in professional cultures, unrealistic expectations, lack of knowledge about the others, complex routines, lack of skills needed for collaboration, limited feedback, management's insufficient prioritization etc. To overcome such obstacles it is important to grasp the attitudes, knowledge and various types of cooperation that exist. The following factors were considered important in our study: Openness: Cooperation regarding clients and the development of good relations are dependent upon inclusion of the involved parties and that sufficient and meaningful feedback is given. Meeting places: The employees appreciate joint courses and places to meet. Herein joint conferences and other get-togethers are also included. Personal relations: To make interdisciplinary cooperation work, people need to spend time getting to know each other. There is an evident need to get to know the people in the other fields and authorities, and do things together. Formal structures: are necessary to anchor the collaborative efforts. Formal structures such as meetings, contribute to enhance competence in teamwork. Thereby it becomes easier to clarify roles and premises, in addition to giving an opportunity to discuss disagreements. Management's responsibility: It is very important that the attention to cooperation and enabling of it is a management priority. Management must lay the foundation for, motivate and follow up collaborative possibilities. Collocation: Those who are located together say it contributes to strengthening cooperation and establishing collaboration. Client participation: Involving parents contributes to good results. It is especially beneficial when children, youth and parents / guardians participate throughout the whole process. Tools: Manuals and guides can be very useful tools when used. A common intranet could be used more actively for communication. ; Denne rapporten er en sluttevaluering av kommuneprosjektet Sammen for barn og unge – bedre samordning av tjenester til utsatte barn og unge. Prosjektet ble satt i gang for å prøve ut tverrfaglige samarbeidsmodeller i 15 kommuner, rettet mot barn og unge som er avhengig av flere tjenester på kommunalt nivå.NOVA har evaluert arbeidet i seks av kommunene. Evalueringen viser at det er avgjørende å ha en fast struktur på samarbeidet, med klar ansvarsfordeling og klare oppgaver. Videre må man kjenne til hverandres ansvarsområde, klargjøre forventninger, vise respekt for de ulike fagområdene, bygge opp personlige relasjoner, samt utarbeide skriftlige rutiner som sikrer gode tilbakemeldinger.
En esta cuarta sección del evento Economía de la Informalidad Conferencia 2020, se presento la Ponencia de la profesora Pascaline Dupas, profesora de la Universidad de Stanford, La ponencia de la profesora Pascaline Dupas, titulada Informality in the time of Covid-19 (Informalidad en tiempos de Covid-19) hace un recorrido sobre las relaciones económicas que se desarrollan en un contexto de informalidad y analiza cómo la pandemia ha afectado de manera diferencial a poblaciones formales e informales a través de tres fuentes de datos diferentes. Dupas divide su presentación en tres partes. La primera muestra una perspectiva amplia de la informalidad y la correlación entre este fenómeno y el desarrollo económico de los países. La segunda es sobre las razones por las cuales la pandemia de Covid-19 podría imponer retos en relación con la informalidad. La tercera es sobre los impactos que se han observado en el corto plazo como consecuencia del Covid-19. En la primera parte de su ponencia, Dupas hace énfasis en que la informalidad no es únicamente laboral (por ejemplo, firmas que se ocultan de la regulación del gobierno, o trabajadores que no cuentan con contratos laborales formales), sino que trasciende a los ámbitos de vivienda, transporte, comercio, pagos, seguros, consumo, gravámenes e instituciones. De hecho, resalta que estos aspectos suelen sobreponerse y ocurrir simultáneamente, o uno como consecuencia de algún otro. Más aún, la informalidad en cada una de estas áreas está relacionada con condiciones de vida más difíciles y menos oportunidades. Por ejemplo, Dupas presenta amplia evidencia de la correlación entre las dimensiones de la informalidad usando datos para la capital marfileña Abiyán, mostrando que las personas que viven en asentamientos informales adolecen de derechos de propiedad, son más propensas a tener que hacer pagos informales a autoridades locales para evitar desalojos, suelen depender de instituciones informales y suelen tener menor cobertura de tarjetas gubernamentales de identificación. Los empleados informales, por su lado, tienen ingresos irregulares que les dificulta aceptar compromisos con entidades formales. Por esta razón, cuando requieren una red de seguridad frente a riesgos, suelen acudir a seguros informales, así como a créditos informales. Asimismo, pagos informales a las autoridades (corrupción) permiten que se mantenga la informalidad en asentamientos, contratos y comercio. Esto lleva a la pregunta sobre si la informalidad es una elección. Frente a esto, Dupas argumenta que, por el lado de los trabajadores, la mayoría preferirían tener contratos formales reconocidos frente a la ley y con seguridad social. Por su lado, las firmas informales preferirían mantenerse en esa condición por cuestiones de viabilidad (no serían rentables en escenarios formales). A su vez, Dupas dice que las personas que viven en asentamientos informales no encuentran otras opciones de vivienda asequible que estén a una distancia razonable de las oportunidades laborales. En la segunda parte de su ponencia, Dupas argumenta que el Covid-19 ha levantado preocupaciones por sus efectos sobre la población informal. En primer lugar, los asentamientos informales son más propensos para la transmisión masiva del virus, pues son muy densos en términos de población, tienen muchas personas por hogar, tienen fuentes acuíferas comunales, acceso limitado a redes de saneamiento y a instalaciones de higiene. De la misma forma, se desplazan usando medios de transporte congestionados y compran en lugares muy concurridos. Lo anterior se traduce en el hecho de que hay una seroprevalencia de Covid-19 del 54% en los asentamientos informales de Mumbai (India) y del 53% en los de Buenos Aires (Argentina). Por otro lado, la informalidad está relacionada con menor resiliencia a las cuarentenas o bloqueos relacionados con el Covid-19. Lo anterior se debe a que estas medidas eliminan los ingresos de los trabajadores, obligan a los individuos a acceder a mercados más costosos, imponen restricciones al transporte público informal y dificultades de movilidad. A esto se suma que, dado que tienen menor acceso a cuentas financieras formales, se hace más difíciles de alcanzar con ayudas gubernamentales. Asimismo, suelen experimentar una caída en los ingresos de remesas. En la tercera parte, Dupas documenta una serie de impactos económicos del Covid-19. Hace referencia a casos de estudio en Colombia, México, Costa de Marfil y Ghana. En el caso de Colombia y México, analizan la encuesta IPA RECOVR realizada por IPA, que incluye tanto a Bogotá como al Distrito Federal. En estas ciudades, se evidenciaron pérdidas de trabajos, que fueron más pronunciadas sobre la informalidad. Las personas formales en estas ciudades reportaron pérdidas de empleo de un 40%, mientras que esa cifra alcanzó el 80% entre los informales. Los trabajadores informales reportaron que, post-Covid, trabajaron menos horas que antes y ganaron menos que antes. En el caso de Ghana, Dupas hizo referencia a los efectos causales de la educación sobre la resiliencia ante choques como el de la pandemia de Covid-19. Frente a esto, mostró resultados que indican que las beneficiarias de programas educativos tuvieron mayor resiliencia laboral en términos de permanencia e ingresos. Finalmente, Dupas concluyó con cuatro puntos. Primero, que la informalidad tiene muchos dominios interconectados entre sí. Segundo, que la informalidad estuvo relacionada con vulnerabilidad aumentada frente a las crisis. Tercero, que los impactos del Covid-19 tienen una gran probabilidad de extenderse en el largo plazo. Lo anterior, sobre todo, porque las inversiones en nutrición de la primera infancia y en educación han caído debido a la pandemia. Y estas inversiones son muy importantes para el desarrollo de mediano y largo plazo de los niños, niñas y adolescentes. Por último, resaltó que la recuperación de esta situación va a ser intrincada. Esto, debido a la destrucción de negocios, activos y trabajos que significó la pandemia y las cuarentenas consecuentes para los individuos. Todo esto, con un enfoque diferencial frente a la informalidad que indica que va a ser mucho más difícil recuperarse para los que antes de la pandemia ya eran informales. ; In this fourth section of the Economics of Informality Conference 2020 event, the Presentation by Professor Pascaline Dupas, a professor at Stanford University, The presentation by Professor Pascaline Dupas, entitled Informality in the time of Covid-19 (Informality in times of Covid-19) takes a tour of the economic relations that develop in a context of informality and analyzes how the The pandemic has differentially affected formal and informal populations through three different data sources. Dupas divides his presentation into three parts. The first shows a broad perspective of informality and the correlation between this phenomenon and the economic development of the countries. The second is about the reasons why the Covid-19 pandemic could pose challenges in relation to informality. The third is about the impacts that have been observed in the short term as a consequence of Covid-19. In the first part of his presentation, Dupas emphasizes that informality is not only labor (for example, firms that hide from government regulation, or workers who do not have formal labor contracts), but that it transcends of housing, transport, commerce, payments, insurance, consumption, taxes and institutions. In fact, it highlights that these aspects tend to overlap and occur simultaneously, or one as a consequence of some other. Furthermore, informality in each of these areas is related to more difficult living conditions and fewer opportunities. For example, Dupas presents ample evidence of the correlation between dimensions of informality using data for the Ivorian capital Abidjan, showing that people who live in informal settlements lack property rights, are more likely to have to make informal payments to authorities. To avoid evictions, they tend to rely on informal institutions and tend to have less coverage from government identification cards. Informal employees, on the other hand, have irregular income that makes it difficult for them to accept commitments with formal entities. For this reason, when they require a safety net against risks, they tend to turn to informal insurance, as well as informal loans. Likewise, informal payments to the authorities (corruption) allow informality to be maintained in settlements, contracts and commerce. This leads to the question of whether informality is a choice. Faced with this, Dupas argues that, on the workers' side, the majority would prefer to have formal contracts recognized by the law and with social security. For their part, informal firms would prefer to remain in that condition for viability reasons (they would not be profitable in formal settings). In turn, Dupas says that people living in informal settlements do not find other affordable housing options that are within a reasonable distance of job opportunities. In the second part of his presentation, Dupas argues that Covid-19 has raised concerns about its effects on the informal population. First, informal settlements are more prone to massive transmission of the virus, as they are very dense in terms of population, have many people per household, have communal water sources, limited access to sanitation networks and hygiene facilities. In the same way, they travel using congested means of transport and shop in crowded places. This translates into the fact that there is a Covid-19 seroprevalence of 54% in the informal settlements of Mumbai (India) and 53% in those of Buenos Aires (Argentina). On the other hand, informality is related to less resilience to quarantines or blockades related to Covid-19. This is because these measures eliminate workers' income, force individuals to access more expensive markets, impose restrictions on informal public transport and mobility difficulties. Added to this is that, given that they have less access to formal financial accounts, it is more difficult to achieve with government aid. They also tend to experience a drop in remittance income. In the third part, Dupas documents a series of economic impacts of Covid-19. It refers to case studies in Colombia, Mexico, Ivory Coast and Ghana. In the case of Colombia and Mexico, they analyze the IPA RECOVR survey conducted by IPA, which includes both Bogotá and the Federal District. In these cities, job losses were evidenced, which were more pronounced on informality. Formal people in these cities reported job losses of 40%, while that figure reached 80% among informal ones. Informal workers reported that, post-Covid, they worked fewer hours than before and earned less than before. In the case of Ghana, Dupas referred to the causal effects of education on resilience to shocks such as the Covid-19 pandemic. Faced with this, it showed results that indicate that the beneficiaries of educational programs had greater work resilience in terms of permanence and income. Finally, Dupas concluded with four points. First, that informality has many interconnected domains. Second, that informality was related to increased vulnerability to crises. Third, that the impacts of Covid-19 have a high probability of spreading in the long term. The above, above all, because investments in early childhood nutrition and education have fallen due to the pandemic. And these investments are very important for the medium and long-term development of children and adolescents. Finally, he stressed that the recovery from this situation will be intricate. This, due to the destruction of businesses, assets and jobs that the pandemic meant and the consequent quarantines for individuals. All this, with a differential approach to informality that indicates that it will be much more difficult to recover for those who were already informal before the pandemic.
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Halloween in Houston The Following is a response to Vardoulakis book Spinoza, The Epicurean that I gave at SPEP. I previously blogged about the book. One of the many merits of Dimitris Vardoulakis' Spinoza, the Epicurean: Authority and Utility in Materialism is that it focuses on the question of obedience as central to the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus. Obedience is what differentiates revelation from knowledge, scripture from philosophy, action from belief. On one side, the first of these terms, there is obedience, that which falls under the control the state, and on the other freedom, the domain of philosophy. However, such an assertion would suggest obedience is a simple matter, that the line between obedience and freedom can be sharply drawn. Vardoulakis suggests that obedience must be understood through a dialectic of authority and freedom. As Vardoulakis describes this dialectic: Authority requires obedience whereas the drive to calculate our utility presupposes that we make our own practical judgements. Thus, under certain conditions, when authority takes over and suspends our judgements the result is political submission. But, also, under different conditions, we may calculate that it is to our utility to let someone else—for instance, someone with more knowledge or expertise—calculate our utility on our behalf. We can show the same interdependence by starting with utility: it is impossible to conceive of the human in terms of the calculation of utility without admitting that obedience, and hence authority, are necessary in certain circumstances. There is no such a thing as pure reason in human action. There is no human immune to obedience. Vardoulakis formulation is striking in two parts, first, as I have already indicated, in suggesting that the division between obedience and freedom, authority and utility, is not easy to draw, as one necessarily spills over into the other, but more importantly in suggesting that this relation is necessarily dialectical. This is the second major contribution of Vardoulakis' book, in arguing not for a dialectic reading of Spinoza but for a specifically Spinozist dialectic. The idea of a dialectic in Spinoza is a necessarily vexed one. Much of the current turn to Spinoza in contemporary thought, especially that of Gilles Deleuze and Antonio Negri, have promoted Spinoza as an alternative to the dialectic. It is a matter of deciding between affirmation and negation, Spinoza and Hegel. However, Pierre Macherey in the closing of Hegel or Spinoza, puts forward the notion that Spinoza offers a non-teleological dialectic. As Macherey writes, outlining the fundamental problems of this dialectic, What is or what would be a dialectic that functioned in the absence of all guarantees, in an absolutely causal manner, without a prior orientation that would establish within it, from beginning, the principle of absolute negativity, without the promise that all the contradictions in which it engages are by rights resolved, because they carry within them the conditions of their resolution? The contemporary turn to Spinoza is itself split, without a necessary conditions of a guarantee, between those who see Spinoza as opposed to the dialectic, to negativity and contradiction, and those that see in Spinoza not the nondialectical other of the dialectic, but its dialectical correction, a surprising one since, as Macherey argues, in this case the correction comes before the deviation, Spinoza before Hegel. Spinoza makes possible a dialectic without telos or resolution, a materialist dialectic. Vardoulakis' declaration of the dialectic of authority and utility is most productively read against the backdrop of this turn to a Spinozist dialectic, or a dialectic in Spinoza, which is to say along with Pierre Macherey and Etienne Balibar as his central interlocutors. (I say Balibar and Macherey, but for the purpose of this response I am going to focus on the former, but Macherey's Sagesse ou Ignorance would seem to have its own dialectic of obedience). As I will argue, in each case what is examined dialectically is obedience itself, or, what we could call, following contemporary philosophy, subjection. That subjection is dialectical can be glimpsed from Spinoza's well known formulation that the masses fight for "servitude as if it was salvation," the formulation suggests that subjection must be thought not just as something passively endured but something actively strived for, we need to see subjection in activity and activity in subjection. In this way a dialectical reading overcomes the limitations of those interpretations which have apparently found in Spinoza only a theory of subjection, of ideology, or of subversion, of affirmative transformation.. The most obvious of the former would be Louis Althusser, for whom the Spinozist theory of the imagination, with its focus on the subject, is the basis of ideological interpellation. It also overcomes the limitations of those, such as Deleuze and Negri, who find in Spinoza the affirmation of a constitutive and transformative power. Reading Spinoza dialectically means recognize that the very terms of opposition, subjection and constitution, negation and affirmation, must be thought of as thoroughly intertwined. Spinoza is neither a thinker of pure subjection, of the imagination, or first kind of knowledge as ideology, but nor is he the thinker of constituent power or affirmative lines of flight. He is neither of these things, or perhaps both of these things, because subjection and its opposite, lines of flight or constitutive power, are neither of these things. We are always dealing with both, and with both intertwined, that is part of what it means to read Spinoza dialectically. What do we mean by dialectic? In some sense a definition of the dialectic would seem to be, well undialectical, but beyond such an objection, which is both always tempting and always disappointing, I think that we can offer a basic formulation of at least a few common aspects. First, such a dialectic involves both a unity and a contradiction of opposites, but one without a third term or necessary resolution. Authority and Utility do not resolve themselves into some sublation through the authority of utility itself in a kind of enlightened democracy. However, this does not mean that such a dialectic is entirely static. The rejection of a general resolution, of a third term, means that the resolution of these tensions can only be thought in their historical specificity. Spinoza's historical study of Moses is not an illustration of a general principle but specific instances of what in a concrete situation, a political dialectic. As Balibar argues, "Spinoza's definition can be considered dialectical in the sense that the passage from the abstract to the concrete, as the development of the initial formula's contradictions, arises from a historical study." Spinoza's engagement with the singular case in the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus is necessary because the contradictions of utility and authority only resolve themselves in a specific situation. The existing historical situation is not just a contradictory unity of authority and utility, but also reason and imagination. Etienne Balibar has made this particular dialectic central to his understanding of Spinoza. Spinoza reflects on the intersections of imagination and reason, affect and intellect, in the constitution of the collective and the individual in at least two places. The first is in terms of the general definition of ambition. Ambition is the affective constitution of society, the desire that others love what I love, that others live according to my temperament [ingenium]. As such it is inseparable from the imagination, from the imaginary constitution of the other's desire and love. In and through ambition we constitute the image of the other, of 'men' [homines] in general, the generic image of others that functions as a guide for our actions and desires (EIIIP29). It is no longer the love or hatred of this or that individual, or collection of individuals that orients an individual's actions, but a generic idea, a kind of 'society effect.' There are two limits to this affective constitution of ambition. First, at the level of sociality, and the conceptual grasp of social relations, 'men' is a universal. For Spinoza all universals stem from the human body's finitude, it is affected by so many images that it can no longer grasp the singular differences (EIIP40S). What is left then is a generic idea that is produced by the inability to imagine all the myriad things, a universal that is always tainted by some particular content: some will imagine man as a rational animal, while others will think of a featherless biped. The 'men' who we strive to act like, whose image governs our loves and hates, is a fiction, an unstable universal that is imagined differently by different individuals. It is as much a condition of discord as harmony. Second, there is a problem at the level of the object of this sociality, that which we want others to love or hate. We desire that others love what we love, the love (or hatred) we feel is strengthened by the idea that others love what we love. This ambition becomes a source of conflict especially if the object that we desire is subject to the rule of scarcity, and thus cannot be possessed by all equally. Ambition is thus internally conflicted. As Spinoza writes, 'those who love are not of one mind in their love—while they rejoice to sing the praises of the thing they love, they fear to be believed' (EIVP37S1). The constitution of society through ambition is inherently contradictory, the very things that draw people together, the desire to love as others love and to have others love what I love, divide them as well. As conflicted as this sociality is, it is a sociality, which is to say that the ambivalence of ambition are not a remnant of the state of nature, but are a product of sociality itself. Society, or, as Spinoza puts it, the city, is not exclusively founded on the ambivalent sociality of the passions. It is also founded on reason, on the powers of the intellect. It is the same conatus, the same striving, underlying reason and ambition. In each case there is a striving to make the temperament of the individual coincide with others, to constitute a collective temperament that would reflect the individual. However, the essential difference is in how this relation to the other and the object is constituted. The rational constitution of the state is based on the recognition that it is more useful to live with others. This idea of man is not the idea of men constituted through the imagination, it is not the universal idea, but the utility of sociality relations. It is not the desire that others live as I live, or that I coordinate my love and hates with others, but mankind can accomplish more collectively than individually (EIVP35S). As Spinoza famously writes, 'nothing is more useful to man than man' (EIVP37S2). This idea of man does not produce the ambivalence that determines the affect of ambition. Individuals guided by reason actually agree with each other, add and assist each other, rather than strive to orient their actions around an impossible object of what the others want. Moreover, reason as an object of desire is truly common, not only can it be shared by all, but its worth increases with the number of people who participate in it (EIVP36). Reason is not scarce, not finite, and is actually increased by others thinking the same thing. Men under the guidance of reason can overcome the contradictions of ambition and actually desire that others desire what they desire. These two different foundations of the city, these two different genesis of sociality, one based on the affect of ambition and the other based on reason, are not two different options: there is not a city of affects and a city of reason supplanting each other as two different phases, two different orders. Spinoza's text presents them as two different demonstrations of the same thing, suggesting the coexistence of these two different constitutions of society. As Balibar writes, 'Sociability is therefore the unity of a real agreement and an imaginary ambivalence, both of which have real effects.' We are always dealing with both affects, with ambition, and reason, with a city founded on a projection of our ideas of man, and a city founded on our rational utility. While there is no telos, no necessary progression by which the city founded on reason, a democracy, necessarily displaces a city founded on founded on superstition and affects, that does no meant that the relation is entirely static. The particular combination of reason and affects defines the nature of a given city, and its particular history. There is no more one generic essence of the city's striving than there is an essence of man's singular striving. The striving, the particular relations that constitute the city, the collective, must be thought from the singular case, from the specific way it is affected and determined. There is thus a history, but this history must be thought from the singular case, from the particular way in which any given city combines ambition and reason, affects and knowledge. For Balibar this is not just a reading of Spinoza, but could be understood to be a general thesis about politics in general, which is always situated between reason, on the fundamental thesis that "nothing is more useful to man than man," that we benefit from living in a society, from the way in which living among others makes our lives better than a solitary life. This fact is true of any society which has an irreducible dimension of utility. At the same time every society is founded on an imaginary institution, an image of what it means to be in a city, what it means to be human. Every city is both rational and imagined, and this contradictory unity of these two scenes exists in each specific case. As much as it is possible to push the city to become more rational, which is to say less exclusive and hierarchal, it is never possible to dispense with the other scene entirely. This limit acts back on political philosophy itself, as Balibar argues any attempt to think through the relation of Spinoza and Marx must necessarily recognize the limit of each to think the other scene. As Balibar writes, It would be easy to conclude that Marx is basically unaware of the "other scene" of politics, the scene of communitarian affiliation, and therefore unaware of symbolic violence as well (although he names it or has bequeathed us with the word ideology, one of the aptest names for it); and to conclude that Spinoza, for his part, basically ignores the irreducible level of economic antagonism (doubtless because, at the economic level, where conatus can perhaps be conceived of as a "productive force," Spinoza is basically an optimist and a utilitarian" (Balibar 2015: 12) The dialectic of imagination and reason means that any philosophy that focuses on reason, on individual or collective interest as the basis of politics, must necessarily contend with imaginary identifications, and any politics of the imagination, or imagined communities, must necessarily contend with the rational basis of any social relation. It is possible to map these two dialectics onto each other, to argue that reason is utility and vice versa, since nothing is more useful to man than man, and, at the same time, that authority is constituted in an through the imagination, since authority, that which cannot be contested often passes through the theological, which is to say superstition which is founded upon the imagination. However, what I would like to suggest is that we see the dialectic of utility and authority and that of imagination and reason as two fundamentally different dialectics, which intersect without necessarily reflecting each other. This is in part because, as Vardoulakis argues, authority cannot be neatly mapped onto the imagination even as it passes through it especially in those forms inflected by religion and superstition. Authority exists in part because humanity does not always recognize what is useful, namely that a political order which combines the efforts of each, is useful. For those who do not recognized the utility of society, or more to the point, those who do not recognize it in the moment, since we see the better and do the worse from time to time, we are all social and anti-social, authority provides another foundation for society. Authority is a necessary supplement to the rational basis of society, and as such it could be described as a rational irrationality, or a-rationality. Authority which is outside of reason because it cannot be contested by reason has a rational basis, or to put it more succinctly, sometimes there is a utility to authority. However, at the exact moment that such a claim can be made, a claim that would unite two into one through the expansive sense of utility, they come asunder because if authority is useful, a necessary supplement to the rational understanding of society, than it can be evaluated in terms of its utility. This is what Negri identifies as the historical criticism of religion. Religion, it is argued, played its part in sustaining and bringing together the human community during a period in which it could not govern itself, as in the case of Moses leading his people out of slavery, but it is no longer useful, creating conflict rather than accord, and functioning as a fetter on the powers and forces of society. Any attempt to unify authority and utility into one term, make authority useful or utility itself authority, necessarily fails, producing its opposite. The two dialectics could also be differentiated in terms of their specific foundations. Imagination and reason are grounded on an anthropological basis, on humanities capacity to affect and be affected. The two images of humanity, the one defined by utility and rationality is an concept of humanity, while the other, that of the imagined community is an image, and like all images it is defined by the bodies inability to hold multiple images together. All images of humanity, or of a common community, are necessarily shaped by particular images of society. In contrast to this, authority is less an anthropological fact than a particular institution, it is artificial, or more to the point it is an attempt to contend with the artificial ground of any social order. This is why there is an appeal to the theological in those moments of foundation. As much as the two dialectics overlap, as reason and utility are two different expressions of the same thing, and imagination and authority pass through the same relation to the past, they cannot be said to be the same thing, the political or institutional cannot be reduced to the anthropological and vice versa. The two different dialectical reflect the fundamental fact that any given political order is at once an effect of anthropology, stemming from human reason and imagination, but exceeds it in that any political order cannot be reduced to imagination and reason. This brings us to what could be considered the third moment of the spinozist dialectic, one that pushes it furthest from a Hegelian understanding, if the first is to be found in the unity of opposites, a basic criteria for a dialectic, and the second in the non-teleology, or, to say the same thing differently in the historical specificity of its resolution, then the third moment is in the necessary overdetermination of the dialectic itself. There is never anything like a contradiction, or even a central contradiction, which would be able to encompass the totality of the historical moment. It is not a matter of a dialectic of authority and utility, of reason and imagination, or of affect and concept, to add another figure but of the necessary overdetermination of any dialectic, as reason and imagination, utility and authority intersect with and complicate each other. This is only to name the two we have briefly considered here, we could also consider the dialectic of desire and the affects which have been explored by Frédéric Lordon. The merit of Vardoulakis book is not just that he has given us a new contradiction, that of authority and utility, which remain outside of the scope of most discussions of Spinoza, but that in insisting on the dialectical dimension of that relation he offers a way to not only encompass the others, but brings us that closer to thinking together Spinoza and dialectical thought.
This study investigates the impact of various government interventions on the spread of COVID-19 as well as stock markets in South-East and East Asia. It finds that stricter interventions – including gathering restrictions, public event cancellations, and mask requirements – helped mitigate the severity of the pandemic significantly in the region. Total border closures had a moderate effect on flattening COVID-19 spread, especially during the onset of the pandemic. Other policies, such as school closures or stay-at-home orders, worked effectively later in the pandemic. The study also shows evidence of herding behaviours in regional stock markets during the pandemic. School closures, gathering restrictions, stay-at-home orders, domestic travelling bans, robust testing policies, and government income support programmes tended to reduce herding behaviour. More stock market integration is found during the onset of the pandemic, compared to the periods before and later in the pandemic, implying the short-term impact of a sudden shock from COVID-19.
The multidonor Gender and Development Cooperation Fund (GDCF) was established in May 2003 as a facility to promote gender equality and women's empowerment in the Asia Pacific region. This facility will help facilitate effective implementation of the Asian Development Bank's Policy on Gender and Development and accelerate gender equality and women's empowerment in the Asia Pacific region. As a leverage fund, GDCF is intended to make ADB's operations work better for gender equality and women's empowerment in Asia and the Pacific. Activities supported by GDCF are all aimed at influencing much bigger loan and Asian Development Fund (ADF) projects, national laws and sector policies, and capacity of ADB's clients in implementing such projects and policies.
The lotus Letter is a monthly news letter from the Lotus Circle. The Lotus Circle is a vibrant community of committed individuals and organizations working together to empower women and girls across Asia by supporting The Asia Foundation's Women's Empowerment Program.
The lotus Letter is a monthly news letter from the Lotus Circle. The Lotus Circle is a vibrant community of committed individuals and organizations working together to empower women and girls across Asia by supporting The Asia Foundation's Women's Empowerment Program.
The lotus Letter is a monthly news letter from the Lotus Circle. The Lotus Circle is a vibrant community of committed individuals and organizations working together to empower women and girls across Asia by supporting The Asia Foundation's Women's Empowerment Program.
'Gender budgeting' (also known as 'Gender Responsive Budgeting' – GRB) has been described as, '…an approach to budgeting that uses fiscal policy and administration to promote gender equality, and girls' and women's development.' More specifically, gender budgeting initiatives typically aim to:Use gender-sensitive analysis to understand female and male citizens' level of access to public goods and services, and the impact that this access (or lack of access) has on their welfare;Adjust expenditure and revenue collection in ways that strengthen gender equality;Ensure that adequate financing is provided for the implementation of laws and policies that are intended to promote gender equality. Gender inequality is damaging to citizen's rights, welfare and capabilities. It can also act as a barrier to economic development. Gender budgeting can benefit society by helping to reduce gender inequality, and can also enable a more efficient use of fiscal resources.
The multi-donor Gender and Development Cooperation Fund (GDCF) was established in May 2003 to facilitate effective implementation of the Asian Development Bank's Policy on Gender and Development and accelerate gender equality and women's empowerment in the Asia Pacific region. As a leverage fund, GDCF is intended to make ADB's operations work better for gender equality and women's empowerment in Asia and the Pacific. Activities supported by GDCF are all aimed at influencing much bigger loan and Asian Development Fund (ADF) projects, national laws and sector policies, and capacity of ADB's clients in implementing such projects and policies.
In this issue: Philippine Fault Lines, Women's Entrepreneurship, Community Mediation in Asia, Bangladesh, ASEAN Centrality, Asia Foundation Development Fellows, Advancing Gender Equality in Asia, India, and Thai-U.S. Relations
This report documents sri lanka's financial management systems covering budgeting, funds flow, accounting and reporting, and auditing systems. it provides insights into sri lanka's internal control systems, staffing resource capacity, and information technology structure. the intent is to give project teams and consultants a better understanding of the country's financial management systems in order to improve project preparation. find out how high-quality financial management assessments support projects by identifying key risks and enabling the implementation of appropriate actions and reforms to mitigate those risks.
Despite some progress, women's share in senior management is still poor. Closing the gender gap in leadership leads to better business and financial outcomes. ADB's Trade Finance Program—which guaranteed or funded 3,500 transactions in 2017 valued at $4.5 billion—conducted a gender audit among several of its partner banks. The objective of this study was to develop specific, practical and implementable recommendations to attract, retain, and promote more women in banking. This study was a joint effort between ADB's Private Sector Department and the Gender Equity Thematic Group, funded by the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.
