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In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self-identified Muslim youth and self-identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co-radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational political discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in-depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socio-economically, politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo-liberal governance.

The concept of liminality, which is primarily an anthropological term, is not new, but in fact it is a neglected area in Turkish literary and cultural studies. The concept of liminality and its potential to open avenues for future studies remains under-researched. As one of the first steps to fill this gap, the anthropological term liminality is used to analyse a literary text as it pertains to the narration of migrant experience, living in between the rural and the urban, and the use of magical realism in Latife Tekin's Berji Kristin: Tales from the Garbage Hills (1984). Tekin's novel is presented as a test case to show the applicability of liminality to the field of literary and cultural studies. Reading Tekin's Berji Kristin through the lens of liminality reveals how it can be used to understand Tekin's interest in the problems of liminal communities and her concern for the environment.

From a transnational and trans-historical perspective, this paper lays stress upon the car as a technological material and its fictional representations in Latife Tekin's Swords of Ice (1989) and José Saramago's "Embargo" (1978). Readers from different cultures have been attracted to car narratives because they are "thing-driven" – based on cars – as a representative of the matter which can speak for themselves, as it were. This study claims that the significance of the car in Tekin's Swords of Ice and Saramago's "Embargo" can be explained through the theoretical lens provided by the new materialisms. In order to explore ideas on the subject-object interactions and elucidate the independent and autonomous life of things, this article will first briefly refer to the theories of new materialisms, and then read works of fiction by Latife Tekin, and José Saramago concentrating on the agency and power of the car as a quasi-object in both texts.

ABSTRACT Immigration, foreign policy and international relations have become embedded fields of study over the last few decades. There is a growing stream of research stressing how foreign policy impacts international migration, and how past migration flows impact foreign policy. This article reveals how the Justice and Development Party government in Turkey has leveraged migration as a tool in international relations. Based on the application of the findings of three different Horizon 2020 research projects, this article will depict the ways in which various domestic and international political drivers have so far impacted Turkey's migration policy and relationship with the EU. Keywords: Arab Spring, Migration Diplomacy, Benevolence, Populism, Ottomanism ; This article is based on the findings of three Horizon 2020 research projects funded by the European Commission. "FEUTURE: The Future of EU-Turkey Relations" (No. 692976); "RESPOND: Multilevel governance of mass migration in Europe and beyond (Agreement No. 770564); and European Research Council Advanced Grant Project "ISLAM-OPHOB-ISM: Nativism, Islamophobism and Islamism in the Age of Populism" (No. 785934). I would like to thank Murat Erdoğan, Ayşe Tecmen, Funda Tekin, Darius Ribbe and the anonymous reviewers for their remarks and suggestions on the paper.

The aim of this study was to develop a valid and reliable measurement tool in order to determine the democracy levels of teacher candidates. During the scale development process in the research, the validity and reliability studies were conducted through three independent study groups. The first study group consisted of 627 students studying at the Faculty of Education in Inonu University in the 2020-2021 academic year, the second study group consisted of 324 students, and the third study group consisted of 87 students. "The Democracy Scale for Teacher Candidates" was used in the research. In the process of data analysis, SPSS 25 software was used for exploratory factor analysis and AMOS 21 software for confirmatory factor analysis. An item pool consisting of 50 items was created for the scale. The number of items was reduced to 40 by obtaining expert opinion in order to ensure the content validity of the scale. As a result of the factor analysis, it was determined that the total variance ratio explained by the single-factor scale with 17 items was 49.640%, and the internal consistency coefficient was .88. In addition to these, the values obtained as a result of the confirmatory factor analysis conducted to test the construct validity of the scale showed that the scale developed to determine the democracy levels of teacher candidates was valid and reliable.

In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self‐identified Muslim youth and self‐identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co‐radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational polit‐ ical discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in‐depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socio‐economically, politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo‐liberal governance. ; This is the ibn print version of the article.

In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self-identified Muslim youth and self-identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co-radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational political discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in-depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socio-economically, politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo-liberal governance.