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With articles dealing with denomination, law, public policy and financing this anthology grants an evenhanded view of the impact of religion on our nation's public schools.

China's transition to a culturally pluralistic market economy has spawned a burgeoning entrepreneurial class. However, this class & its culture are diverse & heterogeneous. This chapter focuses on their distinctive class & occupational characteristics, social & political values, & differences among entrepreneurs themselves. Three particular groups of entrepreneurs are studied closely -- the "self-made," the bureaucratic, & the technical subclasses -- to demonstrate their remarkable socioeconomic diversity despite many common occupational motives & goals. 9 Tables, 38 References. K. Coddon

A closer analysis of the long and arduous journey traversed by African nationalism often shows ethnicity marching along as an invisible 'matrimonial' partner. It is on that note that this article seeks to present South Africa's project of managing ethnic diversity using public radio broadcasting as new form of cultural 'holy matrimony', with its consummation evinced through the implementation of policies that encourage ethnic diversity. The article acknowledges that the re‐appropriation of meaning for ethnicity in South Africa now denotes the politically correct and constructed descriptor of 'culture', and is characterized by the continued conflation of ethnicity and race relations. Unlike in some parts of Africa, where ethnicity is criminalized as 'tribalism' – thus emphasizing its instrumentalized destructive element – in South Africa cultural diversity is seen as the panacea for a stable democratic arrangement. This article proposes to discuss cultural pluralism as a democratic imperative within the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), which is a public service broadcaster (PSB). Two case studies of ethnic minority radio stations will be presented as empirical evidence: Munghana Lonene FM and Phalaphala FM.

As political, perhaps cultural, and certainly economic forms of unity emerge in Western Europe, it becomes increasingly important for Europeans—and for Americans also—to examine sympathetically the American experience in cultural pluralism for areas of relevance to the European situation. Without some of the elements that have gone into the making of a successful United States, the Europeans may well succeed in creating material prosperity through their Common Market but fail in other areas, primarily in human relations and guaranteed freedoms. The leading strains of cultural pluralism in the United States which would be relevant to the European situation are embodied in the federal system, church-state separation, the absorption of immigration, democ racy, and constitutionalism. Europe does not have a good record for democratic government, and the democratic proc esses will bear careful watching. The question of the relative positions of church and state is unresolved in many countries in Europe and will pose grave problems. Difficulties can be anticipated in Europe in the area of constitutionalism, because people need a guiding ideal to draw them together. European union to date has been based on reaction to the horrors of war and the fear of Soviet military domination. Without a central principle to hold them together, Europe may lapse from union as the war recedes into the past and the fear of Soviet domination is relaxed.—Ed.

This article is an attempt to show the political consequences of the forms of collective action introduced by social movements and their contribution to the formulation of a new conception of democratic practice. It is our contention that the current crisis faced by democracy is linked to the lack of a space capable of dealing with both social complexity and cultural pluralism. We argue that a public space for face-to-face interaction among citizens differentiated from the state allows us to consider this issue in a different light. Publicity allows the incorporation into democratic politics of demands for cultural integration by preserving a space for their direct presentation. Publicity also avoids a reductionist conception of political claims in which, in order for representation to take place, there is the need to reduce the plurality of the cultural demands through the aggregation of political majorities. In this article we show the tension between the public space and political representation, and argue that the definition of democracy in complex societies should include two further freedoms: the freedom not to belong as the right to withdraw from one's constituted identity in order to form a new one, and the freedom not to be represented. Such acts, which are non-aggregative par excellence, cannot be managed by the system of representation, but only through mechanisms of public presentation and acknowledgement of difference. In our view the tension between the political and the public should become part of the definition of democracy.

When Charles Taylor reflected about the background history-cultural of occidental modernity, he sets the hermeneutic task to do a rereading on the multiple facets of social modernity imaginaries. These imaginaries ended up being diversified in a plurality triadic and constitutive of multiple culture forms. In this way, how asserts the Canadian philosopher, there is a sphere of the modern social facet that is under the aegis of economy. Which is interlaced with the structural face of modernity as a public sphere. Finally, we have the Self-Government of the people in your nuclear aspect of democratic sovereignty. In this paper, we have the intention to follow the thought of Taylor, in your reconstruction of this pluralism type, that examines about sources, ideas and practices democratic articulated from these constitutive facets and articulator of modern social imaginaries.

¿ « Melting-pot » o pluralismo cultural ? El cambio de opiniones sobre la etnicidad norteamericana
Thomas ARCHDEACON
En este articulo, intentamos explicar como y por qué la actitud de los norteamericanos de cara al problema de la etnicidad, cambió durante los veinticinco últimos años. Vamos también a reflexionar sobre la evolucón posible de las actitudes durante los veinticinco próximos años. Està claro que este analisis necesita un breve estudio de la ideología del « melting-pot » pero nuestro objetivo es explicar por qué ese concepto suponía que la sociedad permanecería fundamentalmente anglosajona.
Después, examinaremos el renacimiento de la etnicidad que empezó en los años 60. El fenómeno era, a nuestro parecer, en parte previsible, dada la importante entrada de inmigrantes en la clase media norteamericana durante ese período.
La subida de la etnicidad estaba también relacionada con el movimiento en favor de los derechos cívicos, que justificó el mantenimiento de la identidad étnica, por lo menos para los negros. Este fenómeno, no solo recordó a los blancos los derechos que tuvieron que otorgar, sino que también creo ciertas desigualdades en la distribución de toda suerte de agudas sociales, después de la decisión del gobierno federal de tomar en cuenta la identidad étnica de la persona en los programas sociales. Pensamos que entre los blancos, la idea de una identidad étnica importante pierde valor, y continuará perdiéndolo. En realidad hasta los negros empiezan a orientarse hacia un nuevo concenso como sugiere la apelación de « Africans-americans », adoptada recientemente por ciertas personas.
Si esta visión es correcta, esta evolución crea interrogaciones en cuanto al futuro. La idea de un « pluralismo-cultural » en la sociedad norteamericana, ¿ va a desaparecer ? Las actitudes de cara a los nuevos inmigrantes que todavía no se integraron en la sociedad, ¿ va, a endurecerse ?