The Battle for Coal. Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940-1950
In: Le mouvement social, Heft 171, S. 104
ISSN: 1961-8646
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In: Le mouvement social, Heft 171, S. 104
ISSN: 1961-8646
In: Labour / Le Travail, Band 33, S. 373
In: The international journal of social psychiatry, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 133-145
ISSN: 1741-2854
In: International socialist review: the monthly magazine of the Socialist Workers Party, Band 20, S. 47-52
ISSN: 0020-8744
In: The annals of occupational hygiene: an international journal published for the British Occupational Hygiene Society
ISSN: 1475-3162
In: International affairs, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 629-630
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: The annals of occupational hygiene: an international journal published for the British Occupational Hygiene Society
ISSN: 1475-3162
In: Environmental innovation and societal transitions, Band 28, S. 1-13
ISSN: 2210-4224
In: Family & community history: journal of the Family and Community Historical Research Society, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 45-58
ISSN: 1751-3812
In: Labor: studies in working-class history of the Americas, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 49-65
ISSN: 1558-1454
In this article, the authors look at the supposed causal role of progressive labor legislation on union organizing. As an extension of the Wagner Act debates of the late 1980s and early 1990s, the authors argue—contrary to the accepted wisdom of virtually all established scholarship—that "progressive" labor legislation is not generally the impetus for worker organization, a necessary prerequisite without which mass unionization would be impossible. Rather, this legislation is often consciously cooptive, with the explicit goal of diffusing worker militancy, denuding and undermining radical leadership while simultaneously placating popular discontent. The theoretical and methodological shortcomings of the former position are analyzed in the context of the passage of Section 7(a) of the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA). The authors argue that if the unionization of coal miners—the supposed primary beneficiaries of the stimulus attributed to the legislation—occurred prior to the passage of the NIRA, Section 7(a) could not have acted as a catalyst to unionization in the coalfields. The authors show, using archival and secondary accounts, that nearly all the nation's coal miners were organized before the passage of the NIRA. In light of this empirical data, the authors propose an alternative model of union growth that rejects the methodological individualist assumptions that tacitly undergird the existing literature.
In: Hoover Institution studies 23
In: Labour / Le Travail, Band 16, S. 272
From before the dawn of the 20th century until the arrival of the New Deal, one of the most protracted and deadly labor struggles in American history was waged in West Virginia. On one side were powerful corporations whose millions bought armed guards and political influence. On the other side were 50,000 mine workers, the nation's largest labor union, and the legendary "miners' angel," Mother Jones. The fight for unionization and civil rights sparked a political crisis verging on civil war that stretched from the creeks and hollows to the courts and the US Senate. In The Devil is Here in These Hills, celebrated labor historian James Green tells the story of West Virginia and coal like never before
In: Environmental science and pollution research: ESPR, Band 26, Heft 15, S. 15600-15607
ISSN: 1614-7499