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Abstract
In the absence of legal gender recognition (LGR), transgender people carry documents that misrecognize them. The link between LGR's absence and exposure to violence and exclusion—experiences that often force transgender people to flee—is clarified by scholarship. However, when a trans person seeks asylum, they are often provided with documents that, rather than unambiguously recognizing their bearer, repeat this misrecognition. This incongruence often exposes transgender asylum seekers to greater risk. Previously, I have argued that, at the moment in which they seek international protection, transgender asylum seekers experience a form of statelessness due to the absence of LGR. In this paper, I build on this argument, drawing on a range of empirical studies to suggest that conditions of statelessness already exist prior to fleeing. As a result, I argue that the UNHCR is under obligation to provide documents recognizing their holder, even if this runs counter to state legislation.

To what extent do countries protect the rights of transgender people? How does this differ from legal protections countries offer sexual orientation minorities? What conditions are beneficial for advancing trans rights? Limitations in data availability and accessibility make answering these types of trans-specific questions difficult. To address this shortcoming, I introduce a new dataset. The Trans Rights Indicator Project (TRIP) provides insight into the legal situations transgender people faced in 173 countries from 2000 to 2021. The dataset currently includes 14 indicators that capture the presence or absence of laws related to criminalization, legal gender recognition, and anti-discrimination protections. I then use this data to discuss the global status of transgender rights throughout the period and compare these trends to sexual orientation rights. Finally, I conclude with a preliminary analysis of three institutional and cultural factors that may help explain variation in transgender rights throughout the world.

In this article, I identify how the Amazon television series Transparent deploys narrative thematics of home, belonging and importantly, a journey to becoming, to stage a limited representation of transgender lives within a heterosexual economy. Transgender studies has long been preoccupied with the transition narrative as a primary tool of representation, it is a vehicle through which the disjointedness of gender transition can be reformed into a narrative that enables intelligibility and fosters a sense of belonging. I argue however that the transition narrative, which aims to make transgender lives visible (and consumable) to an audience of trans and non-trans folk, is limiting in its representational scope and may impede, rather than mobilise, this agenda. The transition narrative constructs transgender lives within normative frames of time and place, and in the codes of textual conventions that compulsively render transgender transition into narrative. In Transparent, the themes of home and belonging are used to lend a sense of cohesion to the experience of transition in ways that implicate the representation of its trans characters in a 'universalising narrative of liberal democratic progress' ( Keegan 2013 ). I will examine the various ways this text employs the conventions of narrative and in doing so, fails to confront its audience with the daily cultural and social transgressions that make up the lived experiences of transition.

Abstract
The Supreme Court of India recently decriminalized section 377 of the Indian Penal Code to outlaw the unfair violence and discrimination against transgender people. The paper argues that despite the legal acceptance of Section 377, the discrimination and social exclusion of transgender people continue in the Indian public sphere. The method of Interpretative Phenomenological Approach has been used to analyze the interviews of five transgender people from Jammu city. The findings suggest patterns and relationships within the data which are useful for understanding various ways in which transgender people negotiate and contemplate their lives outside the known social network they resort to. By analyzing the interpretations of selected transgender people, the study reveals that they bear the brunt of social and economic exclusion due to their gender identity on day-to-day basis.

Transgender subjects in Manipuri society have experienced cultural legitimacy as well as prejudice and therefore have had an ambiguous status from early to modern times. From their early prototypes, pheitas, to their modern counterparts, nupi sabis, transgender subjects have played vital roles in the administrative, cultural and artistic life of Manipuri society. Legitimacy as well as stigma marked their participation in social and economic life. This article traces the emergence of the nupi maanbi community, a community of man-to-woman transgender subjects and argues that the current nupi maanbi identity, embedded in this distinct community, is firmly located in the economic niche that the subjects inhabit as professionals in the increasingly popular fashion and beauty parlours in contemporary Manipur.

Not long ago, clutched in colonial laws deployed to regulate dissident genders, the Hong Kong courts had never recognized the transgender person as a legitimate legal personality. Alongside powerful cultural transphobia that casts doubts on the corporeal authenticity of gender in post-operative transgender subjects, the laws held desperately onto the anachronistic and heterosexualized matrimonial framework that denies transgender subjects of their marriage rights—via the vastly productive hegemonic Judeo–Christian dogma of "one man and one woman" in marriage laws. All this was about to change because the disruptive pulse of cosmopolitan marriage laws began to vibrate in various national jurisdictions, causing ripples that spread through the legal disputes of rights first in non-procreative marriage and divorce rights, and subsequently in gay and transgender marriage legal challenges. Using the groundbreaking case of W v. Registrar of Marriages heard in Hong Kong's various courts (2010-2013), this article attempts to work through the conceptual possibilities offered by a postcolonial legal approach to understand the contingent but real legal possibilities to advance an immanent politics of transgender justice in the 20th century.

The experiences of countries all around the world show that there is no single, the same and universally applicable scenario of legal changes in terms of regulating the status of transgender people. The process most commonly begins by providing gender reassignment hormonal surgery procedures, which are followed by the legal recognition of a new gender identity. The next step necessarily implies the need to enact legislation to regulate the so-called social gender or gender identity, according to the right to self-determination of transgender persons, which is unrelated to previously undertaken medical treatment and gender reassignment surgery. Some countries have gone far in the implementation of this third step, while others have not taken even the first steps. Notably, different initiatives and events may be observed worldwide, many of which constitute the necessary "first steps" aimed at increasing the social acceptance of gender diversity. These steps may seem small and insufficient, but they are actually huge and significant in breaking the sanctity of the binary gender division and accepting specific transgender individuals. All the steps are based on the need to protect all people, including transgender people, from discrimination, violence, different forms of victimization, and other impacts of neglecting gender identity. Once gender identity becomes legally protected, it is possible to gradually build procedures and other types of legal protection mechanisms designed for all people whose gender identity differs from the rigid binary division into women and men, as the only identity options. In Serbia, there is still a significant lack of legal regulations on the status of transgender persons, which implies that there is much room for improvement in this area. While it would be easy to keep ignoring this issue, it would be irresponsible to exclude transgender persons from the analysis of social phenomena involving marginalization and victimization. ; Iskustva drugih zemalja sa raznih krajeva sveta, ...

Limited provider knowledge of transgender health contributes to stigmatizing interactions and access-to-care challenges for incarcerated transgender people. Drawing on interviews with recently incarcerated transgender individuals and correctional staff, a transgender health care provider training was developed and piloted. Providers indicated the training gave them the requisite competencies to offer gender-affirming care to transgender patients. Participants also rated the intervention to be highly acceptable and feasible and recommended it be provided to others. In addition, results suggested that the training may increase providers' transgender-related knowledge. Further testing of the intervention is warranted.

Biden's annual "proclamation" of Transgender Day of Visibility fell on the same day as Easter. But that was a coincidence, because Easter's date moves every year. Biden also honored Easter.

This article examines an emerging issue within the field of governance, the intersection of public policy with transgender identity. It is important that administrators better understand this issue given the lack of consistency in the current policy framework. This article addresses transgender identity's intersection with employment law, marriage, hate crimes, and the current legal framework for sex reassignment in the United States. The article also addresses how transgender identity contrasts with gay and lesbian identities with regard to public policy. Given widespread bias against this population, administrators are called to ensure that these individuals receive equal and equitable policy treatment.

Transgender people who have transitioned to live in a gender different from the gender assigned to them at birth face unique obstacles to obtaining identification documents that reflect their correct gender. Transgender citizens with inaccurate identification may encounter obstacles to voting. An increasing number of U.S. states have adopted voter identification laws (voter ID laws), which require voters to prove their identity by providing an acceptable form of identification to poll workers before voting in an election. The strictest voter ID laws require voters to present government-issued photo ID at the polls. If North Carolina were to implement a strict photo ID law for voting, this law may create substantial barriers to voting and possible disenfranchisement for nearly 5,000 transgender residents of North Carolina.

The public sphere has been seen by conservatives as an arena for safeguarding private relations. Private power relations (in the family, religion, community and economy) could be threatened by newly recognized social groups that make claims on the state for justice and equality. Therefore, conservatives have been concerned about who can speak and exist in public and who can thereby make demands on the state. In the debates over transgender rights in Canada, social conservatives and neoliberal forces have merged in complex and impactful ways. Analyzing House of Commons and Senate debates and committee proceedings for Bill C-279 (2015) and Bill C-16 (2016–2017), I examine three conservative arguments that illustrate attempts to maintain private power relations and hierarchal gendered divisions by ensuring that transgender and gender nonconforming people are not allowed to exist, speak or make claims in public: first, the assertion that gender identity and gender expression are not definable identity categories for claims-making because transgender people are deceptive and can change their gender based on their feelings; second, the targeting of public facilities, and particularly public bathrooms, as sites of contention, danger and necessary gender segregation; and third, the attempt to delegitimize rights claims by criminalizing transgender people in relation to cisgender women and children.