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Science is widely regarded as the most reliable epistemic source of providing knowledge about the world. Policymakers intend to make purposeful changes in the world. The practice of policymakers relying on scientific experts to make informed decisions about which policies to implement is called Evidence Based Policymaking. This thesis provides a perspective from the philosophy of science in order to discuss the justifiability of Evidence Based Policymaking (EBP) with respect to broadly democratic and liberal values. Justifying EBP with broadly democratic and liberal values entails that the practices of EBP promote, or at least are in harmony with, values such as democratic governance and enhancement of people's freedom and autonomy. Identifying the conditions under which practices of EBP meet such desiderata minimally requires an understanding of how sciences and scientific experts are instrumental in realizing the public's values, needs, interests, and pursuit of freedom. In order to approach this project, the thesis adopts a philosophical perspective to conceptualize how sciences are supposed to be guided by or promote society's values, needs, and interests. Specifically, it adopts a perspective from the philosophy of science that focuses on the relationship between science and (societal) values. The kind of philosophy of science perspective on "values in science" that this thesis adopts has two overarching pursuits relevant for the project of the thesis. Firstly, it seeks to inform the debates about which values and non-epistemic considerations are supposed to inform scientific research. For instance, it discusses the proper sources/owners of the non-epistemic desiderata that inform scientific research and the proper social mechanisms to identify these non-epistemic desiderata (e.g. Kourany, 2010; Kitcher, 2011). Second, it offers theories of the non-epistemic values' proper roles in scientific reasoning and research that specify how their involvement in science does not unduly compromise the epistemic pursuits of science. The values-in-science perspective thereby seeks to balance the instrumental value of science (i.e., its use to pursue certain societal projects and values) with its epistemic authority (i.e., its objectivity, non-dogmatism, and reliability). The thesis advances an understanding of EBP from the perspective of the values in science by addressing issues that come to the fore when EBP is acknowledged as a value-laden practice of informed decision-making.

The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences has decided to award the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel 2023 to Claudia Goldin Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA "for having advanced our understanding of women's labour market outcomes" She uncovered key drivers of gender differences in the labour market This year's Laureate in […]

Joan Woodward (1916–71) introduced the teaching of industrial sociology at Imperial College. Her best-known study, comparing organizations on the basis of their production technologies, was followed by research on the behavioural consequences of management control systems. Together they laid a major foundation stone for the contingency approach to organization. Although not explicitly concerned with application, the contingency approach makes possible analysis and some degree of prediction about organization. For applied work, three further conditions are necessary, that come from the arena of dynamics rather than research: internalizing a finding and turning it into use; starting from where the other is; and creating some transitional space. Whether an outcome is regarded as 'common sense' has to do with experience of a situation before it is researched, familiarity with findings afterwards, and the kind of language used. The capacity to think institutionally shifts these boundaries: with it, more things become accessible as common sense that without it would be split-off 'science', needing to be re-integrated.

Part I: Setting the Stage. - 1 Defining the Parameters 5. - 2 First Inhabitants, 3000 bc-1500 ad 25. - 3 Merchants and Monarchs, 1500-1814 55. - Part II: The Nineteenth Century. - 4 The British Admiralty and the Arctic, 1818-53 97. - 5 Purchase of Alaska, 1818-67 115. - 6 Sale of Rupert's Land, 1870 135. - 7 British Transfer of the Arctic Islands, 1870-1900 155. - Part III: The Twentieth Century . - 8 Perfecting Sovereign Titles, 1900-38 193. - 9 World War ii, 1939-45 247. - 10 Postwar and Cold War, 1946-91 285. - 11 Arctic Oil and Aboriginal Rights, 1960-2004 339. - Part IV: The Twenty-first Century . - 12 Beginning of a New Era 405. - 13 Conflicts and Challenges 435

This essay aims to demonstrate how attention to black political thought might expand and complicate our understanding of modern politics and the conceptualization of the political in contemporary political theory, and in modern politics more generally. Black political thought can be viewed as the attempt to develop a set of critical tools to help explain the political distinctiveness of black life-worlds and how this distinctiveness is structured by a series of relations between individual and community, self and other, state and society, citizen and non-citizen, and national and multinational (or global) circumstances. Too often, black politics is exclusively considered as a form of minority group politics and phenomena reducible to empirical investigation and observation, rather than a set of practices with underlying conceptual, theoretical, and epistemological premises. If we understand race as a fundamentally relational concept, namely, an assumption of dynamic interaction between two or more putatively distinct groups, and racism as a political phenomena that is conditioned and articulated through politics, then taken together they provide the opportunity for reflection and consideration of how black peoples and subjects have conceptualized, created and engaged in politics, political communities, and their articulation. Race and racism, the modalities of political participation and, conversely, the modalities of political exclusion have been recurrent themes in black political thought. The distinctiveness of black political thought is symptomatic of the distinctive trajectories of black politics, which first emerged from spaces of exclusion in Western polities and colonies. The histories of black political and social movements provide evidence of the ways in which black subordination in Western societies and polities required the reconfiguration of the actual boundaries between the public and private, the political and the social. Race and racism, the distinction between identity and identification, black solidarities, and the relationship between history, context, and politics and the political are themes central to black political thought.

Front Cover -- Conservation Science and Advocacy for a Planet in Peril -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of contributors -- Biographies -- Foreword: uncensored science is crucial for global conservation -- Science is needed today more than ever -- Truth is the enemy of special interests -- Censorship, as Dominick DellaSala realized in choosing chapters for this book, is a problem for conservation -- Scientific reticence can amount to self-censorship -- Something was wrong with ice sheet models -- I was stunned by the model result

The article discusses the main means of verbal persuasion used in political discourse, and their functions in the text. The concept of manipulation is defined from various perspectives and features peculiar to the political discourse of mass media are investigated. The political discourse is characterized by a combination of different tools of speech manipulation which found reflection in political discourse of mass media. And these reflections are given at different levels including phonographic, grammatical, lexical and lexical-pragmatic. The political discourse is characterized by manipulative feature for the purpose of conducting propaganda and ideological conflict which is done with the help of various linguistic units and methods such as alliteration, rhyme, rhythmization, nominalization, converse terms, neologisms, periphrases, deictic units, euphemisms, dysphemisms, sophisticated lexis, barbarisms, elliptic language and inversion. Political discourse of mass media has a huge impact on formulation of public opinion which is done with the help of the above-mentioned tools of speech manipulation. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s1p325

Located on the shore of Lake Superior near the Iron Range of Minnesota and, for much of its history, the site of vast steel, lumber, and shipping industries, Duluth has been home to people who worked tirelessly in the rail yards, grain elevators, and harbor. Here, for the first time, By the Ore Docks presents a compelling, full-length history of the people who built this port city and struggled for both the growth of the city and the rights of their fellow workers. In By the Ore Docks, Richard Hudelson and Carl Ross trace seventy years in the lives of Duluths multi-ethnic working classScandi.

Land is a factor of production like labour and capital but it is non-renewable natural resource and fixed in supply. With economic development, it has growing and competing demands. Hence, its access and efficient use for both agricultural and non-agricultural purposes become critical. Land policy in India is historically governed by ideology and political interests. Agricultural land reform policies led to present agrarian structure characterized by marginalization of land holdings, emergence of noncultivating owners and increasing current fallows. Policy on land acquisition for non-agricultural use is outdated and has emerged as a major contentious issue. An appropriate land policy and enabling legal and institutional framework is essential for achieving higher and sustainable economic development in India. This paper, therefore, examines political economy of land policy since independence and makes an attempt to bring out emerging issues and challenges pertaining to land policy for both agriculture and non-agricultural use from future economic development perspective.

Politics as an art of bargaining has gain prominent momentum following the victory of the president-elect Joko Widodo in Indonesia in 2014. This paper estimates the value of political parties under uncertainties over two possible coalitions: the Great Indonesia Coalition (Koalisi Indonesia Hebat, KIH) that supports Joko Widodo, and the Red & White Coalition (Koalisi Merah Putih, KMP) that supports Prabowo Subianto, the president candidate from the Gerindra Party. The estimation shows that the Golkar, the second largest earner of seats in the parliament, is more valuable for KMP, making them expensive to be maintained within this coalition. It suggests that the best choice for Golkar is to jump to KIH, unless the KMP provides substantial payoff to lure this party. Nonetheless, the pure strategy Nash equilibrium in a non-cooperative game of political bargaining shows that even though a party has small fair values, but it still has decisive impact in the bargaining table of a coalition.

An Account of Newman's political thought must explain a paradox. Newman declared that the principal aim of his life was to combat religious liberalism; and however novel may have been his approach to many problems, no charge against the orthodoxy of his theological writings has ever been sustained. Yet Newman was considered dangerously liberal by many. A few years after Newman had been made a Cardinal, Lord Selborne, during an audience with Pope Leo XIII, chanced to mention the name of Newman. The Pope's face brightened. "It was not easy; no, it was not easy. They said he was too liberal; but I was determined to honour the Church by honouring Newman. I have always felt a deep veneration for him. I am proud that it has been given me to honour such a man." In what sense could it be said of Newman that he was too liberal? A study of his political thinking will, I think, take one far toward an answer to the question.

Many believe that the ""new historians"" represent a revolution in Israeli intellectual life. However, the exclusion of Arab voices and sources of evidence, especially in the work of Benny Morris, limited the extent of that revolution and situates some of the new history close to traditional Zionist categories of knowledge. This historical exclusion partly explains Morris's retreat to the Israeli political center since the outbreak of the second intifada. Meron Benvenisti's outlook and ""relational"" approaches to the history of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict are intellectual methods with a more promising political perspective.