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Living on an island in a pandemic has its obvious advantages. However, in a globalised economy, border restrictions cannot keep the COVID‐19 virus completely at bay. Despite coordinated efforts at infection control and extensive vaccination, Iceland, a sparsely populated island in the north, was placed among the countries in the highest risk category by the ECDC. In this article, wereport a qualitative study carried out at the peak of the fourth COVID‐19 wave in 2021, when the pandemic had severely hit the Icelandic social and healthcare system, with a record‐breaking number of infections. Semi‐structured interviews were conducted with parents with seven disabled children. Guided by feminist standpoint theory and critical disability studies, we focused on how service structures affected and shaped parents' and children's experiences during the first waves of the pandemic. The findings suggest that the pandemic intensified the already precarious position of the families. During the pandemic, the gaps in the already fragmented services widened, and the families were left to navigate this new reality on their own. Preventive measures enforced by municipalities and healthcare services centred on non‐disabled people's experiences and needs. Unprepared service systems distanced themselves from the families while maintaining governance and supervision over defining their need for support.

Ambivalenter Sexismus besteht aus offen feindseligen (hostiler Sexismus) und scheinbar wohlwollenden (benevolenter Sexismus) Sichtweisen auf Frauen. Obwohl anzunehmen ist, dass ambivalent-sexistische Einstellungen nicht nur gegenüber Frauen, sondern auch gegenüber Mädchen bestehen und sich bereits im Jugendalter herausbilden, wurden auf Mädchen bezogene Einstellungen und jugendliche Stichproben bisher kaum untersucht, vermutlich auch aufgrund des Fehlens eines geeigneten Messinstrumentes. Wir stellen ein deutschsprachiges Instrument zur Messung ambivalent-sexistischer Einstellungen gegenüber jugendlichen Mädchen zum Einsatz bei Jugendlichen und jungen Erwachsenen vor. Zur Prüfung der Kriteriumsvalidität untersuchten wir mit 1 128 Jugendlichen den Zusammenhang zwischen ambivalent-sexistischen Einstellungen gegenüber Mädchen und einem Geschlechtergerechtigkeitsindex. Die Konstruktvalidität prüften wir in 2 Stichproben junger Erwachsener (Studierende der Sozialwissenschaften, N = 441, und des Polizeivollzugsdienstes, N = 153), die zusätzlich ein etabliertes Inventar zur Messung des ambivalenten Sexismus gegenüber Frauen sowie verwandte Skalen ausfüllten. Die Ergebnisse verweisen auf Reliabilität und Validität des Inventars zur Messung des Ambivalenten Sexismus gegenüber jugendlichen Mädchen (ASI-Mäd).

Human development and ageing are lifelong processes, where earlier life conditions and events are interlinked with later life outcomes. Patterns of inequality within and among cohorts emerge over time as products of the interplay between institutional arrangements and individual life, often dependent on childhood or earlier life circumstances. The life conditions and experiences of older adults in Eastern and Western Europe differ significantly, but whether their cumulative effects on later life outcomes vary across these two regions has not been compared. We explore the effects of socioeconomic position, the experience of a period of hunger, the dispossession of assets, and discrimination suffered by parents in respondents' life courses on later life health inequalities in Europe. Self-reported health, everyday activity limitations, and cognitive functioning are the main outcomes that provide an adequate overview of different health domains. We mainly use data from the seventh wave of the Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE 2017) and restrict our sample to respondents aged 65 and older from 26 European countries (N=41,566). We find that older people in Eastern Europe fare worse in self-rated health and everyday activity limitations than Western Europeans, while Eastern Europeans indicate somewhat better outcomes in cognitive functioning. A disadvantaged socioeconomic position in childhood and adulthood has the strongest association with all health outcomes, followed by the experience of hunger over the life course for the whole of Europe. However, we do not find diverging associations between life-course factors and health outcomes in Eastern and Western Europe. We argue that self-reported health, everyday activity limitations and cognitive functioning have to be analysed within their own frameworks and cannot yield conclusions that are uniform for all health outcomes. Moreover, major generalisations either about Eastern or Western Europe must be treated with caution as the regions have very different historical as well as demographic developments and thus cannot be treated as uniform.

Edward L. Bernays gilt als Vater der Public Relations: Bereits in den 1920er Jahren erkannte er das politische Machtpotenzial von Massenmedien in ihrer Einflussnahme auf die öffentliche Meinung und damit die Herausforderungen rund um Desinformation, Propaganda und emotionsgesteuerte Politik, denen sich die liberale Demokratie bis heute ausgesetzt sieht. Der Autor nimmt eine erste systematische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Werk Bernays' aus politiktheoretischer Perspektive vor und beleuchtet mögliche Anknüpfungspunkte für die Politische Theorie. Er zeigt, dass Bernays' Propagandatheorie mit ihrer interdisziplinären Grundlegung eine spezifische Aktualität besitzt, die in Kombination mit ihrer Anschlussfähigkeit für moderne sozialpsychologische Forschung zeitgenössische Phänomene rund um Fake News, Filterblasen und Echokammern erklären kann.

This paper takes into consideration the contextualization hypothesis and addresses several relevant influence factors which might have shaped the immigration perception in the Eastern European ex-communist societies after the migration crisis in 2015-2016: (i) the history and geopolitical context of the countries in the eastern half of Europe and the history of East-West emigration before and after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989; (ii) politicization of migration and political party favourability in the host societies, (iii) national culture characteristics as emphasized by Hofstede's theory, (iv) beliefs (trust in others), and (v) materialist and postmaterialist values. The roles played by these influence factors in the formation and change of anti-immigration attitudes are discussed in four Country Case Studies comparative analysis between traditional immigration countries from Western Europe and latest immigration target countries from the Central Eastern Europe. The research outcomes provide conceptual support to the hypothesis that the Central Eastern European societies are more sensitive to political culture issues and their reactions to massive immigration might be deeply influenced by their historical and geopolitical contextual conditions, and by their sets of values and beliefs. These and other contextual conditions are discussed with regard to the capacity of CEE countries to develop national models of immigrant integration such that they could face the challenge of massive migration waves in Southern-Central-Eastern Europe.

In this article I reconstruct the place narrative of the Rum community (Greeks of Turkey) in Fener, Istanbul through unrest, displacement, and gentrification, and how the urban fabric, everyday life, and encounters transformed through different phases of urban change. Fener was a neighbourhood where cultural groups coexisted with mutual respect. This environment started to deteriorate when societal unrest towards non-Muslims resulted in a city-wide assault in 1955 and a subsequent displacement of many non-Muslims from the neighbourhood. The neighbourhood decayed and later became an attractive spot for gentrifiers because of its multicultural history. This implicated a massive physical change after an unimplemented regeneration project leading to gentrification. I theorize this narrative mainly based on Whitehead's "permanences," the stabilities in the physical and non-physical presence of Rums in Fener and Bhabha's "in-between temporalities" as complements of permanences, defining space-time envelopes that signify both adjustment and resilience, but also amnesia as a result of urban unrest through social and physical change. The Rum urban narrative provides a complex story of challenged community identity; therefore, it necessitates the use of several qualitative research methods: interviews with older residents, historical investigation with documentation, and personal observation. The study results show that the Rum community's daily practices and placeworlds were lost; however, the community remembers permanences better than in-between temporalities. Linking fragmented narratives by reconstructing them fights cultural amnesia and leads to a better connection with place and past contexts.

Demographic ageing in Europe is leading to an increasing need for care and a serious challenge for the sustainability of our social and healthcare systems. Informal carers across the EU currently provide over 80 per cent of all care. If not adequately supported, caring can have many difficult consequences for carers. Carers should not be socially and economically penalised as a result of their caregiving activities. Measures designed to support them should therefore aim to recognise them and their vital role in society, provide them with the essential information and counselling they need, give them access to allowances that offset the costs they face and truly values their contribution, develop flexible working arrangements and care leave schemes to allow them to maintain an active life, and improve the provision of equitable and accessible formal care services to ensure carers can rely on professional alternatives to informal care. This policy paper makes clear why it is necessary to address the challenges faced by young carers. It briefly discusses different forms of support measures and makes recommendations for better support for Young Carers.

Vermögen ist in Österreich sehr ungleich verteilt. Seit der HFCS-Vermögenserhebung der Oesterreichischen Nationalbank (OeNB) und von Wissenschaftler:innen durchgeführten Hochschätzungen lässt sich besser beziffern, wie groß die Vermögenskonzentration tatsächlich ist. Österreich steht innerhalb der Eurozone mit an der Spitze der Vermögensungleichheit. Die große Mehrheit der in Österreich lebenden Bevölkerung empfindet die bestehende Vermögensverteilung als ungerecht. Vermögensteuern sind ein Weg, die Schieflage zu reduzieren. Das reichste 1 % verfügt über rund 40 % des gesamten Nettovermögens, während die ärmere Hälfte gerade einmal 2,8 % des Nettovermögens besitzt. Die hohe Vermögenskonzentration hat negative wirtschaftliche, demokratiepolitische und ökologische Konsequenzen. Der Überreichtum kann durch Vermögenssteuern reduziert werden.

International audience ; Conceived in the 1930s as a way to renew free market liberalism, neoliberal doctrines aim to institute a competitive order that would regulate the market as well as society. Yet, interpretations of how competition should be enforced have varied throughout history. The European Union, with its ordoliberal origins, tends to follow an interventionist approach while the United States, where the Chicago School has gained influence, fears that inadequate public interventions may diminish global efficiency. The digital revolution and the appearance of the Tech Giants introduces a new challenge. Faced with massive increasing returns to scale, the competition authorities initially reduced their interventionism to enjoy more market efficiency. But the emergence of digital platforms and the will to protect personal data from abusive uses pushes them now to adopt a new strategy for more interventions that goes beyond the economic and efficiency issues. This paper argues that the neoliberal vision is no longer accurate to regulate the digital economy. It shows that the platform economy is not an alternative way to manage the market, but an alternative to the market itself. To face these issues, a completely new conception of public regulation is therefore needed.

International audience ; The year 2021 is characterized first of all by an update of the Military Programming Law (LPM) which has been evaded, the parliament having not been consulted. It is also the continuation of the financial effort provided for by the LPM with the 2022 budget as well as the continuation of the European defense policy. This policy should materialize through concrete proposals to European partners in the last months of its five-year term, with France taking over the presidency of the European Union on 1 January 2022. It is also continuity with the development of cooperation in the field of defense industry and arms exports which experienced failures but also successes during the year 2021. It is still France's major effort in external operations, in particular with the operation Barkhane in Mali, called into question with a redeployment of forces. Finally, in addition to these usual aspects, the return of tensions between the military and politicians and the debate on the format of the french army. ; L'année 2021 est caractérisée tout d'abord par une actualisation de la Loi de Programmation Militaire (LPM) escamotée, le parlement n'ayant pas été consulté. C'est aussi la continuation de l'effort financier prévu par la LPM avec le budget 2022 ainsi que la poursuite de la politique de défense européenne. Cette politique devrait se concrétiser par des propositions concrètes aux partenaires européens dans les derniers mois de son quinquennat, la France prenant en effet la présidence de l'Union européenne au 1 er janvier 2022. C'est aussi la continuité avec le développement de la coopération dans le domaine de l'industrie de défense et les exportations d'armements qui ont connu des échecs mais aussi des succès au cours de l'année 2021. C'est encore l'effort important de la France dans les opérations extérieures notamment avec l'opération Barkhane au Mali, remise en question avec un redéploiement des forces. C'est enfin, outre ces aspects habituels, le retour des tensions entre militaires et ...

International audience ; Conceived in the 1930s as a way to renew free market liberalism, neoliberal doctrines aim to institute a competitive order that would regulate the market as well as society. Yet, interpretations of how competition should be enforced have varied throughout history. The European Union, with its ordoliberal origins, tends to follow an interventionist approach while the United States, where the Chicago School has gained influence, fears that inadequate public interventions may diminish global efficiency. The digital revolution and the appearance of the Tech Giants introduces a new challenge. Faced with massive increasing returns to scale, the competition authorities initially reduced their interventionism to enjoy more market efficiency. But the emergence of digital platforms and the will to protect personal data from abusive uses pushes them now to adopt a new strategy for more interventions that goes beyond the economic and efficiency issues. This paper argues that the neoliberal vision is no longer accurate to regulate the digital economy. It shows that the platform economy is not an alternative way to manage the market, but an alternative to the market itself. To face these issues, a completely new conception of public regulation is therefore needed.

International audience ; The year 2021 is characterized first of all by an update of the Military Programming Law (LPM) which has been evaded, the parliament having not been consulted. It is also the continuation of the financial effort provided for by the LPM with the 2022 budget as well as the continuation of the European defense policy. This policy should materialize through concrete proposals to European partners in the last months of its five-year term, with France taking over the presidency of the European Union on 1 January 2022. It is also continuity with the development of cooperation in the field of defense industry and arms exports which experienced failures but also successes during the year 2021. It is still France's major effort in external operations, in particular with the operation Barkhane in Mali, called into question with a redeployment of forces. Finally, in addition to these usual aspects, the return of tensions between the military and politicians and the debate on the format of the french army. ; L'année 2021 est caractérisée tout d'abord par une actualisation de la Loi de Programmation Militaire (LPM) escamotée, le parlement n'ayant pas été consulté. C'est aussi la continuation de l'effort financier prévu par la LPM avec le budget 2022 ainsi que la poursuite de la politique de défense européenne. Cette politique devrait se concrétiser par des propositions concrètes aux partenaires européens dans les derniers mois de son quinquennat, la France prenant en effet la présidence de l'Union européenne au 1 er janvier 2022. C'est aussi la continuité avec le développement de la coopération dans le domaine de l'industrie de défense et les exportations d'armements qui ont connu des échecs mais aussi des succès au cours de l'année 2021. C'est encore l'effort important de la France dans les opérations extérieures notamment avec l'opération Barkhane au Mali, remise en question avec un redéploiement des forces. C'est enfin, outre ces aspects habituels, le retour des tensions entre militaires et politiques et du débat sur le format de notre armée.

International audience ; Conceived in the 1930s as a way to renew free market liberalism, neoliberal doctrines aim to institute a competitive order that would regulate the market as well as society. Yet, interpretations of how competition should be enforced have varied throughout history. The European Union, with its ordoliberal origins, tends to follow an interventionist approach while the United States, where the Chicago School has gained influence, fears that inadequate public interventions may diminish global efficiency. The digital revolution and the appearance of the Tech Giants introduces a new challenge. Faced with massive increasing returns to scale, the competition authorities initially reduced their interventionism to enjoy more market efficiency. But the emergence of digital platforms and the will to protect personal data from abusive uses pushes them now to adopt a new strategy for more interventions that goes beyond the economic and efficiency issues. This paper argues that the neoliberal vision is no longer accurate to regulate the digital economy. It shows that the platform economy is not an alternative way to manage the market, but an alternative to the market itself. To face these issues, a completely new conception of public regulation is therefore needed.

Family policies not only provide money, time and infrastructure to families, but also convey normative assumptions about what is considered desirable or acceptable in paid work and family care. This study conceptualises and empirically investigates how priming respondents with brief media report-like information on existing day care policy entitlements and the economic consequences of maternal employment interruptions may change personal normative beliefs about parental work-care arrangements. Furthermore, we analyse whether these effects differ between groups of respondents assumed to vary in their degree of affectedness by the information as well as previous knowledge. The theoretical framework builds on the concept of normative policy feedback effects (Soroka and Wlezien, 2010; Gangl and Ziefle, 2015) combined with social norm theory (Bicchieri, 2017) and human cognition theories (Petty and Cacioppo, 1986; Evans and Stanovich, 2013). The study is based on a fully randomized survey experiment in Wave 12 of the German Family Panel (pairfam) and applies linear and ordinal logistic regressions with cluster-robust standard errors to a sample of 5,783 respondents. Our results suggest that priming respondents with information on day care policy and long-term economic risks of maternal employment interruptions increases acceptance of intensive day care use across the full sample and especially for mothers with children below school entry age. It further increases support for longer hours spent in paid work among childless women and mothers with school-aged children. Norms regarding paternal working hours are largely unaffected by the information given in this survey experiment.

In some precolonial regimes in sub-Saharan Africa, queen mothers ruled alongside kings. Yet, women were dislodged from leadership positions over time. Today, many countries are discussing how to boost the number of women in politics and business. Some sub-Saharan African countries are already among the top 25 in terms of proportion of women in parliament, and boast above-average percentages of women on corporate boards. How did women become leaders in these sectors?
Men usually dominate in leadership positions; however, some countries have achieved impressive numbers of women in political and economic leadership by introducing affirmative policies in favour of fast-tracking women's participation. Although there are still miles to go before gender parity is finally achieved, certain countries in sub-Saharan Africa show that changing the rules of the game by implementing a mixture of affirmative policies increases the number of women in leadership positions.
Women's movements are behind the big jumps in female representation that countries in sub-Saharan Africa have made. Especially in post-war societies, women's movements have used the opportunity to push for more women in leadership. For example, the Women's National Coalition in South Africa lobbied for a gender advisory body to the Constitutional Assembly, which contributed to the Constitution now including a strong equality clause. Even though we have witnessed many women being sent back to private spaces after wars, the immediate post-war context can drastically change the social standing of women for the better.
Alongside structural factors that increase women's participation in leadership, there are also individual factors that certain women bring to the table. Wealthy and educated women often climb up the career ladder. Additionally, women who benefit from training for management and mentoring are empowered to participate in politics and business.
While it is easy to look at the global gender equity gap and shrug it off as a problem too big to solve, certain countries in sub-Saharan Africa show that rapid changes are possible when a mixture of affirmative policies is implemented, when women's movements are supported, and when women have access to education and money. International donors should promote feminist policies to increase the number of women in power.