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This article examines real events, their perceptions and narratives concerned with the key actors in the Donbas crisis – Ukraine, the EU/EU member states, Russia and the USA. Perceptions and narratives are traced in the texts of interviews with Ukrainian policy- and decision-makers from political, business, cultural, and civic cohorts (40 respondents). The elites were interviewed in the winter of 2016 within the framework of the Jean Monnet Network "Crisis, conflict and critical diplomacy: EU perceptions in Ukraine and Israel/Palestine" (C3EU), supported by Earsmus+ program of the European Commission. Informed by the strategic narrative theory [Miskimmon et al. 2013], the article undertakes a qualitative content analysis of the interview texts, explicating elite perceptions of the crisis in Donbas. The results spell the need for a more nuanced understanding of Ukraine's perceptions of key actors in the ongoing conflict as well as the origin of these perceptions. Arguably, such understanding may benefit the EU's critical diplomacy towards Ukraine and add a valuable insight to the constructive dialogue between Ukraine and the EU. ; В статье дан анализ реальных событий, их восприятия и соответствующих нарративов, связанных с ключевыми субъектами кризиса на Донбассе – Украиной, ЕС/странами ЕС, Россией и США. Восприятия выводится из текстов интервью украинцев, которые определяют направления деятельности и принимают решения в политике, бизнесе, культурной и общественной сферах (40 респондентов). Все интервью были проведены зимой 2016 года в рамках проекта «Кризис, конфликт и критическая дипломатия: восприятие ЕС в Украине и Израиле/Палестина» (C3EU) при поддержке программы Эразмус+, предоставляемой Европейской комиссией. Опираясь на теорию стратегического нарратива [Miskimmon et al. 2013], статья предлагает контент-анализ текстов интервью, которые отражают восприятие кризиса на Донбассе представителями украинских элит. Результаты анализа свидетельствуют о необходимости более детального понимания того, как воспринимаются ключевые субъекты, задействованные в конфликте на Донбассе, а также причин такого восприятия. Предположительно, понимание природы восприятия упомянутых политических сил может быть полезным для критической дипломатии ЕС относительно Украины и предоставить ценную информацию, которая будет способствовать конструктивному диалогу между Украиной и ЕС. ; У статті надано аналіз реальних подій, їхнього сприйняття та відповідних наративів, пов'язаних із ключовими суб'єктами кризи на Донбасі – Україною, ЄС/країнами ЄС, Росією та США. Сприйняття виводиться з текстів інтерв'ю українців, які визначають напрями діяльності та ухвалюють рішення в політиці, бізнесі, культурній та громадській сфкрах (40 респондентів). Представники цих українських еліт були проінтервйовані взимку 2016 року в межах проекту «Криза, конфлікт та критична дипломатія: сприйняття ЄС в Україні та Ізраїлі/Палестина» (C3EU) за підтримки програми Еразмус+, наданої Європейською комісією. Спираючись на теорію стратегічного наративу [Miskimmon et al. 2013], стаття надає контент-аналіз текстів інтерв'ю, що віддзеркалюють сприйняття кризи на Донбасі представниками українських еліт. Результати аналізу свідчать про необхідність більш детального розуміння того, як сприймаються ключові суб'єкти, задіяні у конфлікті на Донбасі, а також причин такого сприйняття. За припущенням, розуміння природи сприйняття зазначених ключових політичних сил може принести користь критичній дипломатії ЄС щодо України та надати цінну інформацію, яка сприятиме конструктивному діалогу між Україною та ЄС.

Le Loup En Nous : Centre de la Gravure et de l'Image imprimée, Belgium. A solo project within OVERPR!NT curated by Jean Pierre Muller. From 28th April to 16 September 2018 The museum invited Leigh Clarke to interact with communities in the city of La Louvière through a collaborative print activity. Following recent public arts projects, the question continued asking whether print as an artefact or process is able to unite people and bring new audiences into art and design spaces. The Centre de la Gravure et de l'image imprimée is a world leading museum in Belgium focussing specifically on the printed image. Solo exhibitions there have included Pablo Picasso, Luc Tuymans and David Lynch. In April 2018, one museum space was curated by the Head of Print at La Cambre University Brussels and leader of the International Print Union. The museum exhibited works under the title OVERPR!NT, made by artists associated with the International Print Union from the RCA, CSM, Royal Academy Antwerp and Hochscule fur Grafik und Buchkunst Leipzig. Following an ERASMUS trip through LCC to La Cambre, I delivered a lecture on my practice which led to Professor Muller asking me to exhibit a solo exhibition within the project. Within OVERPR!NT, The Museum displayed my printed works and projects from over the past 10 years. They exhibited some works on a wall next the work of Barbara Kruger and Marcel Broodthears. They asked me to create a printed outcome as a result of working with people in La Louvière and a limited edition print. I generated an edition of 1200 lithographs funded by LCC with a added screen printed phosphorescent ink. The image in the centre of a wolf referenced their inhabitance the city in the 12th century. Wolves have returned to Wallonia after 120 years with a growing population. For the project I considered similarities in the characteristics of a wolf and a poster. A poster's ability to stalk, encounter and communicate over long distances, assembles packs of people to participate in activity. It raises the alarm, rallies and gathers communities. Unlike social networking, the speed at which the poster communicates is physically interactive, changing the breathing space around the person or environment it operates in. The way it positions itself in public spaces is territorial, it can appear anywhere, altering perceptions with its gregarious presence. Through interaction and participation, the project poster functioned in unifying and celebrating public groups that regularly meet in the City of La Louviere. It also acted as an invitation to join us at the museum to view the politically inspired works made through print media. The museum organised groups of communities within the city to have their photograph taken, each individually holding a poster together in their group. We then turned off the lights, allowing the posters to glow. The results of the shoots were exhibited at the museum. Each participant was given a limited edition print and an invitation to the private view. Many participants, many who had never visited the museum, attended the private view and saw themselves in the work.

The purpose of this article is carrying out the analysis of the legal acts which regulate system of the higher education of the European Union and adaptation of the Ukrainian system of the higher education to conditions of socially oriented economy, transformation and integration into the European and world community.The main international legal act on the basis of which there is the European cooperation in the sphere of the higher education is the Joint declaration of Ministers of Education of Europe "The European space in the sphere of the higher education" (The Bologna declaration).The beginning of Bologna Process is considered the acceptance by the European Ministers of Education of the joint declaration of June 19, 1999, which received the name of "The Bologna declaration".In the course of reform of the higher education the European Union defined three main directions of structural reforming of national systems of the higher education: training programs, management, financing. Reforms in these directions are very similar to reforms which were undertaken in Ukraine after the introduction in Bologna Process in 2005.In 2010 the new strategy of development for the EU – "Europe-2020", which has to help state members of the European Union to overcome consequences of world crisis was accepted and has to return on the way of sustainable development.The European Commission introduces a number of the international programs of cooperation in the sphere of the higher education. Today Ukraine participates in the following programs of the European Commission: "Tempus" program; "Erasmus Mundus" and "Erasmus +" programs; Jean Monet's program.In the article there is drawn the conclusion that education is the priority direction for all countries - members of the European Union. However, there are certain difficulties and differences in national educational systems. At the European level the relations in education are not governed by uniform European policy. The maintenance responsibility and the organization of educational process are born by member countries of the European Union. Educational programs of the EU which are directed to cooperation and mobility in the sphere of the higher education, development of partnership between higher educational institutions of EU Member States and increase in competitiveness of the European higher school are provided. ; Статья посвящена анализу правовых актов, регулирующих систему высшего образования Европейского Союза и адаптацию украинской системы высшего образования к условиям социально ориентированной экономики, трансформацию и интеграцию в европейское и мировое сообщества.Автор обращает внимание на то, что взаимодействие государств в области образования становится все более динамичным, проявляют себя новые тенденции такого взаимодействия, появляются новые формы и направления сотрудничества. ; У статті зроблено висновок про те, що освіта є пріоритетним напрямом для усіх країн-членів Європейського Союзу. Проте існуть певні складнощі та відмінності у національних освітніх системах. На європейському рівні відносини у сфері освіти не регулюються єдиною європейською політикою. Відповідальність за зміст та організацію навчального процесу несуть самі країни-члени Європейського Союзу. Передбачені освітні програми ЄС, які спрямовані на співробітництво і мобільність у сфері вищої освіти, розвиток партнерства між вищими навчальними закладами країн-членів ЄС і підвищення конкурентоспроможності європейської вищої школи.

Call it kismet or prescience, but when the University of Montana's School of Theatre and Dance chose Maurice Valency's adaptation of Jean Giraudoux's The Madwoman of Chaillot for production in the spring of 2017, the current political climate was only an unlikely glimmer on the horizon. The play, described by the publisher as "a kind of poetic and comic fable set in the twilight zone of the not-quite-true," revolves around the Parisian district of Chaillot, presided over by the Madwoman Countess Aurelia and her band of vagabonds. When their happiness is threatened by the "invasion" of a President of Eleven Companies, accompanied by his brokers, his prospectors, his news agents, and "a forest of derricks and drills" determined to dig up Paris to find oil and make war, the Countess holds a trial in absentia and sentences them to death. She lures them down the bottomless stairway in her cellar, where they vanish—and the world is subsequently saved. Giraudoux began writing the play in 1942 in Nazi-occupied France, and parallels to that invasion remain clear. What scholarship exists in English on the play illuminates these parallels. Significantly more surprising, however, are the ways in which the dialogue seems relevant in America today, nearly seventy years after the play first premiered. When I was cast as the Countess Aurelia, in December of 2016, some of the challenges of the role were readily apparent: playing old age (or a kind of ageless immortality – the play is set, according to the playwright, in "the Spring of next year," though the Countess has first-hand recollections of events in 1881); the sheer number of lines the Countess has; and speaking those lines in a way that is poetic and stylized yet still accessible and genuine. However, as the New Year dawned and our rehearsals commenced, additional challenges presented themselves. To what extent should a performer allow the audience to draw its own connections to current events, or emphasize those connections so that they even more apparent? What does it mean to produce a piece of art that is so clearly counter-culture – and, in some ways, revolutionary – particularly at a time when art is being de-funded and the public turns to news outlets for entertainment? How does one reconcile a dramatic resolution that can be interpreted as anything from sweeping the problem under the rug to all-out genocide? Is the Madwoman—a kind of eccentric patron saint personified—an outdated trope, or does she provide answers relevant to a contemporary audience? These questions cannot be answered through an abstract hypothetical analysis; they require the embodiment of the role. Using the rehearsal and performances of The Madwoman of Chaillot as my primary research method, I propose to answer these challenges in a formal research presentation. It is my working hypothesis that, while her methods could not translate to a world outside of the fantastical Chaillot, Countess Aurelia offers a madness that our world still desperately needs.

La crisis jurídico-política de la Unión Europea ha constituido la motivación principal de este trabajo, que puede apreciarse con el resurgimiento de movimientos populistas y nacionalistas a partir de la crisis de la deuda soberana. Sin embargo, esta investigación va más allá de estos fenómenos recientes y parte de la premisa de que el problema de fondo es en realidad una cuestión normativa, que está estrechamente vinculada a la legitimidad de un orden político postnacional. La Unión Europea carece de un fundamento normativo capaz de articular los Estados miembros en torno a un interés general que evite las insuficiencias del modelo del Estado nación con respecto a su legitimidad democrática. En este sentido, la siguiente investigación revisa los fundamentos teóricos del Estado nación en el pensamiento político de la modernidad. El Estado nación tiene su base en la soberanía del Estado, que fue entendida en principio por sus primeros defensores en puros términos fácticos. El Estado soberano como garantizador del orden público, sólo puede instituirse si sus instituciones emanan de un fundamento moral de la comunidad política. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, a pesar de haber resuelto las paradojas de la soberanía fáctica en su concepto de la voluntad general, no consiguió pensar el Estado como ser moral más allá de la suma de las diferentes voluntades particulares. Como consecuencia, las democracias nacionales tienen un fundamento teórico insuficiente para representar el interés general. Dándose cuenta de esta insuficiencia, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel asentó su fundamento del Estado en el interés universal lo que le permitió pensar la comunidad política como Estado de derecho caracterizado por un orden constitucional, que se legitima por el reconocimiento positivo de las libertades privadas y políticas de los individuos. A partir de ahí es posible razonar la democracia de otra manera y desarrollar un modelo de Estado, que asienta sus instituciones sobre un concepto de sociedad universal. De ese modo, se hace posible pensar un modelo de democracia para la Unión Europea, que tiene su fundamento en el interés general de los ciudadanos europeos, pero al mismo tiempo cuenta desde el principio con las diferencias particulares entre las distintas poblaciones. La segunda parte de la investigación comprueba los logros y fracasos del Estado nación, esta vez entendido como fenómeno histórico, para representar un orden social instituido sobre los principios modernos de libertad e igualdad de los ciudadanos. Basado en el pensamiento de Jürgen Habermas, se explica el fenómeno de la integración europea como consecuencia directa de estas insuficiencias del Estado nación. Sin embargo, se demuestra que el proceso de integración europea todavía es incompleto por su incapacidad de representar un orden social postnacional. Esta insuficiencia queda demostrada en dos campos concretos e identificados anteriormente en la parte teórica como puntos claves de la democracia, los derechos individuales y la representación política. En esta línea, la conclusión elabora un modelo de un Estado democrático europeo, contrastando las propuestas de reforma institucional con los resultados de la investigación. ; Tesis Univ. Granada. Programa Oficial de Doctorado en: Ciencias Jurídicas

Il seguente lavoro ha lo scopo di tracciare l'evoluzione della tragedia, partendo dalla struttura che essa assume nella Grecia antica, per giungere alla sua forma nella prima modernità: specificamente nell'opera di Shakespeare, Calderòn de la Barca e Racine. Tale evoluzione argomentata seguendo le regole tracciate da Gyorgy Lukàcs nel suo saggio dal titolo Il dramma moderno (1923), con lo scopo di contestare il concetto di indefinibilità del tragico, teorizzato da Peter Szondi nel Saggio sul tragico (1972). Tale tesi è inoltre rintracciabile nell'Estetica hegeliana, nel passo dedicato alla Scomparsa del coro. Ai fini di una chiarezza espositiva, l'elaborato è diviso in due parti, esposte di seguito. Prima parte Attraverso l'analisi di alcuni drammi antichi, si esplorano le proprietà della tragedia greca che, in base a quanto già mostrato dagli studi di Jean Pierre Vernant e Pierre Vidal Naquet (1972), si basa essenzialmente sull'interazione fra gli attori e il Coro. I caratteri antichi infatti non avevano un reale controllo del loro destino: al contrario, proprio grazie alla'elemento del Coro, il loro agire e la loro volontà sono totalmente informati e schiacciati dalla ideologia sociopolitica del drammaturgo, di cui rappresentano una fedele rappresentazione (Loroux,1995). Successivamente viene mostrato come alcune opere del teatro di William Shakespeare, segnato dalla crisi della sovranità (Franco Moretti, 1979) possono essere interpretate come un venir meno - una messa in discussione strutturale- della forma deterministica che lega Attore e Coro in ambito antico. In questa chiave il King Lear può essere visto come la prima tragedia moderna, che preconizza le forme della tragedia successive mettendo in crisi irrimediabilmente la forma della tragedia antica. Seconda parte La seconda parte è essenzialmente un confronto fra due drammi: La vida es sueño e Phédre. L'argomentazione che sorregge tale confronto é che, venuta meno la forma del Coro, la struttura della tragedia -ovvero la peripezia - abbia una funzione simbolica precisa: quella di dare corpo alle contraddizioni ideolgiche, e al senso di paradosso della cultura aristocratica seicentesca, che si trovò schiacciata dalla monarchia assoluta con il crollare della gerarchia feudale (Perry Anderson, 1969). L'evoluzione della tragedia, dal dramma antico al dramma moderno è dunque tracciabile con precisione: quanto più si inaspriscono le contraddizioni dell'aristocrazia seicentesca, tanto più la forma della peripezia barocca é sottoposta ad un grave stress strutturale, cui reagisce con delle trasformazioni.In particolare si parte dal presupposto che la peripezia barocca nasca sempre dal tentativo di trovare, simbolicamente, una posizione di compromesso fra altre due posizioni opposte: una conservatrice ed una più aperta al dominio assolutista. Nel caso dell'opera calderoniana queste tre posizioni sono rintracciabili nell'opera di alcuni teorici della politica (J.de Mariana, F. Quevedo, D. Saavedra Fajardo). Nel caso di Racine esse sono rintracciabili in alcuni primari esponenti de giansenismo (M. de Barcos, A. Arnaud, Blaise Pascal; cfr. Lucien Goldmann,1972). Man mano che la condizione paradossale si inasprisce, quest'opera di compromesso diviene sempre più difficile e, per tutta conseguenza, la tragedia, da dramma dell'idelogia, diviene tragedia della soggettività, tendendo verso il dramma moderno.

In Vows and Violence in the Medieval and Early Modern Chivalric Romances of France, Italy, and Spain I offer a comparative humanistic analysis of seminal works from the medieval and early modern periods, focusing on the relationship between vows and violence in Latin, French, Italian, and Spanish literatures. By analyzing the complexity of vows and their susceptibility to failure, I situate broken vows as a textual screen through which any discussion of authority, gender, and religious and racial difference must be read. My focus is threefold: on vows as a speech act intensely revelatory of an individual's understanding of the self and other and the gendered and racialized dynamics implicated therein; on the violence, be it literal or metaphorical, physical or epistemological, which explodes when vows are mismanaged and broken; and finally, on authorial confessions of a pessimistic understanding of vows that further undermines the relationship between self and other, the propensity of actants to violence, and the relationship between text and reader. Studying medieval literature, in chapter 1, I discuss how the complexity of vows and their susceptibility to failure is dramatized in Guillaume de Lorris's and Jean de Meun's Roman de la Rose (≈1225/30-1270). The question of faithful representation and narratological promises that each of the Rose's authors negotiate through the mechanism of an oneiric framework calls attention to the frequent indecipherability of reality and fiction, truth and lies. These themes are further exemplified by the Rose's recurrence to Classical Latin intertexts. The use of two exemplary myths—the story of Narcissus and the story of Pygmalion—are strategically presented by each of the Rose's two authors as self-reflexive commentaries on the fidelity of representation, the mutability and moldability of language, and the actantial capacities of authorial and creational roles. Responding to the medieval tradition prepared by the Rose while recodifying said inheritance, my argument in chapters 2 through 4 focuses on the moral and gendered implications of vow-making and -breaking in Ludovico Ariosto's Orlando furioso (1516), Torquato Tasso's Gerusalemme liberata (1581), and Miguel de Cervantes's El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha (1605 and 1615), respectively. Often displaced upon or metaphorized by an incursive female presence, the broken vows featured in the aforementioned texts all spark highly nuanced discussions of the paradoxically threatening and alluring, volatile and vulnerable position of those who articulate promises, as well as those who believe in promises, and who are thus bound by them. Since promises are so often broken, they foment an epistemologically unstable environment, and a dubious sense of selfhood. Not only do they pose a specific threat to familial, political, 'national,' and religious identity, they destabilize the promises articulated by authors. Consequently, failed narratological promises disabuse readers of their faith in authorial integrity and present a bleak understanding of the individual as isolated and vulnerable in a world where faith and trust have failed. Indeed, the faltering faith caused by defective vows catalyzes psychic fragmentation and vulnerability that can only end in extreme violence or a latent pessimism that is not easily lifted, as the genre of early modern chivalric romance so vividly portrays.

Успешность французской интеграционной модели в формате наднациональной организации затемнила британские инициативы в области интеграции, выдвигавшиеся послевоенными правительствами в конце 1940-х начале 1950-х гг. В статье рассматриваются идеи по реформированию Совета Европы с целью его совмещения с задачами британского руководства в области безопасности и колониальной сфере. Автор обращается к истории организации и показывает ее эволюцию от замысла к воплощению. ; After the Second World War, Britain and France have offered their vision of building models of European integration. In September 1946, less than a year and a half after the end of the war, Winston Churchill gave a speech in the University of Zurich, Switzerland. In this speech Churchill called for the unification of the European nations on the basis of Franco-German cooperation. The Council of Europe was established in 1949 under the auspices of the UK on the basis of an intergovernmental approach and was originally aimed at the solution of the German problem by integrating West Germany in the European integration structures. The article deals with the idea of reforming the Council of Europe with a view to align it with the objectives of the British leadership in the field of security and the colonial sphere. The author refers to the history of the organization and shows its evolution from concept to realization. The article shows that the European Council did not become an integration group in the sense that Winston Churchill and other leaders of the federalist movement in Europe saw it. The established organization is the embodiment of the ideas of the British politician only formally, never becoming the basis for the solution of the German problem and never providing the UK's leading role in European and world affairs, as Winston Churchill expected. In this situation, France, represented by general commissary for the French Plan of Modernization and Equipment Jean Monnet, took the lead in the continuation and deepening of the integration process. In 1950 came the famous "Schuman Plan", a year later another project, the "Pleven Plan". The first project led to the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community. The second project of the European army failed because of the position of France while Britain was interested in the project. This outcome did not stop the French model of integration. Under the conditions of the fledgling "cold war" and the need to address security, the French approach to the integration proved to be viable. Britain, leaving the plans to reform the Council of Europe by the mid-1950s, put forward several notable initiatives in the field of European security, and later in the area of economic integration. However, for various reasons, these projects failed. The success of the French integration model in the form of a supranational organization obscured the British initiative on integration post-war governments put forward in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The growing crisis tendencies in the modern European Union do not exclude the drift of the organization towards the strengthening of intergovernmental elements in its structure. In these circumstances the British ideas about the development of an intergovernmental model of integration can be claimed.

Целью статьи является рассмотрение экономической и социальной роли крупного бизнеса в жизни региона, насколько заметно влияние успешного бизнеса на характеристики качества и уровня жизни населения. Взаимодействие бизнеса с государственными органами управления проявляется в том, что силами крупного бизнеса должен решаться ряд социальных задач местного уровня, в этом состоит социальная ответственность бизнеса. На примере крупных предприятий Ростовской области, как российских, так и с иностранным участием, рассмотрены программы участия в региональном развитии, благотворительная деятельности, поддержка сотрудников в образовании, лечении, воспитании детей, занятии спортом и т. д. ; The purpose of this paper is to examine an economic and social role of major businesses in the life of the region and see how much successful businesses impact the characteristics of quality and living standards of the population. Interaction of business with government authorities means that major business should deal with number of social problems at the local level, which is the definition of the social responsiveness of business. The paper considers programs for participation in regional development, charitable activities, staff support in education, medical treatment, parenting, sports, etc. through the example of the large enterprises of the Rostov region, both Russian and with foreign participation. Rostov region is a region with mostly large companies, i.e. it is a region with prospective resources, raw materials and processing in the framework of vertical integration, with ports, assets for businesses diversification, which have become attractive in the years of economic growth. The paper provides an analysis of the four Rostov companies (according to headquarters location): "Yug Rusi", "Aston", "Agrokom" and "Gloria Jeans". They are large, vertically integrated structures belonging to the food and light industries that are on the list of the two hundred largest private Russian companies according to Forbes in 2013. The socially responsive activities of the five well-known multinational foreign companies considered the most "advanced" in the development of socially responsive business are analyzed in this paper. The analysis has shown that the social functions in most companies big business are manifested in the form of in-house social policies aimed at serving company's interests in staff development, positioning of the company in terms of the quality of its products, as well as inclusion into the local municipal programs. In all fairness, it should be noted that corporate social responsiveness in foreign companies is formulated more clearly and manifested in particular educational, environmental and sports projects, as well as projects to support families and parenting and improve employees' health. Even though there is a real need for it and its significance is clear, corporate social responsiveness is not generally accepted, at least at the present stage judging by the maturity of approaches to the social function of business in Russia. It is important to note that currently the interaction of big business and the government is not always transparent, not all of the conditions of these agreements are made public or available for system analysis to identify the real impact of big business on the social processes in regional development.

Г. В. Лейбниц не известен широкому читателю как политический философ. Его достижения в этой сфере обычно не считают сопоставимыми с его признанными открытиями в других областях знания. Между тем, вопреки распространённому мнению, вклад философа в политическую теорию не менее значим. Автор статьи рассматривает философию Лейбница в контексте истории понятий «федерация» и «суверенитет » и показывает, что Лейбниц предлагает свою оригинальную трактовку этих понятий. Хотя внимание Лейбница к проблеме суверенитета изначально обусловлено практическими интересами его патрона, герцога Брауншвейг-Люнебургского, и его стремлением к участию в международных переговорах, теоретическое решение Лейбница не становится от этого менее оригинальным. Доказывая независимость имперских князей, он создает альтернативу теории абсолютного суверенитета Жана Бодена и показывает, что понятие суверенитета совместимо с идеей делимости. В попытке показать возможность сосуществования нескольких центров власти Лейбниц делает понятие суверенитета относительным, что, однако, не вынуждает его отказаться от этого понятия полностью. В статье обсуждаются исторический контекст, сопутствующий появлению теории, причины, по которым Лейбниц критикует концепцию Бодена и Гоббса, а также новизна его подхода. На примере работ Лейбница «Codex Juris Gentium» (1693) и «Caesarinus Fürstenerius (De Suprematu Principium Germaniae)» (1677) автор статьи анализирует развитие его теории и демонстрирует, как происходит разделение власти между императором (majestas) и имперскими князьями (suprematus). В статье также поднимаются вопросы как интересы Лейбница схожи со стремлениями современных политических теоретиков переосмыслить понятие суверенитета, какую модель федерации выбирает Лейбниц, и как его политическая мысль связана с его метафизической системой. ; G. W. Leibniz is usually not regarded as a political philosopher. However, despite this prevailing opinion, Leibniz' impact on political theory is valuable. The paper discusses Leibniz in the context of the history of the concepts of "sovereignty" and "federation", and demonstrates that Leibniz presents an original interpretation of these concepts. Even though Leibniz' attention to the problem of sovereignty is conditioned by the practical interests of his patron, the Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg, and Leibniz' own intentions to participate in international negotiations, Leibniz' theoretical solution is no less original. Leibniz, in his attempt to defend the independence of imperial princes, creates an alternative to Jean Bodin's theory of absolute sovereignty, and argues that sovereignty is compatible with divisibility. In demonstrating the possible coexistence of several centers of power, Leibniz makes the notion of sovereignty relative, which, however, does not force him into rejecting the notion entirely. The article discusses the historical context framing the appearance of the Leibniz' doctrine, the reasons why Leibniz is critical of Bodin's theory, and the innovations introduced by his approach. Based on Leibniz' texts Codex Juris Gentium (1693) and Caesarinus Fürstenerius (De Suprematu Principium Germaniae) (1677), the paper analyzes the development of his theory, and shows how power is divided between the Emperor (majestas) and the princes (suprematus). The paper raises the questions of how Leibniz' interests are similar to those of contemporary political theorists in trying to reevaluate the notion of sovereignty, of which model of federation Leibniz prefers, and of how his political ideas are connected with his metaphysical system.

International audience ; The independences, which ended in theory in the sovereignty of the young nations, did not dedicate the end of the link between ex-colonized and colonizing countries. This link was transformed into "cooperation" i.e. into a material and human help in the technical and cultural domains framed by bilateral agreements. Even in Algeria where the independence resulted from a war of almost eight years, the cooperation was organized and allowed a real continuity of the functioning of public service. This period of transition, extremely attractive, has not aroused keen interest in the historiography. The studies on the jurists are rare while these men represent one of the main actors of the State machinery. Professors and magistrates in particular are important because they "think", transmit, contribute to the elaboration of the Law and sometimes to its application. These two professional categories do not however appear in a homogeneous way in Algeria, in particular as for their motivations to stay or to come in cooperation. Beyond their similarities or beyond their differences, their presence, their ambitions and their action put into question the notions of commitment and ideology, of intellectual and linguistic exile, the nature of transfers, reappropriation and "feedback" operated in the legal, methodological fields and in the professional practices in Algeria, but also in France. ; Les indépendances n'ont pas mis un terme à la présence de la France dans ses anciennes colonies, qui s'est maintenue sous la forme de la coopération. Cette coopération, définie comme une aide technique et culturelle entre deux pays théoriquement souverains, s'exprime notamment par la mise à disposition de capital humain de la part de la France. Il semble qu'il ait existé deux grandes étapes fondamentales dans la mise en place de cette coopération : la première s'appuie sur la négociation d'accords de coopération aux lendemains des indépendances et la seconde sur leur renégociation dans les années 1970. Ces renégociations se sont traduites par une « normalisation juridique » externe et interne de la situation marquant une affirmation plus claire de la souveraineté des jeunes nations indépendantes 1. En effet, sur le plan externe, cette « nouvelle » coopération est régie par des normes préétablies proches de celles qui s'appliquent en matière de coopération internationale. Elle s'accompagne, sur le plan interne, de l'adoption d'un « statut de droit commun des coopérants français à l'étranger » 2. La coopération pose de multiples questions. Le maintien de la présence de l'ancien colonisateur – sous une autre forme – dans des États indépendants est appréhendé globalement de trois manières par l'historiographie. Certaines études se focalisent sur la problématique de la souveraineté, des intérêts et des enjeux politiques nationaux et internationaux. D'autres préfèrent le traiter comme un problème épistémologique et philosophique, celui de la réalité de la décolonisation, en particulier dans les domaines des sciences et des savoirs. Enfin, le thème suscite une réflexion sur ceux qui lui donnent vie sur le terrain, c'est-à-dire les hommes et les femmes qui y participent. Cette dernière approche est ici privilégiée car elle permet 1 Jean Touscoz, « La " normalisation " de la coopération bilatérale de la France avec les pays africains " francophones " (aspects juridiques) », Études internationales, vol. 5, n° 2, 1974, p. 208. 2 Ibid., p. 219.

Научная библиотека МГИМО открылась для читателей в 1944 г. Основой её фонда стали книги факультета международных отношений МГУ, на базе которого и был создан самостоятельный ВУЗ Институт международных отношений (в дальнейшем МГИМО). В 1954 г., когда в состав МГИМО был включён Московский институт востоковедения, произошло слияние двух библиотек. Это значительно обогатило книжную коллекцию, так как Институт востоковедения вёл свою летопись от Лазаревского училища восточных языков, основанного ещё в 1815 г. и располагавшего прекрасным книжным собранием. В 1958 г. при слиянии МГИМО с Институтом внешней торговли фонды пополнились специальной экономической литературой. Так была сформирована основа коллекции библиотеки МГИМО, которая развивается в соответствии с учебными планами и тематикой научных исследований университета. Гордость библиотеки 176 рукописей и более 21 тысячи редких и ценных изданий XIII начала XX века. Среди них первые и прижизненные издания произведений выдающихся учёных, писателей и общественных деятелей (Н.М. Карамзина, В.О. Ключевского, Н.Н. Костомарова, С.М. Соловьёва, Ж. Бодена, Т. Гоббса, М.Ф. Владимирского-Буданова, А.Ф. Кони, Ф. Мартенса и др.), книги с автографами Н.М. Пржевальского, А.Н. Куропаткина, А.Е. Крымского и других известных людей. В собрании редких книг и рукописей научной библиотеки представлены: прижизненное издание французского писателя и политического деятеля Жана Бодена «Шесть книг о республике» (1577); второе издание известного трактата английского философа и литератора Томаса Гоббса «О гражданстве» (1647); английское (1669) и немецкое (1696) издания книги Адама Олеария «Описания путешествия в Московию и через Московию в Персию и обратно». ; Scientific Library MGIMO opened to readers in 1944 became the basis for her book fund of the Faculty of International Relations, Moscow State University on the basis of which was created by an independent institution Institute of International Relations (MGIMO in the future). In 1954, when the composition of the MGIMO was included from the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies, the merger of the two libraries. This has considerably enriched the book collection, as the Institute of Oriental led his chronicle of the Lazarev School of Oriental Languages, founded in 1815 and features a wonderful book collection. In 1958, the merger with the Institute of Moscow State Institute of Foreign Trade funds replenished special economic literature. Thus was formed the basis of the library's collection of MGIMO, which develops in accordance with the curriculum and subjects research university. Pride Library -176 manuscripts and more than 21 thousands of rare and valuable editions of XIII -the beginning of XX century. Among them the first and the lifetime editions of works by prominent scholars, writers and public figures (N.M. Karamzin, V.O. Kliuchevskoi, N. Kostomarov S.M. Solovyev, J. Bodin, Hobbes, A.F. Koni, Martens et al.), autographed books, N.M. Przewalski, A.N. Kuropatkin, A.E. Crimean and other famous people. The collection of rare books and manuscripts research library also includes: life time edition of the French writer and politician Jean Bodin "Six Books of the Republic" (1577); the second edition of the famous treatise of the English philosopher and writer Thomas Hobbes "On Citizenship" (1647); english (1669) and german (1696) edition of the book Adam Oleary "Descriptions Travel to Muscovy and Persia through Muscovy and back".

In seiner dichten, 535 Seiten langen Abhandlung widmet sich Kai van Eikels der kollektiven und politischen Dimension von zeitgenössischer Performance-Kunst. In Abgrenzung von klassischen Gemeinschaftsbegriffen, die oft von der Idee der Einheit oder der Verschmelzung der Einzelnen zu einem Ganzen ausgehen, macht van Eikels Begriffe wie Trennung und Zerstreuung stark, um die sozialen Relationen in westlichen neoliberalen Gesellschaften zu beschreiben. Folgende Hypothese bildet den Ausgangspunkt seiner Überlegungen: "Wenn es in jüngerer Zeit neuerlich zu einer Politisierung des künstlerischen Handelns kommt, die bis in die Gegenwart hinein fortwirkt und zukünftige Entwicklungen beeinflussen kann [.], dann deshalb, weil es jetzt endlich ein anderes Denken des Kollektiven gibt" (S. 11). Van Eikels betont immer wieder, dass er von der "Wirklichkeit der Praxis" ausgeht, um "Formen kollektiver Organisation" (ebd.) daraus abzuleiten ohne diese einem bereits vorher definierten Begriff von Gemeinschaft oder Kollektivität unterzuordnen. Jenen Ansätzen, die das gemeinschaftsstiftende Potential von Aufführungen betonen, will der Autor "eine Praxeologie von Performance gegenüberstellen, die dezidiert eine Praxeologie der Trennung, der Teilung und der Zerstreuung ist" (S. 13). Gemeint ist hier die sehr spezifische zeitgenössische künstlerische Praxis der Performance-Kunst, der es um den Vollzug von Handlungen geht. Man könnte mit Hans-Thies Lehmann gewiss auch von post-dramatischem Theater sprechen, das jedoch nicht allen Formen der Performance oder des Performance-Theaters gerecht wird. Eikels liefert keine neue Definition für den Performance-Begriff, sondern er geht vom sehr weit gefassten englischen Wort 'performance' aus: "In dieser Bedeutung eines verwirklichenden, praktizierenden, unternehmenden, etwas effektiv vollbringenden und dabei mehr oder weniger effizient Schritte, Bewegungen, Übungsdurchgänge zurücklegenden Agierens erschließt performance das gesamte Spektrum von Tätigkeiten im Hinblick darauf, wie etwas sich vollzieht und wie es sich macht in seinem Vollzogenwerden" (S. 21). Im Laufe des Buches grenzt sich der Autor immer wieder von klassischen theaterwissenschaftlichen Methoden – wie der phänomenologischen Herangehensweise Erika Fischer-Lichtes – ab und versucht Theorien und Begriffe aus Ökonomie (z.B. negotiating, socialising), Biologie (Schwarmtheorie), Physik (Synchronisierung) oder Medientheorie fruchtbar zu machen. Der ambitionierte interdisziplinäre Ansatz fördert neue Denkansätze und bringt den notwendigen Prozess der Erweiterung von theaterwissenschaftlichen Fragestellungen und Methoden voran. Van Eikels Kritik am klassischen Gemeinschaftsbegriff und die damit einhergehende kritische Revision von marxistischer und Kritischer Theorie ist ein schwieriges aber notwendiges Vorhaben. Manche Theorien werden nur kurz gestreift, z. B. Walter Benjamins Überlegungen zur Menschenmenge, die Auseinandersetzung bleibt hier ungenügend. Ebenso scheint mir das Urteil voreilig, es handle sich bei Georges Batailles, Maurice Blanchots und Jean-Luc Nancys Denken der Gemeinschaft um einen "Primitivismus der Differenz, wie man ihn ähnlich auch bei Heidegger findet" (S. 63). Der Kritikpunkt, dass diese französischen Theoretiker zu sehr im Rahmen von Philosophie (und 'poiesis') verbleiben und zuwenig 'Praxis'-Bezug aufweisen, ist zwar nachvollziehbar, aber wäre es nicht die Aufgabe eines Theaterwissenschaftlers, diese zugegeben abstrakten philosophischen Theorien auf den Gegenstand der künstlerischen Praxis zu beziehen? Zum Aufbau: Im 200 Seiten umfassenden Theorieteil erläutert van Eikels sein Verständnis von 'performance', dann folgt "ein historischer Durchgang zur Kollektivität künstlerischer Performance von der antiken Tragödie bis zum Performance-Theater der Gegenwart". Auf den verbleibenden 300 Seiten werden drei Beispiele zeitgenössischer Performance-Kunst aus den letzten zehn Jahren referiert, die jeweils "auf ihre Weise zerstreute Kollektive organisieren und dabei Übergänge zwischen künstlerischer Performance, politischer und sozio-ökonomischer performance erproben" (S. 14). Diese spannenden Beispiele – LIGNAs Radioballett, Forced Entertainments And on the thousandth night, sowie die Geheimagentur mit Respekt: geben was man nicht hat – bilden ein großes Spektrum an künstlerischen Arbeitsweisen, ästhetischen Formen und möglichen Relationen zwischen Performer_innen und Zuschauer_innen ab. Problematisch ist jedoch die Art und Weise der Diskussion. Der Autor hat sich bewusst gegen eine klassische Aufführungsanalyse entschieden, was aufgrund der Form der Performances – von denen nur eine in einem Theaterraum stattfindet und einer Aufführung im strengen Sinn entspricht – nachvollziehbar ist. In den Ausführungen zu den Performances zeigen sich zwei Tendenzen: 1. die theoretischen Überlegungen nehmen Überhand und 2. die langen Exkurse lenken vom Wesentlichen ab. Trotz der intensiven Auseinandersetzung mit den einzelnen künstlerischen Arbeiten unter Berücksichtigung ihrer jeweiligen Spezifika verlieren van Eikels Reflexionen aufgrund ausschweifender Exkurse an Prägnanz (z. B. die Abhandlung über Ruhm und Ehre in Bezug auf die Arbeit Respekt: geben was man nicht hat). Wenn man genügend Ausdauer besitzt, bietet jedes Kapitel interessante Erkenntnisse und Schlussfolgerungen, besonders in Bezug auf die sozio-ökonomischen Bedingungen der westlichen globalisierten Gesellschaft und ihre Auswirkungen. Ich muss gestehen, dass der barocke Schreib-Stil meine Konzentration beim Lesen erschwert hat. Vor allem die fast schon nominale Aneinanderreihung von sehr unterschiedlichen Theorien hat mich etwas unbefriedigt gelassen. Dennoch ist Die Kunst des Kollektiven ein lesenswertes Buch, nicht nur für jene, die an Performance-Kunst und dem Nachdenken über das Kollektive interessiert sind, sondern auch für diejenigen, die sich mit politischen Fragestellungen und der zeitgenössischen 'conditio humana' beschäftigen wollen. Besonders erfreulich und interessant finde ich van Eikels Versuch, die politische Relevanz von Kunst von ihrer Praxis her zu denken und nicht mit vorgefertigten Definitionen an die Beispiele heranzugehen.

The Avis aus roys, read in five manuscripts up to now, is a little-known text belonging to the mirrors forprinces literary genre. This genre teaches future princes and kings how to rule in the best possibleway. This work is inspired by Giles of Rome's De Regimine Principum and by the Liber de informationeprincipum, and seems written for a young prince from the Valois lineage around 1347 to answer to theconcerns of this period. The manuscripts remain discreet on their origins as both author and sponsors arenot being clearly identified. The future John II the Good may have required the writing of this treaty fromroyal confessor Pierre de Treigny from Burgundy to make sure his sons would conform to the image ofan ideal prince. The time seemed to be right as the Valois dynasty was not only contested but facingmilitary struggles as well. As an answer to the Crecy defeat and according to the reformers, the author ofthe Avis aus roys suggests to make a better selection for the Hôtel officers, and to increase the prince'sdignity as well as his relationship with God. Among the Avis aus roys copies, the manuscript M.456 of the Pierpont Morgan Library, which is datable to the mid-XIVth century, is the closest to the originalwritings. This copy is exceptional due to its iconographic content unequalled in the mirrors literary genre.In this codex, some parisian artists have constantly looked to highlight royalty by emphasizing theeducational aspect of the text and covering the political and military matters of the period. ; Contenu dans cinq manuscrits repérés à ce jour, l'Avis aus roys est un texte méconnu qui appartient augenre littéraire des « miroirs au prince » renvoyant à leur(s) destinataire(s) l'image idéale, exemplaire, dugouvernant. Librement inspirée du De regimine principum de Gilles de Rome et du Liber de informationeprincipum, l'oeuvre semble avoir été adressée à un jeune prince Valois, vers 1347, afin de répondre auxpréoccupations du temps. Des incertitudes planent quant à l'identité de l'auteur et du commanditaire, lesmanuscrits restant discrets sur leur origine. Le futur Jean II le Bon confia peut-être la rédaction de cetraité au confesseur royal bourguignon Pierre de Treigny afin que ses jeunes fils se conforment à l'imaged'un prince idéal. Le moment semble choisi : en plus d'être contestée, la dynastie Valois est alors en proieaux difficultés militaires. En réponse à la défaite de Crécy et suivant les réformateurs, l'auteur de l'Avisaus roys propose de mieux sélectionner les officiers de l'Hôtel, de renforcer la dignité du prince en mêmetemps que son rapport à Dieu. Parmi les exemplaires de l'Avis aus roys, le manuscrit M. 456 de la Pierpont Morgan Library, datable du milieu du XIVe siècle, est le plus proche de la rédaction initiale et ilest exceptionnel par sa richesse iconographique inégalée dans le genre littéraire des « miroirs ». Dans cecodex, des artistes parisiens ont constamment cherché à mettre le corps royal en valeur, renforçant lecaractère pédagogique du texte tout en donnant un écho à l'actualité politique et militaire.

Financial and economic crises are recurrent in history. A special issue of Histoire Urbaine (33, 1 (2012)), entitled 'Villes européennes et crises financières (XIVe-XVIe siècles)', shows that in the medieval and early modern period cities played a crucial role in the development of such crises, just as they do today. Several case-studies on France, Spain and the Low Countries demonstrate that cities are and were financial and commercial centres which were governed by a small group of merchants, bankers and powerful families. And, as David Sassu-Normand notes in his introduction, medieval and early modern municipal authorities were even more adept than their twenty-first century counterparts in disposing of political power in order to tackle economic and financial difficulties. The close relationship between money and power in those cities made it easier for elite factions to abuse public revenues, because they could autonomously decide about urban spending and its fiscal consequences. Yet, he argues, the tied relationship between urban governors and the city's economy and finances could also have positive effects. Markets and budgets were not autonomous entities, because they were embedded in urban societies and manipulated by those who govern them. As a result, urban governors disposed of the political means to deal with financial crises, or at least to remedy some of their consequences. The case of late medieval Brabant, studied by Claire Billen and David Kusman in the same issue, shows that not only urban oligarchs but also less powerful citizens could intervene in the financial politics of a town ('Les villes du Brabant face à la crise des finances du duché de Jean II. La crise d'une société entière?', 63–80). In the duchy of Brabant, in around 1300, the ducal and urban finances were under considerable pressure due to warfare, manipulation of the mint and an economic downturn. In the principal cities of the duchy (Brussels, Antwerp and Louvain), discrete groups of citizens, such as craftsmen and self-made merchants, forcefully protested against the monetary and fiscal measures taken by the urban authorities. Their protests were not initially successful. By the 1360s, however, urban society had changed in Brabant. Both Billen and Kusman argue that the ideas that inspired the urban protests of the 1300s led to new, more successful revolts in the 1360s and afterwards. As a result, craftsmen gained rights of political participation in the cities mentioned. Using their newly gained political power, the rebels proposed constructive solutions to resolve the ongoing financial crisis in the cities of the duchy. The measures taken reflected the existence of a belief that the urban government should be fiscally sound and stable, and that it should not live beyond its means. Fiscal reforms led to more stable urban finances, though new challenges in the fifteenth century would upset the balance again. In short, the Brabantine case shows, once again, that politics and finance are closely knit together in the medieval city, but also, and more surprisingly, that social protest against headstrong governors ultimately led to far-reaching political and fiscal reforms. Therefore, this stimulating issue of Histoire Urbaine demonstrates that financial crises can have an unpredictable outcome.