Suchergebnisse

The Uyghur population is mired in constant conflict with the authorities of the Chinese central government. This is due to the participation of part of the population –especially younger people- in local organizations associated with Islamic terrorism and often-violent activities that these groups perform against the State. Islam (such as laws, customs, and demonstrations) is the element that the PRC instrumentally employs in legitimizing its violent and restrictive policies against the Uyghur people, in order to maintain its power over the territory and its natural resources. This is also done while publicly presenting the measures as "War on Terror" and "Modernization" of the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang. In the framework of decolonial studies, this research provides a detailed overview of the current religious colonialism of the PRC, and how religion and "War on Terror" became State tools of political repression. On the other hand, it aims to present Uyghurs' territorial religious manifestations as one re-existence instrument, in opposition to the epistemicides that Beijing is committing. ; La población uigur está en conflicto constante con las autoridades del gobierno central chino. Esto se debe a la participación de parte de la población, especialmente de los más jóvenes, en organizaciones locales asociadas con el terrorismo islamista y actividades a menudo violentas que estos grupos realizan contra el Estado. El islam (entendido como leyes, costumbres y manifestaciones) es el elemento que la RPCh emplea instrumentalmente para legitimar sus políticas violentas y restrictivas contra el pueblo uigur, para mantener su poder sobre el territorio y sus recursos naturales. Esto también se hace mientras se presentan públicamente estas medidas como "Lucha contra el terrorismo" y "Modernización" de la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang. En el marco de los estudios decoloniales, esta investigación proporciona una descripción detallada del colonialismo religioso actual de la República Popular China, y cómo la religión y la "Lucha al terrorismo" se convirtieron en herramientas estatales de represión política. Por otro lado, su objetivo es presentar las manifestaciones religiosas territoriales de los uigures como un instrumento de reexistencia, en oposición al epistemicidio que Beijing está cometiendo.

İnsanlık tarihi kadar eski olan terör çeşitli süreçlerden geçerek günümüze kadar gelmiştir. Avrupalı devletler güvenliklerini sağlamak adına ekonomik ve siyasi olarak bütünleşmeye gitmiştir. Bu amaç doğrultusunda hem ekonomik hem siyasi olarak birçok adım atılmış, atılan adımlardan en önemlisi ise Avrupa Birliği'nin kurulması olmuştur. Avrupa Birliği'nin kurulması ile birlikte terörle mücadele adına birçok çalışma yürütülmüş fakat birlik beklenen başarıyı yakalayamamıştır. 11 Eylül saldırılarının da gerçekleşmesiyle Avrupa'da güvenlik zafiyetinin üst seviyede olduğu gözlemlenmiştir. Terörle mücadele adına çeşitli önlemler alınmış, 2004 Madrid ve 2005 Londra saldırıları ile de bu önlemler daha da arttırılmıştır. Küreselleşme ile birlikte IŞİD'in doğuşu, yabancı savaşçı ve radikalizmle mücadeleyi de beraberinde getirmiştir. Radikalleşme ve terör hukuki, kurumsal önlemlerin yanısıra psikolojik, sosyal ve ekonomik boyutlarıyla da değerlendirilmelidir. Alınan tüm önlemlere rağmen 2015'te Fransa'da Charlie Hebdo dergisine yapılan saldırı ile birlikte İslami radikalizm daha da tırmanmış ve terör ideolojik boyut kazanmıştır. Bunun sonucunda Avrupa'da İslamofobi artarak daha da tartışılır hale gelmiştir. ; Terror, which is as old as the history of humanity, has passed through various processes and has survived until today. European states have gone into economic and political integration in order to provide their security. To this end, many steps have been taken both economically and politically, and the most important one has been the establishment of the European Union. With the establishment of the European Union, many studies have been carried out in the name of combating terrorism, but the European Union has not achieved the expected success. With the September 11 attacks, the security weakness in Europe was observed to be at the highest level. Various precautions have been taken in the name of combating terrorism and these precautions have been increased with the 2004 Madrid and 2005 London attacks. With the globalization, the rise of ISIS brought along the fight against foreign fighters and radicalism. Radicalization and terrorism should be evaluated in terms of psychological, social and economic dimensions as well as legal, institutional measures. Despite all the measures taken in 2015, with the attack on Charlie Hebdo in France, Islamic radicalism escalated, and terror gained an ideological format. As a result, Islamophobia has become increasingly debatable in Europe.

Understanding of the nation's character and national insight is one of the absolute musts of Indonesian society to create unity and unity of the nation. However, after the New Order era when entering the beginning of the reform era, there began to degradation of community understanding related to national character and national insight. Although Indonesia in the era of reform has become the third largest democracy in the world, but without understanding the character and national identity and national insight is not enough to be a strong country. The era of globalization as one thing that is absolute and inevitable is one of the challenges for the life of nation and state in almost all countries, including Indonesia. So many emerging threats that are no longer in the form of conventional wars, but other threats that attack the concepts of thought and lifestyle of the community so that the love of the homeland faded. The young generation of this nation which is the root of a nation must know and respect the historical values that have been laid down the founders of the nation. History continues to be written, in all civilizations and at all times, History in writing or documentation is an important tool in studying the progress and decline of a nation contained in events in the past. The purpose of this study is to determine the comparison of learning outcomes of elementary school students in urban as well as in rural areas through multimedia-based learning method flash flip book education civic education with quasi experimental studies pretest posttest design in improving character education nation and nationality insight amid ethnic, religious, and culture. SD Bani Saleh 5 Bekasi is an Islamic elementary school located in the center of Bekasi City which has facilities and infrastructure that support the learning process. SDN SetiaDarma Bekasi is SD Negri located in Bekasi Regency that is Tambun Selatan Bekasi whose learning activity is not supported by supporting facilities and infrastructures in learning process.

The aim of this study was to investigate the impact of organizational justice on job commitment in Jordanian ministries. Data were collected through a questionnaire distributed to 450 employees in three Jordanian ministries, namely, the Ministry of Education; Ministry of Health; and Ministry of Awqaf Islamic Affairs and Holy Places. Data were analyzed via descriptive, simple linear regression analysis, and stepwise multiple linear regression analysis. The hypotheses of the research were tested and the probabilities of their acceptance were rejection. Findings revealed a statistically significant impact between organizational justice and job commitimnt. Results also indicated that informational justice has the highest influential effect on employee job commitmint, while procedural justice had the lowest impact on it. Furthermore, this study reports differences between the dimensions of the (OJ) in their impacts on the dimensions of job commitment. Moreover, the study found that the three dimensions of organizational justice (information justice, personal justice, and distributive justice) combined had a higher predictive capacity of job commitment than that of any independent dimension or two dimensions of organizational justice. In view of the results, the researcher gives some recommendations to the decision makers in Jordanian ministries that may guide them to promote the concept and practice of organizational justice in their ministries such as the need for increasing the levels of organizational justice, especially the distributive justice, and focusing on compatibility of income of the employee with their academic level and practical experience, in addition to necessity of improving the system of rewards in the Jordanian ministries because the rewards have a significant impact on the employees' perception of justice and on her/his interest in supporting her/his colleagues when doing additional work in the ministry. In other respects, this study has practical implications for future research such as attracting attention to the need to study job satisfaction and job engagement as mediatingvariables of association of employee's job commitment with organizational justice. This is in addition to conducting studies similar to the present one in different environments inside and outside Jordan.

Deradicalization of religion will run on an ongoing basis when the power of the state is actively involved in it. That involvement can be shaped at the same time planning the implementation of policies, programs and budgets. In addition, the deradicalization of religion tends to be effective in the group of the owner of a basic understanding of religious inclusive. However, the practice of deradicalization of religion in Jama'ah Tabliq, which incidentally exclusive and fundamentalist, sustained even likely to be effective with minimal intervention of state power. This study aimed to describe the problem by uncovering and explaining the program that has been implemented Jama'ah Tabliq movement in deradicalization on those who embrace religious radicalism; The doctrine of Jama'ah Tabliq movement that managed to lose the attitude of the radicalism followers; and success factors Jama'ah Tabliq movement in conducting deradicalization. The approach in analyzing is the theoretical framework of power relations and the construction theory of history. With using qualitative methods and techniques as well as the locus descriptive analytical research and case studies Tablighi Jamaat movement in Garut, Indonesia, and Yala, Thailand, this research shows that, the first, deradicalization Tablighi Jama'a religious in the main program in the da'wah movement emphasizing the missionary movement of peace; the second, Jama'ah Tabliq doctrine, 1) the doctrine of ikromul Muslims, the honor and respect of every Muslim. 2) The doctrine or the doctrine of proselytizing and sermons. Jihad political set up and establish an Islamic State or seize political power of infidel countries is not mandatory, mandatory preached about the truth of Islam. 3) "four things that should not be done", namely the one discussed politics both inside and outside the country and discuss khilafiyah or differences of opinion in matters of religion; And third, the effectiveness and sustainability of the deradicalization of inter Jama'ah Tabliq are factors source of knowledge and practice everyday, the book "Fadhaiul Amal," which teaches the spirit and practice of peace. Referring to the book Jama'ah Tabliq develop the message to the model maqomi, intiqoli, ta'lim wata'lum, infirodi, non-political, and amaliyah dizkr.

Andalusia has been always a liminal space between the West and the Orient. Since the late 18th century, the Muslim heritage of the region has been imagined, visited, and praised by foreign visitors, and remains its most well-known cultural legacy. Yet the language used in didactic panels when explaining Muslim monuments tends to refer more to its Christian past or its current use than to their Arab history and subsequent alienation under Christian rule. This article aims at analysing the logic and politics behind this use of language in two case studies, the touristic enactment of the Mosque- Cathedral of Córdoba, and La Giralda in Seville. It contextualises these monuments both in their medieval-modern past and in the present, when current Islamic terrorist attacks are fostering xenophobia, as well as the alienation of Muslim migrants and inhabitants in Andalusia, who seek to reroute their 'European' identity and connections by way of the Muslim history of the region. ; Andalucía ha sido siempre un espacio liminar entre el Oeste y el Oriente. Desde finales del siglo XVIII, el patrimonio musulmán de la región ha sido imaginado, visitado y alabado por visitantes extranjeros, y continúa siendo su legado cultural más conocido. Sin embargo, el lenguaje usado en los paneles didácticos que explican los monumentos musulmanes tiende a hacer referencia más a su pasado cristiano o a su uso actual que a su historia árabe y a su ulterior alienación bajo mandato cristiano. Este artículo se centra en analizar la lógica y la política que se esconde tras ese uso del lenguaje explorando dos casos de estudio: la Mezquita-Catedral de Córdoba y La Giralda de Sevilla. Se contextualizan los dos monumentos tanto en su pasado medieval-moderno como en el presente, cuando los ataques terroristas islámicos están fomentando la xenofobia, así como la alienación de los migrantes y habitantes musulmanes en Andalucía, quienes tratan de canalizar su identidad y conexiones "europeas" a través de la historia musulmana de la región.

What causes terrorism and how can it be prevented? This is one of the great political questions of our time and over the last decade and a half, considerable resources have been allocated not only to state counter-terrorism programmes, but also to research which might shed some light on this question and inform counter-terrorism policies and practices. Terrorism experts have explored a host of possible causes. Low levels of education, economic and financial crisis, globalisation, inequality, occupation, political repression, poverty, psychopathy and state failure; these are just some of the factors examined in the literature, which tends to emphasise the multiplicity of causes and the complexity of the issue. But whilst terrorism experts seem collectively unable to reach any firm conclusions as to the most significant causes of their object of study, the policy agenda, to which they largely orientate themselves, has focused increasingly on Muslims; and, with the usual disclaimers, the experts have followed. ISLAM AND TERRORISM Though political elites rarely refer to Islam per se as a principle cause of terrorism – a claim which though not uncommon is largely restricted to fringe movements – it is nevertheless widely assumed in policy circles that some extreme version of Islam has been a major driving force behind contemporary terrorism. Islamism, Political Islam, Wahhabism and Salafism are a few of the usual suspects appearing in policy pronouncements and the terrorism studies literature, along with more vague references to Islamic extremism, fundamentalism, radicalism and so on. So whilst Islam is routinely lauded as a religion of peace, and ordinary or moderate Muslims are usually invoked in distinction to the terrorists, radicals and extremists, contemporary political violence is still overwhelmingly seen as basically a Muslim problem, and it is largely Muslims who are targeted by counter-terrorism policies and practices. This may seems defensible, even sensible at a surface level. After all, evidence can be produced that suggests that Muslim groups are responsible for the majority of contemporary global non-state political violence. Consider, for example, the figures in the 2014 Global Terrorism Index, published by the Institute for Economics and Peace.

This paper examines religious and state relations of Islamic thought perspective. This study aims to describe how the relationship between religion and state in the view of Islam. The method used in obtaining data is descriptive method through literature study. The results of the study show that among Muslim figures or thinkers such as Nurcholish Madjid and Abdur Rahman Wahid agree that there is a constructive relationship between state and religion which by revivalists separates it. Some of the indicators are: (1) Islam gives the principles of the formation of a state with the concept of khalīfah ,dawlah, or hukūmah, (2) Islam emphasizes the democratic values of truth and justice, and (3) Islam upholds Human Rights by stating that the basic rights that human beings bring ever since they are born are the right of religious freedom. Therefore, Islam essentially emphasizes the importance of human rights to be upheld in a state, because human rights are rights that should not be disturbed and deprived from the person who has the right. ; Tulisan ini mengkaji tentang relasi agama dan negara perspektif pemikiran Islam. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana relasi antara agama dan negara dalam pandangan Islam. Metode yang digunakan dalam mendapatkan data adalah metode deskriptif melalui studi kepustakaan. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa diantara tokoh atau pemikir muslim seperti Nurcholish Madjid dan Abdur Rahman Wahid bersepakat bahwa terdapat relasi yang konstruktif antara dua hal yaitu negara dan agama yang oleh kalangan revivalis memisahkannya. Beberapa indikatornya adalah: (1) Islam memberi prinsip-prinsip terbentuknya suatu negara dengan adanya konsep khalīfah, dawlah, atau hukūmah, (2) Islam menekankan pada nilai-nilai demokrasi yakni kebenaran dan keadilan, dan (3) Islam menjunjung tinggi Hak Azasi Manusia (HAM) dengan menetapkan bahwa hak dasar yang dibawa manusia sejak lahir adalah hak kemerdekaan beragama. Karena itu, Islam secara esensial menekankan pentingnya hak asasi manusia untuk ditegakkan dalam sebuah negara, karena hak asasi manusia itu adalah hak yang tidak boleh diganggu dan dirampas dari orang yang memiliki hak tersebut.

El artículo analiza el ejercicio de la hegemonía política y social por parte de las élites que han dominado Sudán desde su independencia en 1956. Dichas élites, como ocurre en otros países africanos, no constituyen grupos homogéneos, sino que conforman grupos de gran heterogeneidad, aunque se pueden identificar dos grandes categorías que han evolucionado a lo largo de la historia del país: las élites tradicionales y las modernas. Las élites tradicionales han estado constituidas por las élites históricas y tribales existentes en el país, mientras que las élites modernas son en gran medida producto del poder colonial. De éste último grupo surgiría, posteriormente, la élite islamista que gobernaría y aún gobierna el país. Por tanto, el texto estudia la evolución de los grupos dominantes, las relaciones de cooperación y los conflictos entre ellos, así como los intentos de establecimiento de un estado integral a través del ejercicio de la hegemonía, para lo cual los intelectuales sudaneses, desde su diversidad de orígenes y posturas, han sido fundamentales ; This article analyses the exercise of political and social hegemony of the Sudanese elites since its independence in 1956. Such elites are heterogeneous factions, among which two categories may be identified: the traditional and the modern ones. Traditional elites are formed by the historical leaders and tribal chiefs and therefore, they are also religious and tribal elites that have been shaped during the different colonial periods. The modern elites are a consequence of the colonial power and they have been educated through European and British standards. They became the group that have been leading the Islamic movement that came into power. This text studies the evolution of the dominant groups, the relations of cooperation and conflict between them, as well as the attempts of creating an integral state through the exercise of hegemony. In order to crystallize such hegemony, the Sudanese intellectuals, from different political positions and social perspectives, have played an essential role

Tulisan ini berusaha menelusuri metode naskh dalam pemikiran hukum Islam Mahmud Muhammad Thaha, baik landasan konseptual yang ia bangun, maupun implikasinya terhadap permasalahan-permasalahan hukum. Dari hasil kajian yang telah dilakukan, ditemukan tiga karakteristik metode nasakh Thaha yaitu: Pertama, peralihan dari satu teks ke teks lain, di mana antara satu teks dengan teks lainnya tidak dalam satu ayat, atau bahkan berbeda surat. Kedua, peralihan dari satu teks ke teks lainnya, tapi masih dalam satu ayat. Thaha pernah menjelaskan, bahwa penyebutan atau pembagian makkiyah dan Madaniyah hanya menunjukkan keumumannya saja, sebab ada pula ayat-ayat Madaniyah yang memiliki kandungan semangat atau sifat Makkiyah dan begitu juga sebaliknya. Ketiga, Thaha terkadang dengan kedalaman ilmu tasawufnya, memiliki pandangan sendiri mengenai suatu pemasalahan yang di dalam Al-Qur'an tidak dinyatakan secara tegas mengenai hukum dari persoalan tersebut. Sebab memang Thaha biasanya menggunakan pandangannya ini dalam persoalan-persoalan yang bersifat "keduniaan", misalnya pendapat dan pandangannya mengenai masalah keadilan ekonomi, politik dan lain-lain This article attempts to explore the method of naskh in Mahmud Muhammad Thaha's Islamic legal thought, both its conceptual foundation he built, and the implications for legal issues. From the studies that have been conducted, it is found that there are three characteristics of nasakh method according to Thaha, namely: firstly, the transition from one text to another, where the text and the other is not in one paragraph, or even a different letter. Secondly, the transition from one text to another, but still in one paragraph. Thaha once explained, that the mention or division between Meccan surah and Madaniyah only showed generalization only, because there are also passages in Madaniyah which contains the spirit or nature of Meccan surah and vice versa. Thirdly, Thaha sometimes with a depth in a mystical science, has his own view about a problem that the Qur'an does not explicitly stated in the law on the issue. Thaha usually use these views in matters that are "mundane" such as his opinions and views on issues of economic justice, political and others.

This article analyses the exercise of political and social hegemony of the Sudanese elites since its independence in 1956. Such elites are heterogeneous factions, among which two categories may be identified: the traditional and the modern ones. Traditional elites are formed by the historical leaders and tribal chiefs and therefore, they are also religious and tribal elites that have been shaped during the different colonial periods. The modern elites are a consequence of the colonial power and they have been educated through European and British standards. They became the group that have been leading the Islamic movement that came into power. This text studies the evolution of the dominant groups, the relations of cooperation and conflict between them, as well as the attempts of creating an integral state through the exercise of hegemony. In order to crystallize such hegemony, the Sudanese intellectuals, from different political positions and social perspectives, have played an essential role. ; El artículo analiza el ejercicio de la hegemonía política y social por parte de las élites que han dominado Sudán desde su independencia en 1956. Dichas élites, como ocurre en otros países africanos, no constituyen grupos homogéneos, sino que conforman grupos de gran heterogeneidad, aunque se pueden identificar dos grandes categorías que han evolucionado a lo largo de la historia del país: las élites tradicionales y las modernas. Las élites tradicionales han estado constituidas por las élites históricas y tribales existentes en el país, mientras que las élites modernas son en gran medida producto del poder colonial. De éste último grupo surgiría, posteriormente, la élite islamista que gobernaría y aún gobierna el país. Por tanto, el texto estudia la evolución de los grupos dominantes, las relaciones de cooperación y los conflictos entre ellos, así como los intentos de establecimiento de un estado integral a través del ejercicio de la hegemonía, para lo cual los intelectuales sudaneses, desde su diversidad de orígenes y posturas, han sido fundamentales.

The twentieth century was a convulsive one in terms of wars, political conflicts and terrorism. Crime is now more international than it has ever been before. These days, geographical borders do not limit any war; conflicts are cross-border. The nature of armed conflicts has suffered a deep transformation. The most relevant change is moving from state-financed wars to armed conflicts financed by private parties with dark financial interests. The end of the Cold War established the end of an era where the State had the central role in the establishment and financing of the conflict. We now speak about "New Wars" (Kaldor, 2012). State armies no longer characterise the conflicts of the post-Cold War era; states have lost the monopoly of violence (Munkler, 2002). The new actors leading the "new wars" are local warlords, paramilitary units, criminal gangs and mercenary groups who challenge the authority of the state (Kaldor, 2013). Currently, the figures by IISS ("Institute for International Strategic Studies") reflect 42 active conflicts and two global, Al Qaeda and ISIS (Islamic State). Crime has expanded internationally and can affect directly or indirectly each single individual; and civil wars have not only national consequences but also international ones. These days, no matter where we are, we cannot hide and we can always be the targets of any type of crime. Fear lives among us in airports, in trains or even at our office. However, we should be aware of the moral, legal and political responsibility that we, developed world, have on the on-going conflicts in the developing countries. Despite the lack of acknowledgment in the official discourse, most of the natural resources nourishing the current conflicts are destined to the consumer market in the developed countries. We could be supporting financially an on-going civil war somewhere in the world with only the simplest act of buying a mobile phone. Mobile phones contain a very little portion of a mineral called Coltan, short for Columbite-Tantalite. This ...

Religious broadcasting remains one of the most crucial topics in inter-religious relationship. When Islamic dawah and Christian missionary share the same fields, a potential conflict and competition occurs. Indonesian government regulates this issue by issuing The Joint Decree of the Minister of Religious Affairs and the Minister of Home Affairs No.1 year 1979 on the Procedures of Religious Propagation and Foreign Aids to Religious-based Organization in Indonesia. This decree, which was regarded as outdated by some parties, is facing the challenges of the more dynamic society. Thus, it needs some updates or revisions for the decree. This study attempts to explore the implementation of this joint decree by collecting the responses from the society. By employing literature review, interviews, and observations, this study takes form of descriptive analytical method. It is found that there are no more religious conversion tricks by offering incentives such as: money, gifts, or clothing in Makassar. Meanwhile, foreign aids or facilities are not detected and recorded by the local authorities therefore they are out of control. ; Penyiaran agama merupakan salah satu topik krusial dalam hubungan antaragama. Dakwah oleh muslim dan misionari Kristen di wilayah garap yang sama, misalnya, kerapkali berkompetisi dan/atau menjadi konflik. Pemerintah mengatur lalu lintas hubungan antarumat beragama dengan menerbitkan peraturan, yakni: SKB Menag dan Mendagri No. 1 Tahun 1979 tentang Tatacara Pelaksanaan Penyiaran Agama dan Bantuan Luar Negeri kepada Lembaga Keagamaan di Indonesia. SKB yang (oleh beberapa pihak) dinilai kedaluwarsa ini kini mengalami tantangan di tengah masyarakat yang kian dinamis. Maka diperlukan pemutakhiran ataupun revisi. Penelitian ini mencoba mendalami implementasi regulasi ini dengan mengumpulkan pendapat dari masyarakat luas. Melalui studi pustaka, wawancara, dan observasi. Penelitian ini ditulis dengan metode deskriptif-analitis. Temuan penelitian ini antara lain: kini di Makassar tidak lagi ada praktik penyiaran agama dengan iming-iming hadiah, uang, pakaian, dsb., dalam rangka memindahagamakan orang yang sudah beragama lain. Sedangkan soal bantuan luar negeri dan penggunaan tenaga keagamaan asing belum pernah terdeteksi dan tercatat di Pemerintah Daerah: tak terkontrol.

Background: Injuries to motorcyclists are an important public health problem. Motorcycles' riders and pillions have the highest public health burden in terms of disability adjusted life years (DALY) lost. Many countries are facing the problem of a rapidly growing motorcyclists' death. This is important for us because the motorcycle fleet in Iran is rising quickly. These series of studies conducted to assess and evaluate the impact of safe community program on motorcyclist's safety in Islamic Republic of Iran. Methods: Two cross sectional observations were conducted in 14 cities (5 safe community practicing and 9 safe community non practicing cities) independently on 2005 and 2007. 10% of registered motorcycles were observed and interviewed (n=1114 in each observation). Results: results revealed that 87.9% used motorcycle for the commercial purposes. All motorcyclists were male, mostly aged 18-29 years old. Death rate significantly rose from 122 to 254 per 100000 motorcyclists in Fars province since first observation (p < 0.0001). Helmet usage rate was constant (13%). Recorded crashes increased from 16.4% to 23.1% in safe community setting (p < 0.0001). 11% carried more than one pillion. Heat disturbances, embarrassment, hearing blockage, and neglecting were the most mentioned excuses for not using helmet. Law enforcement, public education, accessible to helmet on discount rate, new legislation and finally access to new designed helmet were the most suggestions made by motorcyclists to promote helmet usage. No significant effect was noticed between two settings. Interventions were not constant in safe community cities. Community involvement into the safe program could ensure sustainability of initiatives. Conclusion: Motorcyclists' death rate is high among the young adult male of 19-39 in both communities in Iran. A positive outcome was detected at the beginning of safe community program on knowledge, attitude and behaviour of motorcyclists' riders and preventive effect on death rate. As the time passes, this effect drops and no significant effect was noticed between the two settings. This suggests that the process of interventions must be constant.

The growing violence and tension in Nigeria in the recent era demand scholastic exploration to explain the phenomenon and also it could be used to elucidate the 'tap-Roots' of the Nigeria states of violence, terrorism in a democratic dispensation its impacts on the nation stability. These studies examine the underlying root causes of violence, which has recently turned into the act of terrorism in Nigeria. Drawing from these indications, some literatures have indicated religious and protracted long competition among the three major regions in Nigeria as a unique index of the countries crises. Even so, The opening of this debate captures historical antecedent of what today is known as "Northern" Nigeria and had paid attention to various revolutionary traces of violence within the context of the Northern regions. The study interpreted the contemporary causes of violence, terrorism and other disturbance in Nigeria's geopolitics. Specifically, those which occurred in the form of political dissatisfaction among political parties that had recently gone beyond a border as violence intensified constantly. Consequently, given this greater danger to the nation unsettled domestic instability, higher tension in the country, these complexities' contradicts in contrast to the unpredictable and calm in Nigeria which had intensified the cause for this inquiry. Perhaps, It further accesses the dynamism and puzzles which fashioned out violence and act of terrorism from its original taproots of the nationhood. It argues that "Northern" Nigeria as regions does not in general produce terrorism but sufficiently traces identical "Bawa's" dated back to the Kingdom of Northern Nigeria during Usman Dan Fodio 1903. It establishes that the spread of Islam and the growth of population as some act that erects some elements popularly refers as "sect" within the northern Nigeria. The result of this research revealed that the complexity and inequality which challenged the northern regions Nigeria historically attributed to the cost and effect of terrorism by the Islamic fundamentalist. It highlights literacy, political miscalculation, corruption, and external actors as factors that are reinforcing the prospect of the unstable democracy in Nigeria federation.