Eighth International Festival of Red Cross and Health Films
In: International review of the Red Cross: humanitarian debate, law, policy, action, Band 19, Heft 211, S. 218-219
ISSN: 1607-5889
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In: International review of the Red Cross: humanitarian debate, law, policy, action, Band 19, Heft 211, S. 218-219
ISSN: 1607-5889
In: International review of the Red Cross: humanitarian debate, law, policy, action, Band 19, Heft 208, S. 53-55
ISSN: 1607-5889
In: International review of the Red Cross: humanitarian debate, law, policy, action, Band 9, Heft 98, S. 227-233
ISSN: 1607-5889
In 1919 Bela Kun, the Hungarian revolutionary who, for a few months, was the head of the Soviet Republic of Hungary, declared to the delegate of the ICRC that he fully understood the position and the role of that institution. That private association of Swiss citizens, who, free from any governmental ties, were giving aid and comfort to the victims of war, wherever these might be found and without any distinction of nationality, religion or ideology, appeared to him to be truly representative of the Swiss people. In his view, the ICRC, because it was independent, because it was addressing itself direct to governments, reminding them of their moral duties towards prisoners, towards the soldiers of the other side, belonged to the revolutionary camp.
In: The Labour monthly: LM ; a magazine of left unity, Band 17, S. 562-568
ISSN: 0023-6985
Arbitration by its nature is polycentric: one might more accurately speak of arbitrations in the plural. A wide variety of disputes are included in one category, implicating differences related to the sophistication of the parties, the character of the disputes, and the public interests at stake. The current legal framework for arbitration conducted in the United States attempts to squeeze all types of arbitration into the Procrustean bed of a single set of standards for judicial review. The United States should seriously consider eliminating judicial discretion to review the substantive merits of awards in international cases. The domestically nourished doctrine of "manifest disregard of the law" risks misapplication in cross-border contests. The FAA should be cantonized into separate regimes for domestic and international arbitration, thus permitting the latter to evolve independent of whatever protective legislative and judicial initiatives might be appropriate to address concerns developed in a domestic context.
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In: Børing , P , Flanagan , K , Gagliardi , D , Kaloudis , A & Karakasidou , A 2015 , ' International mobility: : Findings from a survey of researchers in the EU ' Science and Public Policy , vol 42 , no. 6 , pp. 811-826 . DOI:10.1093/scipol/scv006
International mobility of researchers is increasingly constructed both as a science policy problem to be solved and as a goal to be pursued. Yet evidence on the experience of mobility and the factors associated with propensity to mobility remains patchy. We analyse comprehensive survey data on the mobility experience of university and non-university research institute researchers in the EU. Our results both confirm and challenge assertions about mobility made in the literature and in policy debates. We find that 57% of university respondents and 65% of institute respondents have experienced international mobility at least once in their research careers. We find that research visits are the most commonly experienced form of international mobility but that job migration (cross-country changes of employer) is also surprisingly common. International student mobility, and also industrial placement experience, seems to be a good predictor of subsequent mobility during the research career.
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Artículos en revistas ; Este artículo está dedicado a la crisis de los refugiados, así como las causas de los desplazamientos de estos individuos. La gente se ve obligada a dejar sus países por motivos políticos, guerras, persecución, pobreza, desastres ambientales y violencia. El número de personas desplazadas a causas económicas está creciendo. Los dos instrumentos internacionales sobre el estatuto jurídico delos refugiados (Convención de Ginebra y el Protocolo de Nueva York) no se aplican a los casos relacionados con la pobreza y crisis ecológicas o medioambientales. A pesar de los retos en cuestión, la Iglesia está cada vez más preocupada, por eso pide a los Estados encontrar alternativas para aquellas personas que no cumplen los requisitos para obtener el estatuto de refugiado. Ellos buscan una mejor vida y modos de satisfacer sus necesidades. ; This article discusses contemporary refugees crisis and explains the reasons that are causing forced displacement flows. It also looks at the international refugees norms which were put into place to address such crisis. People are being forced to leave their countries because of political struggle, wars, persecution, ethnic cleansing, poverty, ecological disasters and violence. The number of persons displaced for economic and environmental reasons is also on the rise. Nevertheless, the two international instruments relating to the status of refugees (1951 Geneva Convention and 1967 New York Protocol) do not apply to those cases related to poverty and natural disasters. Despite undergoing serious challenges, most of them are being expelled from countries in which they seek asylum. Through the Twenty Action Points designed for the 2018 Global Compact on refugees, the Church is pushing the Nation States to find alternative solutions for those who do not fulfil the requirements to obtain refugee status or enter a country without authorization. They are all searching for a better life and a way to meet their needs. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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In: Journal of European public policy, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 327-345
ISSN: 1466-4429
In: International journal of operations & production management, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 24-49
ISSN: 1758-6593
PurposeThis paper aims to increase the understanding of social and technical factors contributing to successful supplier‐retailer collaboration. The objective is to identify the necessary supply chain architecture for supplier‐retailer collaboration, and demonstrate how it influences supply chain performance.Design/methodology/approachFive pairs of suppliers and retailers in Taiwan were studied with each pair serving as a unit of analysis. In each case, data pertaining to eight relationship variables critical to collaboration between supplier and retailer were collected and analyzed. A comprehensive supplier‐retailer relationship model is developed with five specific research positions: supplier‐retailer business relationship (interdependence, intensity, trust) affects long‐term orientation; supplier‐retailer business relationship affects supply chain architecture (information sharing, inventory system, information technology capabilities, coordination structure); long‐term orientation affects supply chain architecture; supply chain architecture affects the level of supplier‐retailer collaboration; and supplier‐retailer collaboration enhances supplier‐retailer performance.FindingsOverall, with the exception of duration, all variables are found to be critical to supplier‐retailer collaboration. It is the intensity, as opposed to the duration, of the relationship that influences the retailer‐supplier relationship.Originality/valueThe proposed model demonstrates how eight critical social and technical variables are directly and/or indirectly related. This knowledge will enable the management of supplier‐retailer networks to produce better supply chain collaboration and performance.
In: Netherlands international law review: NILR ; international law - conflict of laws, Band 57, Heft 2, S. 167-182
ISSN: 1741-6191
In: Netherlands international law review: NILR ; international law - conflict of laws, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 143
ISSN: 1741-6191
In: International theory: a journal of international politics, law and philosophy, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 96-124
ISSN: 1752-9727
This paper analyses Jürgen Habermas's claim that democracy and human rights are co-original and its implications for his international theory. A central argument in his theory, the co-originality thesis suggests that human rights and democracy are not only both fundamental and mutually supportive, but also 'equi-primordial' and internally related. Reconstructing Habermas's argument as it has developed over two decades, I argue that his account of constitutional democracy has difficulties accounting for the enmeshment of constitutional and international human rights, while his three-tiered model of global governance, in the absence of democratic legitimation, amounts to a downgrade of the currently institutionalized practice of international human rights. Instead, I suggest that shifting the focus from ideal global institutions to actual processes of domestic contestation, through which groups appropriate and apply international legal norms in order to claim their rights, provides a plausible account of the practice of international human rights consistent with the co-originality thesis.
In: Global governance: a review of multilateralism and international organizations, Band 29, Heft 4, S. 511-535
ISSN: 1942-6720
World Affairs Online
National audience ; Le propos de cet article est de vérifier dans quelle mesure l'existence d'un marché international de permis d'émission de gaz à effet de serre (GES) influe-t'elle sur les possibilités nationales de double dividende (environnemental et économique) par transfert de charge fiscale de l'emploi vers les émissions de GES. Les combinaisons proposées de systèmes nationaux de permis et de taxes - étudiées à l'aide d'un modèle d'équilibre général calculable IMACLIM appliqué à l'économie française - sont mises au point en tenant particulièrement compte de l'économie politique de la discussion, soit de leur acceptabilité et de leur crédibilité dans un cadre réel. On montre en définitive qu'un scénario combinant une taxe-carbone appliquée à l'ensemble de l'économie hors industries grandes consommatrices d'énergie, et l'accès à un marché international du carbone pour ces dernières, est à même de conserver l'essentiel du double dividende d'une taxe sur le carbone sans exemptions, tout en étant politiquement plus acceptable
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National audience ; Le propos de cet article est de vérifier dans quelle mesure l'existence d'un marché international de permis d'émission de gaz à effet de serre (GES) influe-t'elle sur les possibilités nationales de double dividende (environnemental et économique) par transfert de charge fiscale de l'emploi vers les émissions de GES. Les combinaisons proposées de systèmes nationaux de permis et de taxes - étudiées à l'aide d'un modèle d'équilibre général calculable IMACLIM appliqué à l'économie française - sont mises au point en tenant particulièrement compte de l'économie politique de la discussion, soit de leur acceptabilité et de leur crédibilité dans un cadre réel. On montre en définitive qu'un scénario combinant une taxe-carbone appliquée à l'ensemble de l'économie hors industries grandes consommatrices d'énergie, et l'accès à un marché international du carbone pour ces dernières, est à même de conserver l'essentiel du double dividende d'une taxe sur le carbone sans exemptions, tout en étant politiquement plus acceptable
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