Suchergebnisse

Статья рассматривает проблемы и перспективы сотрудничества Ассоциации стран Юго-Восточной Азии и Евразийского экономического союза. Современные международные процессы побуждают страны на активное сотрудничество в различных сферах. Логика интеграционных объединений не оспаривается, поскольку приносит экономические выгоды. В условиях глобализации связи между странами становятся интенсивнее, возникает взаимозависимость и взаимодополняемость. Когда кризисные события разворачиваются в отдельных государствах, они затрагивают мировое сообщество в целом. Так страны активизируют и углубляют интеграционные процессы, создавая более прочные региональные структуры в целях достижения экономической и политической безопасности и улучшения благосостояния. Нарастающая тенденция регионализации способствует, с одной стороны, усилению процессов глобализации, с другой обособлению интеграционных группировок от мирового рынка и усилению их независимости от внешнего спроса, позволяя странам-участницам противостоять возникающим кризисам и экономическим шокам посредством создания своеобразной подушки безопасности между региональным объединением и остальным экономическим сообществом. Наглядным примером региональных группировок, созданных с подобной целью, является Ассоциация стран Юго-Восточной Азии и Евразийский экономический союз. Еще одной причиной регионализации становится желание обрести независимость от доминирующих акторов мировых экономических и политических процессов, таких как США, ЕС, Китай. Азиатские страны, к которым отчасти относится и Россия, за последние 60 лет построили множество интеграционных группировок, причем зачастую одна страна может быть участницей нескольких интеграционных объединений, например, Индонезию и Россию объединяет членство в АТЭС, но Индонезия состоит в АСЕАН, а Россия в ЕАЭС. Такие взаимодействия переплетаются в сложную структуру отношений в Азиатском регионе, где множество различных торговых соглашений пересекаются друг с другом, что вызывает издержки. Поэтому страны стремятся к гармонизации процедур и правил торговли, что особенно важно и в отношениях между региональными структурами. Однако внутри группировок АСЕАН и ЕАЭС имеется ряд разногласий, что сказывается как на дальнейшем углублении интеграции, так и на отношениях с партнерами за пределами объединения. Так, перспективы сотрудничества двух организаций пока что ограничены, но имеются перспективы по линии АСЕАН-Россия и ЕАЭС-Вьетнам. ; The article focuses on the problems and prospects of the collaboration between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Eurasian Economic Union. Present international issues encourage the active collaboration between countries in multiple spheres. Integration unions are logical for they bring mutual economic benefits. Globalization deepens ties between countries, intensifies interdependence and complementarity among them. Even while a crisis occurs in one particular country it may affect the whole world community. Thus countries initiate and strengthen integration, and new strong regional structures are being built to achieve economic and political security with better life conditions. Progressive tendency towards regionalization has a double effect. In one way, it reinforces globalization. In another, it fosters isolation of integration unions from the world market and increases their independence from the external demand. In turn, this allows a higher resistance to emerging crises and economic shocks by creating an «airbag», in a manner of speaking, to protect a particular regional integration union from the global economy. A good example of regional groupings created with this aim in mind is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Eurasian Economic Union. Joining the regionalization also has a benefit of relative independence from the dominant actors of the world economy and politics, such as the US, the EU, China. Asian countries, and Russia is in some measure among them, have built plenty of integration alliances within the last 60 years. Fairly often a country associates with more than one of such alliances. For instance, Indonesia and Russia are united within APEC, while Indonesia is a member of ASEAN, and Russia is a member of EAEU. Such interactions are deeply intertwining in a sophisticated relation hierarchy in Asia, that brings expenditures. This encourages countries to harmonize trade procedures and laws, that are of vital importance in cooperation between the unions. However both ASEAN and EAEU have a range of controversies between members, that impede further integration, as well as negatively affect relations with external partners. Hence, the perspectives of cooperation between two organizations are limited so far, but there are prospects in ASEANRussia and EAEU-Vietnam cooperation.

Objective: to understand the manner in which health education (HE) is taught at the National Faculty of Public Health (NFPH) of the University of Antioquia in Medellín, Colombia. Methodology: group and individual interviews with teachers, students and graduates. Likewise, the curricula of the Faculty'sacademic programs were reviewed. Results: The predominant approach is to teach HE as a tool or strategy conceived from the biomedical standpoint and grounded on a traditional/coercive pedagogical model. Furthermore, the teaching OF HE at the NFPH does not have the relevance that should be expected, which is a contradiction in itself. Disussion: the theoretical reflection developed proposes a different explanation: it isnot a contradiction; rather this situation pertains to a logical consequence of a public health perspective prevailing at the NFPH. The role of health education depends on the public health approach with which it is aligned. Other public health approaches are presented in which education has a basic and foundational sense and it is conceived from the point of view of alternative pedagogical models. So addressing HE teaching and defining the profile of public health professionals is not a neutral and technical issue for including certain topics. It is rather a consequence of a theoretical and political debate about the type of public health that should guide the curricula of academic programs and actions at the Faculty. ; Objetivo: comprender la enseñanza de la educación para la salud (EpS) en la Facultad Nacional de Salud Pública (FNSP) de la Universidad de Antioquia. Metodología: entrevistas grupales e individuales a profesores, estudiantes y egresados, así como con la revisión de los planes de estudio de los programas académicos de la Facultad. Resultados: es predominante la enseñanza de la EpS como herramienta o estrategia, concebida desde una perspectiva biomédica y fundada en un modelo pedagógico tradicional/coactivo; además, que la enseñanza de la EpS en la FNSP no tiene la relevancia que se esperaría, lo que aparentemente supone una contradicción. Discusión: La reflexión teórica realizada propone una salida diferente: esta situación, lejos de ser una contradicción, corresponde a una consecuencia lógica para una perspectiva de salud pública imperante en la FNSP. El papel que cumple la educación en la salud pública depende de la corriente en la cual se inscribe. Se presentan otras versiones de salud pública en las cuales la educación tiene un sentido básico y fundante y se plantea desde modelos pedagógicos alternativos. Así, abordar la enseñanza de la EpS y definir el perfil del salubrista no es un asunto neutral ni técnico para incluir ciertos contenidos; corresponde al producto de un debate teórico y político sobre la salud pública que debe orientar los currículos de los programas académicos y, en general, las acciones de la Facultad. ; Objetivo: compreensão do ensino da educação para a saúde (EPS) na Faculdade Nacional de Saúde Pública (FNSP) da Universidade de Antioquia. Metodologia: entrevistas grupais e individuais a professores, estudantes e ex-alunos, bem como com a revisão dos planos curriculares dos programas acadêmicos da Faculdade. Resultados: predominante o ensino da EPS como ferramenta ou estratégia, concebida desde uma perspectiva biomédica e fundada em um modelo pedagógico tradicional/coativo; além disso, que o ensino da EPS na FNSP não tem a relevância esperada, o que aparentemente supõe uma contradição. Discussão: A reflexão teórica realizada propõe uma saída diferente: esta situação, longe de ser uma contradição, corresponde a uma consequência lógica para uma perspectiva de saúde pública imperante na fnsp. O papel que desempenha a educação na saúde pública depende da corrente na qual se inscreve. Apresentam-se outras versões de saúde pública nas quais a educação tem um sentido básico e fundador e se propõe desde modelos pedagógicos alternativos. Assim, abordar o ensino da EPS e definir o perfil do profissional em saúde pública não é um assunto neutral nem técnico para incluir certos conteúdos; corresponde ao produto de um debate teórico e político sobre a saúde pública que deve guiar os currículos dos programas acadêmicos e, em geral, as ações da Faculdade.

This thesis explores the origin of sectarian violence and terrorism, the impact of terrorism risk on the individual's democratic preferences and the deterrence effect of the law enforcement interventions against terrorism and violence over time and space in Pakistan. It comprises of six chapters which fall under the category of 'Illegal Behavior and the Enforcement of Law.' The causes and effects of the illegal behavior (terrorism and violence) have been discussed in the chapters 2 & 3, while, chapters 4 & 5 focus on the enforcement of law against these crimes. Chapter 2 serves two core dimensions: Firstly, to cater for the historical account of the origin of sectarian violence and terrorism and their temporal variation in Pakistan. Secondly, the construction of these crimes has been presented from the religious market perspective. Adam Smith argues in The Wealth of Nations that ". the hazards of government regulation are as real for religion as for any other sector of the economy." Therefore, chapter 2 advocates historical evidence on the hazards of government interventions in the religious market of Pakistan. It explains that rent-seeking behavior on the part of the three players in the religious market, namely, religious sects, government and cold war allies of Pakistan, leads to regular interventions in the religious market. The interventions produce externalities in the form of intolerance in the religious space which slowly and gradually transforms into sectarian violence and terrorism. The 3rd chapter discusses exposure to the risk of terrorism and its impact on the individual's preferences for liberal democratic values. It explores the following question: Does exposure to terrorism and violence affect democratic opinions and perceptions? Exploiting the individual level socio-economic, religious and political information collected from the 6,000 respondents, the chapter empirically evaluates and presents evidence that acts of terrorism negatively affect preferences towards democratic institutions. The persistent shocks of terrorism decrease the support for the elected legislators while increasing it for the law enforcement institutions like the armed forces. The deterrence effect of the exogenous intervention by law enforcement institutions on different types of tribal violence is explained in the 4th chapter of the thesis. Approximately, 3% territory in the North-West of Pakistan is ungoverned but constitutionally presented in the lower and upper houses. It has never been exposed to modern law enforcement institutions like the judiciary, police and military. Thus, it experienced pervasive tribal violence, revenge killings and drug trafficking over the years. The incident of the September 11, 2001 and the consequent US invasion of Afghanistan provided an exogenous shock to the military institution to enter the ungoverned space for the first time. The empirical results show that the intervention significantly decreases different types of violent conflicts in the ungoverned terrain. Finally, chapter 5 explores criminologists' hypotheses on the displacement and diffusion of crime control benefits to test the displacement and diffusion effects of anti-terrorism interventions. The empirical analysis highlights that anti-terror interventions displace terrorist activities from the treated to the non-treated districts, thus, impose a significant public cost on the neighborhood. Displacement of the terrorist activities from one district to another in response to the negative sanctions imposed by the law enforcement agencies might be one of the reasons for the pervasiveness of terrorism in Pakistan. With regard to the policy, this dissertation suggests the following recommendations: First, a more comprehensive understanding of the interactions between violent conflicts and the democratization process is needed. The democratic transition can revert to autocracy, if voters are exposed to persistence terrorism risks. Second, an ungoverned territory may not produce negative externalities in the form of organized crimes including terrorism in the short-term, but, exposes to such crimes in the long-term. Therefore, a responsible state needs to invest in the establishment and capacity building of the law enforcement institutions in such territories to avoid future spillovers. And third, effective law enforcement interventions requires not only to deter violence and terrorism in the given geographic space but also their externalities into the neighborhood.

Este artículo pretende presentar el trabajo en curso de nuestra tesis doctoral, titulada Imágenes de poder. Lo "exótico" en la corte portuguesa en el Renacimiento. La historiografía acepta generalmente que la corte portuguesa parece haberse caracterizado por formas de representación menos complejas y sofisticadas en comparación con las cortes de Francia, Italia o Borgoña, indiscutiblemente más formales y refinadas. Nuestra tesis pretende evaluar la exactitud de este punto de vista. Para ello, nos centraremos en la importancia de lo "exótico" en el ceremonial y los momentos políticamente relevantes para la monarquía portuguesa. Comenzaremos analizando la presencia de animales, productos, y objetos africanos y asiáticos en la práctica del regalo y en los rituales políticos y ceremoniales –tales como bodas, desfiles o banquetes– de la monarquía portuguesa de los siglos XV y XVI. Las personalidades de Enrique el Navegante y de los reyes Juan II y Manuel I serán particularmente destacadas como figuras de transición que usaron estos elementos "exóticos" como forma de representación simbólica intrínsecamente medieval. La famosa embajada que incluyó al elefante indio Hanno, enviada por Manuel I al papa León X en 1514, supone el episodio más ostentoso y significativo, pero abordaremos otros ejemplos. Es importante mencionar que enfocaremos este tema siempre en estrecha comparación con un contexto cultural europeo más amplio. Sin embargo, en lugar de adoptar la Kunstkammern de los Habsburgo del s. XVII como término de comparación, atenderemos a las prácticas de regalo anteriores, dado que ya en 801, cuando Harun al-Rashid envió un elefante a Carlomagno, podemos identificar el uso de animales no europeos como enseñas y signos de poder vivientes. El principal propósito de esta comunicación es, entonces, subrayar la presencia de elementos "exóticos" en la corte portuguesa de los siglos XV y XVI como parte de un fenómeno cultural medieval, en oposición a una tendencia exclusiva de la temprana Edad Moderna. ; This paper aims at presenting the work in progress of our PhD thesis, entitled Images of Power. The "exotic" in the Portuguese Court in the Renaissance. It is generally accepted by the historiography that the Portuguese court seems to have been characterized by less complex and sophisticated forms of representation when compared to the French, Italian or Burgundian courts, which were undeniably more formal and refined. Our dissertation intends to evaluate the accuracy of this perspective. For this, we will focus on the importance of the "exotic" in ceremonial and politically relevant moments for the Portuguese monarchy. We will start by analysing the presence of African and Asian animals, products and objects in gift-giving practices and in political and ceremonial rituals –such as weddings, parades and banquets– of the Portuguese Monarchy in the 15th and 16th centuries. The figures of Henry the Navigator and Kings John II and Manuel I will be particularly emphasized as figures of transition, who used these "exotic" elements as an intrinsically medieval form of symbolic representation. The famous embassy sent by Manuel I to the Pope Leo X in 1514, which included the Indian elephant Hanno, is the most ostentatious and significant episode, but other examples will be addressed. It is important to mention that this subject will be studied in close comparison to a broader European cultural context. However, instead of adopting the 17th century Kunstkammern of the Habsburgs as a term of comparison, we will look at previous practices of gift-giving and consumption, since we can identify a use of non-European animals as living heraldry and signs of power, ever since the Arab Abbassid Caliph Harun al-Rashid sent and elephant to Charlemagne. The main purpose of this paper is, thus, to underline the presence of "exotic" elements in the Portuguese court in the 15th and 16th centuries as part of a medieval cultural phenomenon, as opposed to an exclusively early modern tendency.

In today's world there is diversification of different models of higher education. At the same time, the multiplicity and the diversity of higher education models do not exclude their identity. Internationalization and integration of institutions of higher education in a global and international dimension raise many new questions for the theory and practice. Among them the author emphasizes the most important ones: what is the general and the particular in education and science; what patterns, forms, methods of management are universal and which are in the range of the specific conditions of different countries; what is the best way to realize the functions of education and science in the international activity; what are the features of national identity in education and in the development of the University as an institution of education, and also in organizational behavior, management systems; to what extent these features are important to achieve the desired results; how can foreigners quickly adapt to national environment. All these problems are extremely important and interesting, still waiting for their reply. At the same time multi-modeling education systems do not exclude their common problems: the necessity of permanent adaptation of educational programs to current needs of society, the increased requirements to the level and quality of education. The modernization of social, economic and political development and the potential of anthropological and psychological structure of the personality in values and normative dimension of the contemporary globalized societies of the world; reformation strategies in society, education and management, their globalization and the processes of institutionalization and perspectives of humanization of educational systems, management, upbringing are analyzed in the given article. It is noted that among the existing conditions and prerequisites the existence of developed civil society is necessary for the successful formation and functioning of educational systems and effective models of multi-level educational management. Thus, we can conclude that the strategy of development of the modern world social philosophy of upbringing and education is one of the key issues in the field of social management and philosophy, pedagogy, global social development. The way of organization and functioning of civil society in present-day and future to a great extent depends on what exactly do we mean by upbringing, education and science, or which paradigm of upbringing and education is dominant at the given social and historical stage. The continuity of public education, quality management, their intensity can only be achieved under two conditions of a fundamental character. One of them is use of new, theoretically grounded and practically proven management, philosophically developed, and available technically secured high technology of social work, education and training, learning. The second one is the perfect mastery of human in the methodology of self-socio-axiological and research activities. The established structure shall provide the same conditions for equitable selection of civil, educational, scientific and educational actions, excluding coercion and domination. ; У сучасному світі відбувається диверсифікація різних моделей вищої освіти. У той же час багато­варіантність, різноманіття моделей вищої освіти не виключає їх своєрідності. Одночасно багатомо­дельність систем освіти не виключає і їх загальних проблем, пов'язаних з необхідністю перманентної адаптації освітніх програм до сучасних потреб суспільства, з підвищенням вимог до рівня і якості освіти. Ін­тернаціоналізація та інтеграція вищої освіти в глобально-міжнародному аспек­ті ставить багато нових питань перед теорією і практикою. Найважливіші з них – що є загальне і особливе в освіті і науці, які закономірності, форми, методи управління є універсальними, а які діють у діапазоні конкретних умов різних кра­їн, як найкращим чином виконувати функції освіти й науки у міжнародній ді­яльності, у чому полягають особливості національного стилю в освіті і розвитку університету як інституту освіти, в організаційній поведінці, системах управ­ління, наскільки ці особливості важливі для досягнення бажаних результатів, як іноземцям швидше пристосуватися до національного місцевого середовища. Усе це винятково важливі й цікаві нові питання, багато з яких ще чекає своєї відпо­віді. Аналізується модернізація соціального та економіко-політичного розвитку і потенціал антропологічно-психологічної структури людини в ціннісно-норма­тивному вимірі сучасного глобалізованого суспільства світу, реформаційні стра­тегії в соціумі, освіті і менеджменті, їхня глобалізація та процеси інституаліза­ції і перспективи гуманізації систем освіти, управління, виховання.

Educational campaigning has received little attention in the literature. This study investigates long-term and organised urban campaigns that are collectively lobbying the Victorian State Government in Australia, for a new public high school to be constructed in their suburb. A public high school is also known as a state school, government school, or an ordinary comprehensive school. It receives the majority of its funding from the State and Federal Australian Government, and is generally regarded as 'free' education, in comparison to a private school. Whilst the campaigners frame their requests as for a 'public school', their primary appeal is for a local school in their community. This study questions how collective campaigning for a locale-specific public school is influenced by geography, class and identity. In order to explore these campaigns, I draw on formative studies of middle-class school choice from an Australian and United Kingdom perspective (Campbell, Proctor, & Sherington, 2009; Reay, Crozier, & James, 2011). To think about the role of geography and space in these processes of choice, I look to apply Harvey's (1973) theory of absolute, relational and relative space. I use Bourdieu (1999b) as a sociological lens that is attentive to "site effects" and it is through this lens that I think about class as a "collection of properties" (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 106), actualised via mechanisms of identity and representation (Hall, 1996; Rose, 1996a, 1996b). This study redresses three distinct gaps in the literature: first, I focus attention on a contemporary middle-class choice strategy—that is, collective campaigning for a public school. Research within this field is significantly under-developed, despite this choice strategy being on the rise. Second, previous research argues that certain middle-class choosers regard the local public school as "inferior" in some way (Reay, et al., 2011, p. 111), merely acting as a "safety net" (Campbell, et al., 2009, p. 5) and connected to the working-class chooser (Reay & Ball, 1997). The campaigners are characteristic of the middle-class school chooser, but they are purposefully and strategically seeking out the local public school. Therefore, this study looks to build on work by Reay, et al. (2011) in thinking about "against-the-grain school choice", specifically within the Australian context. Third, this study uses visual and graphic methods in order to examine the influence of geography in the education market (Taylor, 2001). I see the visualisation of space and schooling that I offer in this dissertation as a key theoretical contribution of this study. I draw on a number of data sets, both qualitative and quantitative, to explore the research questions. I interviewed campaigners and attended campaign meetings as participant observer; I collected statistical data from fifteen different suburbs and schools, and conducted comparative analyses of each. These analyses are displayed by using visual graphs. This study uses maps created by a professional graphic designer and photographs by a professional photographer; I draw on publications by the campaigners themselves, such as surveys, reports and social media; but also, interviews with campaigners that are published in local or state newspapers. The multiple data sets enable an immersive and rich graphic ethnography. This study contributes by building on understandings of how particular sociological cohorts of choosers are engaging with, and choosing, the urban public school in Australia. It is relevant for policy making, in that it comes at a time of increasing privatisation and a move toward independent public schools. This study identifies cohorts of choosers that are employing individual and collective political strategies to obtain a specific school, and it identifies this cohort via explicit class-based characteristics and their school choice behaviours. I look to use fresh theoretical and methodological approaches that emphasise space and geography, theorising geo-identity and the pseudo-private school.

This article presents the outcomes of an archaeological survey carried on the Calabrian North West coast of the Strait of Messina, nearby the narrows of the mythical Skylla during the mid nineties. This research, which has represented a strong experience and a turning point in the cognitive itinerancy of a maritime anthropologist, who in a "transgressed" way dared to put his nose on the ground, was the consequence of previous anthropological and historical studies on a traditional coastal fishing culture of which the long enduring of diverse harpooning technics of the swordfish, marlin, sharks and tuna found their roots in Phoenician times (www. ssfsymposium.org / presentation ).Indeed, there, on the Marturano promontory, promontory M, as in many instances in the Mediterranean, were first found Phoenician ceramics dating of the beginning of the ninth Century BC which has been published in part in 1995. But the field survey and soundings in seven areas of the promontory has been yet much more fructuous. The part one of this contribution presents the catalogue of the Minoan ceramic findings mainly dated LMI and LMI-II, but beginning at the end of MMIII, leaving so to hypothesise a long enduring presence. Amazingly, in fact, at the point of promontory M were spot and brought in light granite stone built structures.Part two restitutes the process and the steps of the spotting and discoveries: building-line of cyclopean stone granite cut blocks, terrace wall, a unique impressive boulder faced by two granite dressed blocks boat shaped, a monumental pyramidal assemblage of triangular and polygonal cut blocks crowning a stately trapeze shaped monolith edged with white sea pebbles facing an oval space. At the end of 1995 these lithic structures remained largely a puzzling issue. This difficult issue was left aside until a stay in Egypt between 2009 and 2012,where to escape to the depressing effects of a social-political heavy context soon after an initial strongly democratic uprising repressed in the blood, were undertaken a new field survey on the West coast of Alexandry. In a tiny island, in a somewhat interesting context was discovered a square altar with a sandstone baetyl in the middle, provoking the author to a come back to the lithic structures brought in light on the Calabrian coast some fourteen years before. In the paper, these lithic structures are accurately analysed in their material characteristics, their morphological oppositions, their building technics which for example systematically use to cut triangular granite blocks or polygonal ones but pointed at their back extremity as in the case of the embankment wall. All these architectonic traits belong to Minoan building technics.The last part of this contribution proceeds to a sharp critic of the development in the nineties of an exclusive religious vision of the Minoan culture and society, which has so often interpreted such lithic structures, as immediately and inherently religious artefacts. From recent archaeological works on ritualized practices led by L. Goodison, C. Moriss, J. Younger, the author comes back on the seminal paper of P. Warren on the baetyls and the new excavation of V. La Rosa at the end of the nineties, carried on at the tholos A of Hagia Triada, putting all these analyses in perspective with those of A. Evans and M. Nilsson. The Minoan archaeological realia discovered on the promontory M (Minoan, Mycenaean) are not only confronted with the ones found in Crete, but in a critical way with their rare iconic representations. Thus, a typology of these lithic, aniconic structures is put in light, and also their morphology and the ritual practices they supported. These stone structures of promontory M, the ceramic evidence, the building artefacts like pumice slabs, clay water pipes allow to infer to the settling of a Minoan community nearby the narrows of Skylla, Skylaion cape and at the end of this enduring presence not so much after a Phoenician short one, that is to say two Mediterranean paradigmatic sea oriented cultures.

Предмет/тема. В статье показаны генезис и развитие исторически ограниченных социально-экономических систем, что является в настоящее время актуальным для экономического анализа. Цели/задачи. В качестве научной цели обозначена проблема разработки теоретической базы, а также формального описания генезиса постиндустриального общества и логики развития нелинейных социальных трансформаций и переходных процессов. При этом автор исходил из предположения о том, что в основе экономической системы находятся доминантные технологии развития; ядро системы составляет форма координации отношений собственности; в качестве защитного пояса находится институционально-правовая система отношений. Таким образом, экономическая система представляет собой взаимообусловленную связь производительных сил (технологий) и производственных отношений (социально-экономических связей). С учетом задач исследования проведено терминологическое упорядочение и идентифицирована сущность терминов «постиндустриализм» и «адаптация». Методология. В работе используется методология, которая базируется на познавательном потенциале результатов политэкономической теории, а также методов системного и экономического анализа. С помощью указанных методов доказывается, что процесс эволюции социально-экономических систем означает смену ключевых параметров (доминирующих факторов) развития и происходит за счет адаптивных реакций существующего типа системы к новым вызовам внешней среды. Результаты. В результате исследования, опираясь на теорию инновационного развития, рассмотрены логистические законы эволюции экономических систем в развитии. Выстроена система аргументации, которая показывает, что каждая фаза развития экономической системы (I-III), требует адекватных ей механизмов адаптации к среде, что позволило провести формальное представление соответствующих правил адаптации, характерных для постиндустриального этапа развития. Результаты проведенного исследования могут быть использованы для дальнейшей разработки теоретической базы, необходимой для описания генезиса постиндустриального общества, познания закономерностей развития экономики, понимания реальных экономических процессов. Выводы/значимость. Важное значение имеет то, что практические результаты исследования могут быть использованы органами государственной власти при разработке стратегии социально-экономического развития страны и проведения соответствующей экономической политики. В заключение систематизированы четыре основных вывода по проведенному исследованию. ; Importance The article shows the genesis and development of historically limited socio-economic systems that is relevant for the economic analysis. Objectives I point out the issue of developing a theoretical framework and formally describe the genesis of the post-industrial society and logic of development of nonlinear social transformations and transition processes. I rely on the assumption that: first, the economic system rests upon dominant technologies of development; second, a format of coordinating the ownership relations is the system's nucleus; third, the institutional and legal framework of relations is the protection belt. In this respect, the economic system, from Marx's perspectives, represents a mutually dependent relation of productive forces (technologies) and relations of production (socio-economic relationships). I streamline the terminology and identify the substance of such terms as post-industrialism and adaptation. Methods The research employs the methodology that is based on the cognitive potential of the political and economic theory, as well as methods of systems and economic analysis that allows me to prove that the evolution of socio-economic systems implies a change in key parameters (prevailing factors) of development. It is driven by adaptive responses of the existing system to new challenges of the external environment. Results Relying on the theory of innovative development, I examine logistic laws governing the evolution of economic systems in progress. I outline a pattern of arguments indicating that each phase of the economic system development (I-III) requires adequate mechanisms for adapting to the environment, thus enabling me to reach a formal understanding of the relevant adaptation rules typical of the post-industrial development. The results of the research may be useful to further develop the theoretical framework needed to describe the genesis of the post-industrial society, study common rules of economic development, and comprehend real economic processes. Conclusions and Relevance It is important that authorities may use the practical results of the research to devise a strategy for social and economic development of the country and implement the relevant economic policy. I systematize four main conclusions following the research.

Предмет/тема. Вопрос участия общественных организаций в системе обеспечения национальной безопасности является одним из ключевых на современном этапе развития российского социума. Актуальность данной проблемы обусловлена наличием внутренних и внешних угроз, усиливающихся вследствие углубляющегося экономического кризиса. Это требует повышения роли граждан и их добровольных объединений в функционировании системы национальной безопасности. Тем не менее не все институты гражданского общества способны защитить жизненно важные интересы российского социума. Возникает необходимость определения отношений неправительственных организаций, имеющих статус иностранного агента, к системе обеспечения национальной безопасности страны. Цели/задачи. В статье дается оценка роли некоммерческих организаций (НКО) в сфере обеспечения национальной безопасности, а также в контексте данной проблематики исследуется деятельность неправительственных организаций, имеющих статус иностранного агента. Анализируется проблема создания нормальных условий их функционирования, позволяющей нивелировать реальные и потенциальные угрозы внешнего влияния на развитие российской государственности. Рассматривается деятельность «иностранных агентов» с позиций действующего законодательства. Методология. Теоретико-методологическими основаниями исследования явились идеи отечественных ученых Ю.Б. Аверкиной, Е.Н. Васильевой, В.Н. Гуляихина, О.И. Коростелева, А.Г. Марутина и С.В. Мысина, занимающихся анализом проблем обеспечения национальной безопасности. При изучении особенностей функционирования НКО, имеющих статус иностранного агента, применялись институциональный, системно-структурный и диалектический методы, позволяющие выделить их общие и особенные черты, а также дать оценку их роли в контексте проблемы обеспечения национальной безопасности России. Результаты. В работе дан компаративный анализ деятельности неправительственных организаций, показана необходимость совершенствования законодательства, регулирующего их деятельность. Выявлена общественная роль неправительственных организаций, обладающих статусом иностранного агента, которая имеет противоречивый характер: оказывая реальную социальную и правовую поддержку гражданам, они участвуют также и в создании протестной социальной базы политического радикализма, которая представляет угрозу национальной безопасности. Выводы/значимость. Научная новизна исследования заключается в оценке общественной роли НКО, обладающих статусом иностранного агента, в контексте проблематики обеспечения национальной безопасности России. ; Importance Involvement of public organizations in ensuring national security is one of the key issues in the current period of the Russian society. The issue is relevant since there are internal and external threats that grow concurrently with aggravation of the economic crisis. The public and its voluntary associations should be more active in driving the national security system. However, all civil institutions are able to protect vital interests of the Russian society. In this respect, it is necessary to determine the relations of non-governmental organizations that are qualified as foreign agents, and the national security system. Objectives The article evaluates what role non-profit organizations play in ensuring the national security. In the context of the mentioned issue, I also investigate operations of non-governmental organizations acting as foreign agents. I analyze an issue of creating adequate conditions for their operations, thus eliminating real and possible threats of external influence on the development of the Russian sovereignty. The research examines activities of foreign agents, from perspectives of the effective legislation. Methods The theoretical and methodological framework comprises ideas of such national scientists as Averkina Yu.B., Vasil'eva E.N., Gulyaikhin V.N., Korostelev O.I., Marutin A.G., Mysin S.V. who analyzed national security issues. In examining the specificity of operations of non-profit organizations acting as foreign agents, I apply institutional, systemic, structural and dialectical methods that help identify common and specific aspects and evaluate their role in ensuring the national security of Russia. Results The article presents a comparative analysis of nongovernmental organizations' operations and indicates the need to enhance the legislation governing their activities. The research identifies a social role of non-governmental organizations acting as foreign agents. Their role is contradictory since they participate in creating the social background for protests and political radicalism threatening the national security, while providing a real social and legislative support to the population. Conclusions and Relevance The research has a scientific novelty since it evaluates a public role of non-profit organizations acting as foreign agents in the context of ensuring the national security of Russia.

Тема «Хайдеггер и этика» до сих пор среди исследователей Хайдеггера остается спорной. Какимто образом получается говорить о Хайдеггере без того, чтобы при этом затрагивались вопросы этики, и, напротив, разговоры об этике часто не оставляют без внимания фигуру Хайдеггера. Наша задача не состоит в том, чтобы обосновать возможность «хайдеггеровской этики». Вопрос об этическом в хайдеггеровской философии следует показать как вполне правомочный, а также продемонстрировать наличие этической проблематики в его мышлении на разных этапах. Однако, первая же сложность, с которой мы сталкиваемся, ставя перед собой вышеуказанную задачу, состоит в том, что сам Хайдеггер довольно редко и весьма специфично — большей частью даже негативно — высказывался об этике. Вторая сложность — вполне очевидная здесь — Хайдеггер не оставил нам никакого систематического труда, посвященного этике. В статье мы пытаемся проследить мыслительный путь самого Хайдеггера таким образом, чтобы попытаться понять, где находится возможность этического измерения хайдеггеровского мышления, усматриваемая разными исследователями на разный манер. Хайдеггер предлагает продумать этику в ее первоначальном истоке — отличая ее и от морали, и от «этики» как «философской дисциплины», близкой к социальной или политической проблематике. Хайдеггер отличает ἔθος и ἦθος, предпочитая говорить не об «этике», а об «этосе». Главный «герой» здесь для Хайдеггера — это Аристотель. Хайдеггер не столько был подвержен влиянию Аристотеля, сколько сам способствовал приведению Аристотеля к какой-то совершенно новой и неожиданной интерпретации, расходящейся с традиционным толкованием. Надо сказать, что Хайдеггер с самого начала оспаривал сложившийся и закрепившийся в европейской метафизике примат теоретического над практическим. Переосмыслить «первое» первой философии — вот ни много ни мало на что замахивается Хайдеггер, обращаясь к аристотелевским текстам. Ведущий вопрос в интерпретации Аристотеля касается бытийной предметности, в которой истолковывается бытие человека и бытие жизни. Хайдеггер спрашивает себя, каким является феноменальное основание экспликации человека и какие категории из этого основания происходят. За этим вопросом следуем и мы в данной статье, начиная с проекта герменевтической феноменологии и заканчивая бытийно-историческим мышлением как существенными вехами пути Хайдеггера. ; The theme «Heidegger and ethics» remains controversial among the researchers of Heidegger. Somehow it turns to talk about Heidegger and do not raise issues of ethics and, by contrast, the talks about ethics often directly concern the figure of Heidegger. Our task is not to justify the possibility of «Heideggers ethics». The question of ethics in Heidegger's philosophy should be shown as quite competent as well as the demonstration an ethical perspective in his thinking at different stages. However, the very first difficulty that we face, setting themselves above the problem is that Heidegger quite rare and very specific for the most part even negative spoke about ethics. The second problem quite obvious here Heidegger did not leave us any systematic work devoted to ethics. In this article we try to trace the path of Heidegger's thinking in order to understand where there is any possibility of the ethical dimension in Heidegger's philosophy which is seen by different researchers in the different manners. Heidegger proposes to consider ethics in its original source, distinguishing it from morality as well as from «ethics» as a «philosophical discipline» closed to the social or political issues. Heidegger distinguishes £0o^ and ^0o^, preferring to talk about «ethos» and not about «ethics». The main «hero» for Heidegger is Aristotle. Heidegger was not so much influenced by Aristotle as he helped to bring Aristotle to some entirely new and unexpected interpretation which is differ from the traditional interpretation. We must say that Heidegger from the outset challenged the established and entrenched in the European metaphysics the primacy of practical over the theoretical. To rethink the «first» of the first philosophy that's what Heidegger attempts, referring to the Aristotelian texts. The leading question in regard to the interpretation of Aristotle is the question about existential objectness, in which and through which human existence and the existence of life being interpreted. Heidegger asks himself what is a phenomenal base of the explication of Dasein and what categories occur here. We are following this question in the article, beginning with the project of the hermeneutic phenomenology and ending with the existentiall-historical thinking as significant milestones of Heidegger's path of thinking.

Актуальность и цели. В современном мире не обойтись без глубокой экономической интеграции. Если Россия действительно настроена на долгосрочное сотрудничество с бывшими советскими республиками, то ей необходимо доказать, что проект Евразийского экономического союза это совершенно новый тип интеграции постсоветских стран, который основан на нерушимости их политического суверенитета, территориальной целостности, общности языка, равенстве партнеров и исключает давление и доминирование Москвы. В связи с этим исследование взаимовыгодности образования и функционирования Евразийского экономического союза (ЕАЭС) для его стран-участниц является актуальным. Цель работы выявление перспектив функционирования ЕАЭС и возможности его расширения. Материалы и методы. Реализация поставленных в работе задач была достигнута на основе анализа Договора между РФ и Республикой Беларусь от 08.12.1999 «О создании Союзного государства», статей Договора о Евразийской экономической комиссии, основных итогов инвестиционного сотрудничества России и Китая, евразийских интеграционных проектов в восприятии постсоветских стран и Китая, а также статистических данных по проблемам функционирования ЕАЭС. При написании работы в зависимости от особенностей решаемых задач использовались различные методы экономического исследования: абстрактно-логический при постановке цели и задач исследования; сравнительный анализ при определении позитивных и негативных тенденций в ходе реализации евразийского интеграционного проекта и при исследовании других проблем, рассматриваемых в работе; индуктивный и дедуктивный методы при выявлении взаимовыгодности образования ЕАЭС для его стран-участниц и потенциальных партнеров. Результаты. Выделены и охарактеризованы основные тенденции (позитивные и негативные) реализации евразийского интеграционного проекта; определены перспективы дальнейшего существования ЕАЭС, связанные с расширением числа его участников. Выводы. ЕАЭС предстоит начинать свою деятельность в условиях обострения геополитических вызовов и угроз, возникших в связи с кризисом вокруг Украины. Евразийский экономический союз это очень перспективный проект. Серьезным фактором продвижения экономической интеграции стран в будущем может стать введение единой валюты, совершенствование банковской сферы. Однако главные перспективы дальнейшего существования ЕАЭС связаны с расширением числа его участников. Некоторые постсоветские страны (Украина, Молдавия и др.) выступают против данного интеграционного проекта и уже взяли свой курс на сотрудничество с ЕС. Тем не менее в более отдаленной перспективе вполне вероятно вступление большинства стран Центральной Азии в ЕАЭС. ; Background. The modern world requires deep economic integration. If Russia is to maintain long-term cooperation with the former Soviet republics, it is necessary to prove that the project of the Eurasian Economic Union is a completely new type of integration of the post-Soviet countries, which is based on the inviolability of their political sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity of language, equality of partners, eliminating the pressure and domination of Moscow. In this regard, the study of the mutual benefit of establishment and functioning of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) for its member countries is relevant. The purpose of the article is to identify the prospects of functioning of the Eurasian Economic Union and the opportunities for its expansion. Materials and methods. Implementation of the research tasks was achieved on the basis of the analysis of the Treaty between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus dated 08.12.1999 "On creation of the Union State", the articles of the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Commission, the main outcomes of investment cooperation between Russia and China, the Eurasian integration projects in perception of the post-Soviet countries and China, as well as statistical data on the EEU functioning. Results. The authors pointed out and characterized the major trends (positive and negative) of implementation of the Eurasian integration project; the prospects continuous existence of the EEU associated with the increase of a number of participants. Conclusions. The EEU will begin its activities in the aggravated geopolitical challenges and threats in connection with the crisis around Ukraine. The Eurasian Economic Union is a very promising project. A major factor in promotion of economic integration in future may be the introduction of a single currency, the improvement of the banking sector. However, the most favourable prospects for continuous existence of the EEU are associated with the increase of a number of participants. Some post-Soviet States (Ukraine, Moldova, etc.) oppose this integration project and has already taken its course on cooperation with the EU. However, in the longer term perspective the majority of Central Asian countries are likely to enter the EEU.

La corrent política i social que al món sencer té una major participació ciutadana a la governança de les institucions es va materialitzar en el Dret Comunitari, entre altres, en la inclusió de la figura de la iniciativa ciutadana, en virtut del Tractat de Lisboa, com un dret més dins del ventall de l'estatut de la ciutadania europea. Els textos normatius comunitaris han previst un important paper per als mitjans digitals, tant per facilitar la informació com la participació dels ciutadans. Com que han passat ja uns tres anys des del començament de la possibilitat de presentar iniciatives ciutadanes i se n'han promogut a la pràctica unes cinquanta, ja tenim una perspectiva suficient per valorar si aquelles expectatives eren fundades o no. Després de l'estudi pertinent, hem pogut corroborar com els mitjans digitals han resultat fonamentals per aconseguir els objectius per als quals es va pensar la iniciativa ciutadana, tant en el sentit de servir d'altaveu de les iniciatives promogudes, com en el de facilitar la recollida de suports a través de pàgines web. Fins i tot, sembla que la pràctica demostra que avui dia ja seria impossible, per falta de temps i mitjans de tot tipus, aconseguir les xifres de suport que requereixen les normes pertinents sobre la iniciativa ciutadana, en els terminis previstos, si no és amb l'ajuda dels mitjans digitals. ; The political and social current throughout the world marked by a tendency towards greater citizen participation in the governance of institutions has been enacted in European Community Law, among other measures, by the inclusion of the figure of the Citizens' Initiative, by virtue of the Treaty of Lisbon, as a further right within the framework of the Statute of European Citizenship. The legislative texts of the European Community predicted a key role for digital media, both in terms of providing information and citizen participation. Around three years since the option of proposing citizen initiatives began, with around 50 such proposals having been put into practice, there is now enough perspective to evaluate whether or not these predictions were well based. After the necessary research, it has been possible to confirm that digital media have been essential for achieving the goals for which the Citizens' Initiative was designed, both in terms of providing a mouthpiece for the initiatives developed and facilitating the gathering of support through websites. In fact, practice seems to have demonstrated that it would now be impossible, due to a lack of time and all types of resources, to achieve the support figures required under the regulations corresponding to the Citizens' Initiative, within the set time periods, without the help of digital media. ; La corriente política y social que en todo el mundo tiende a una mayor participación ciudadana en la gobernanza de las instituciones se materializó en el Derecho comunitario, entre otras cosas, en la inclusión de la figura de la iniciativa ciudadana, en virtud del Tratado de Lisboa, como un derecho más dentro del abanico del estatuto de la ciudadanía europea. Los textos normativos comunitarios han previsto un importante papel para los medios digitales, tanto para facilitar la información como la participación de los ciudadanos. Habiendo transcurrido ya unos tres años desde el comienzo de la posibilidad de presentar iniciativas ciudadanas y habiéndose promovido ya en la práctica unas cincuenta, se posee ya perspectiva suficiente para valorar si aquellas expectativas eran fundadas o no. Tras el estudio pertinente, hemos podido corroborar cómo los medios digitales han resultado esenciales para alcanzar los fines para los que se pensó la iniciativa ciudadana, tanto en el sentido de servir de altavoz de las iniciativas promovidas, como en el de facilitar las recogidas de apoyos mediante páginas web. Incluso, parece que la práctica demuestra que hoy en día ya sería imposible, por falta de tiempo y medios de todo tipo, alcanzar las cifras de apoyo requeridas por las normas pertinentes sobre la iniciativa ciudadana, en los plazos previstos, si no es con ayuda de los medios digitales.

The aim for this study is to challenge the normalizing practices of sexuality discourse and heteronormative constructions of gender in Finnish school. This study provides a wide interpretation of the diversity of sexuality and gender confusing the understandings and representations of sexuality and gender at school. The study explores how non-heterosexuals are encountered on the daily basis by their teachers and peers. I also ask what kind of influence the representation of sexuality and the practices of the school have on the development of non-heterosexual students' sexual identity. I approach these research problems from the perspectives of queer theory and poststructuralist theory. I follow the poststructuralist thought and take the stand that the views on sexuality and gender are constructed through dominant discourse and therefore they are not objective qualities of the culture, but are highly political. These views are passed on in education from preschool to higher education in language, signs, images, and social practices. I am interested in how ignorance and fear, to some extent, create school culture in which non-heterosexuals are silenced. However, I do not want to victimize non-heterosexuals as the oppressed others. I am seeking to give power back to the non-heterosexuals by giving them a chance to speak and by creating knowledge through their personal understanding and experiences. I discuss the research problems on the basis of my empirical data and theoretical considerations. For this study I collected four topical autobiographies from non-heterosexual women. These topical autobiographies concentrate on the school experiences that are connected to sexuality and gender issues. I conducted a thematic textual analysis on the narratives concentrating on the content and the meanings given by each author. The experiences of the four women are in the center of the analysis. The results of this study cannot be generalized, but they provide an interesting insight of this phenomenon. Sexuality is a difficult topic in the schools for several reasons, partly because teachers seem to be uneasy with the topic of sexuality, and partly because there is still a tendency to see childhood as an era of innocence. Teachers take a heteronormative approach to the topic and keep the discussions on a superficial and 'safe' level leaving many questions unanswered. When the diversity of sexuality and gender are not discussed, sexualized and gendered name calling and bullying reinforce the image of what is accepted sexuality and what is not. ; Tutkimukseni tavoitteena on haastaa ne käytännöt, jotka normalisoivat seksuaalidiskurssin suomalaisessa koulussa ja tarkastella heteronormatiivista käsitystä seksuaalisuudesta ja sukupuolesta. Tutkimukseni tarjoaa monipuolisen tulkinnan seksuaali-identiteetin rakentumisesta ja sukupuolen moninaisuudesta ja kyseenalaistaa sen kuvan, jonka koulu näistä tarjoaa. Tutkimus kartoittaa, miten opettajat ja oppilaat kohtaavat ei-heteroseksuaalit koulun arjessa. Kysyn tutkimuksessani myös, millainen vaikutus koulun käytännöillä ja sen esittämällä kuvalla seksuaalisuudesta on nuorten ei-heteroseksuaalien seksuaali-identiteetin kehitykseen. Lähestyn tutkimusongelmaani queer-teorian ja poststrukturalismin näkökulmista. Poststrukturalistista ajattelutapaa mukaillen ajattelen, että näkemykset seksuaalisuudesta ja sukupuolesta on rakennettu vallitsevassa diskurssissa. Ne eivät siksi ole kulttuurimme pysyviä ominaisuuksia vaan vahvasti poliittisia rakennelmia. Nämä näkemykset siirtyvät eteenpäin kouluissamme esikoulusta korkeakoulutukseen kielen, kuvien, merkkien ja sosiaalisten käytäntöjen kautta. Minua kiinnostaa, miten välinpitämättömyys ja pelko — tiettyyn pisteeseen asti — luovat koulukulttuuria, jossa ei-heteroseksuaalit ovat vaiettuja ja vaiennettuja. En kuitenkaan halua tutkimuksellani tehdä ei-heteroseksuaaleista passiivisia uhreja, vaan antaa vallan takaisin heille tarjoamalla mahdollisuuden puhua ja luomalla tieteellistä tietoa heidän henkilökohtaisista kokemuksistaan. Tutkimusongelmaa käsittelen sekä teorian että empiirisen aineiston avulla. Olen kerännyt neljä teemallista omaelämäkertaa ei-heteroseksuaaleilta naisilta. Omaelämäkerrat keskittyvät naisten niihin koulukokemuksiin, joihin seksuaalisuus ja sukupuoli liittyivät. Naisten kokemukset ovat tämän tutkimuksen keskiössä. Analysoin omaelämäkerrat temaattisen tekstianalyysin keinoin keskittyen sisältöön ja kirjoittajien antamiin merkityksiin. Tuloksia ei voi yleistää, mutta ne antavat mielenkiintoisen näkökulman ilmiöön. Seksuaalisuus on hankala aihe koulussa monesta syystä. Toisaalta aihe tuntuu olevan opettajille kiusallinen, toisaalta meillä on vieläkin taipumus ajatella lapsuutta viattomuuden aikana. Opettajilla on taipumus lähestyä seksuaalisuutta ja sukupuolta heteronormatiivisesta lähestymistavasta. Opettajat pitävät keskustelut pinnallisella ja "turvallisella" tasolla jättäen useita kysymyksiä avoimiksi. Kun seksuaalisuuden ja sukupuolen moninaisuudesta ei puhuta, seksualisoitunut ja sukupuolittunut kiusaaminen ja nimittely vahvistavat mielikuvaa hyväksytystä ja kielletystä seksuaalisuudesta.

Research into the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic medieval urban communities is, unfortunately, hindered by the lack of sources. This insurmountable obstacle does not permit a deeper and more comprehensive insight into this challenging topic. The legal status of foreigners may only be studied for the period from the second half of the thirteenth and, especially, early fourteenth century onwards. It is in this period and thanks to the revival of the Roman law that East Adriatic urban communes, following the example set by their Italian counterparts, began to set down their own collections of written laws (statutes). The statutes paid attention to the regulation of the legal status of foreigners. The statutes are indeed the richest and the most important sources for this topic. Yet it is important to keep in mind that the diversity of the socio-economic and political concerns of each individual commune shaped their individual attitudes towards foreigners. This diversity makes a general appraisal of the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic communes difficult. The best we can do is to point out certain trends in the statutory legislations. Following the example set by the twelfth and thirteenth century trading contracts, with which the urban communes regulated free trade between them and ensured the personal and material security of its merchants, many of the statutes' regulations focused on the issues around the property and procedural criminal law, as well as law proceedings. These regulations provided foreigners with legal protection against arbitrary acts committed by the host town and provided a swift legal action in the case of material or personal injury. Yet in order to protect their own interests as well as the interests of their citizens, the communes often applied various exclusions to the regulations concerning foreigners. These exclusions were mostly expressed in the area of the law of obligations (securing obligations, cession, claims, loans, borrowing, purchase contracts etc.) as well as the material law and in particular the property law. The most important exclusion concerning the foreigner's right to property—indeed one that received the greatest amount of attention in the statutes—was the limitation to their ownership of real estate. Limitations in this area were not as rigid as it may seem at first glance, as the statutory regulations in certain communes did give (conditional) right to own real estate. In most cases, purchase of real estate required the concurrence of the communal body in charge, or the bestowal of residence rights (habitator). Yet foreigners who had been granted residence and then moved away at their own will, in some towns faced punishment by confiscation of their immovable assets. In some cases, the rights of the foreigner-owner of the real estate were limited so that s/he was permitted to bequest their real estate only to the persons not subject to secular authorities—ie the clerics. This prohibition, however, applied equally to the town dwellers and to foreigners. Furthermore, with respect to the acquisition of the property, foreigners suffered explicit limitations. An example is the regulation that prohibited the residents to name the foreigner as their heir, or the prohibition from participating in public auctions. Other limitations to the foreigners' right to own property specified in the town statutes referred, for the most part, to their movable assets, that is the products and the commodities they traded (wheat, wine, salt, wood). These goods were of vital importance for the economic life of the commune. Similar limitations may be found in regulations concerning exploitation of communal natural resources. As the examples above indicate, the statutory legislation was first and foremost focused upon the regulation of those questions that the commune considered especially important from a long-term perspective. Yet as sources for the history of the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic communal societies, the statutes are insufficient.

This thesis is based on a corpus of photography books and exhibitions dealing with social, ethnic, and national identities in Britain. It adopts a historicizing perspective by analysing the political and social contexts for the production and circulation of photographs, with special attention to cultural policies. Photographs and exhibitions are studied as narratives and practices that contribute to the formation of collective identities. The genre of photographs, and especially the notion of documentary, is discussed throughout the work, as a corollary to the question of identification. With a focus on representations, collective identities, culture and politics, this study lies in the field of cultural studies and regularly summons some of its prominent figures like Stuart Hall or Paul Gilroy. It shows that photography both documented and helped the dissolution of collective identities at the end of the 1990s, by questioning national identity and its representations, and by advocating greater cultural pluralism. As the social question became less prominent, photography departed from traditional social documentary forms and from the figure of the committed photographer. Parallel to this, in the wake of Black Arts, Black Photography was institutionalized with the creation of Autograph-ABP. It is also argued that when the New Labour party promoted a New Britain, some photographs acted as a magic mirror, revealing dissonances in the brand new narrative of a young, creative, multi-ethnic Britain. However, as photography entered the realm of contemporary art, it also became subject to the multiculturalist policies of the period and sometimes turned into a source of ethnicisation and essentialization. After 2001, as multiculturalism was questioned, photography kept documenting the diversity of British society and helped debunk stereotypes, especially those associated with Muslims and refugees in Britain. Finally, the late 2000s are analysed as a period when new modes of social cohesion are explored through photographic practices. Collaborative documentary projects are experimented to re-engage citizens. New photographs documenting the relation between people and territory in Britain seem to suggest that collective identification may rather be found in shared everyday experience. ; Cette thèse étudie un corpus de livres et d'expositions de photographies qui abordent les questions d'identité sociale, ethnique et nationale [en Grande-Bretagne]. Elle procède à une historicisation du champ photographique en s'intéressant au contexte social et politique de production et de diffusion des images, et en particulier aux politiques culturelles. Elle considère photographies et expositions comme des discours et pratiques qui contribuent à la formation des identités collectives. Le genre des photographies, et notamment le documentaire, est discuté au fil de l'étude, en lien avec la problématique de l'identification. En s'attachant aux rapports entre représentations, identités collectives, culture et pouvoir, l'analyse s'inscrit dans la lignée des cultural studies, dont quelques auteurs, comme Stuart Hall ou Paul Gilroy sont régulièrement évoqués. Il ressort que la photographie se fait le témoin et l'agent d'une dissolution des identités collectives dans les années 1990, en interrogeant l'identité nationale et ses vecteurs et en revendiquant un plus grand pluralisme culturel. Pour aborder la question sociale, devenue moins centrale, elle rompt avec le documentaire classique et la figure du photographe engagé. Par ailleurs, une photographie noire se structure autour d'Autograph-ABP. Lorsqu'une New Britain (jeune, créative et multiethnique) est promue par les travaillistes, la photographie en révèle les dissonances. Néanmoins, en entrant dans le domaine de l'art contemporain, le médium devient aussi l'objet des politiques culturelles multiculturalistes et se fait parfois source d'ethnicisation et d'essentialisation des identités. Après 2001, lorsque le multiculturalisme est critiqué, la photographie enregistre la diversité de la société britannique et démonte les stéréotypes qui visent particulièrement musulmans et réfugiés. Elle est aussi force de proposition dans la recherche de nouvelles formes de cohésion. Des pratiques documentaires collaboratives sont expérimentées pour un renouveau de la citoyenneté. La capacité de la photographie à explorer le rapport entre territoire et citoyens lui permet aussi d'inventer d'autres modes d'identification collective ancrés dans l'expérience quotidienne.