Suchergebnisse

La infraestructura de datos de biodiversidad de navarra (IDBD), surge en el año 2007 como una especialización de la IDE regional (IDENA) aplicada a la biodiversidad, pretende incorporar y fomentar la interoperabilidad con iniciativas similares y en su desarrollo se tienen en cuenta las necesidades de múltiples tipos de usuarios (http://www.biodiversidad.navarra.es). Ante las dificultades en el acceso y tratamiento de la información geográfica y alfanumérica vinculada a la conservación de la biodiversidad (múltiples fuentes, muchos usuarios y con necesidades diferentes, gran variabilidad de métodos de captura de datos y, en muchos casos, información parcial, incompleta, mal documentada o antigua), el Gobierno de Navarra decidió superar esta situación a través de la creación de un proyecto compartido. En él participan múltiples actores, desde divulgadores a investigadores, utiliza y fomenta la definición y utilización de estándares de interoperabilidad y de modelos de datos y metadatos La apuesta por dar a la IDBD el carácter de "infraestructura" es consecuencia del "estado del arte" en la región: existencia de voluntad política y técnica con un gran impulso a la modernización de los servicios públicos, gran madurez y facilidades que ofrece la tecnología de la mano de la sociedad pública Tracasa, gran disponibilidad de información en el proyecto corporativo SITNA (Sistema de Información territorial de Navarra), necesidad de dar el mejor cumplimiento a los mandatos de la Ley 27/2006 y Directiva 2003/4/CE de acceso a la información ambiental y la participación de Gobierno regional y sociedad instrumental como socios en el proyecto Nature-SDI plus que trata sobre estos temas dentro de la Directiva INSPIRE. En este XIV Congreso Nacional de Tecnologías de la Información Geográfica se presentará la nueva versión de su frontal en Internet, con una presentación renovada y más operativa y el nuevo módulo de carga y geo-referenciación de fotografías, las claves del proyecto y las necesidades definidas por los usuarios y, con especial atención, los servicios Web que facilitan al acceso a la información alfanumérica, geográfica y multimedia sobre biodiversidad. ; Biodiversity Data Infrastructure of Navarre (IDBD) begins in the year 2007 as a specialization of the regional SDI (IDENA) applied to the topic of biodiversity. It intends to incorporate and promote interoperability with similar initiatives and with special attention to the user needs perspective (http://www.biodiversidad.navarra.es/?lg=en). Given the difficulties in access and treatment of geographic and alphanumeric information related to the biodiversity conservation (variety of sources, many people with different needs, great variability of data collection methods and in many cases, partial or incomplete information, poorly documented or old), the Government of Navarra decided to overcome this situation through the creation of a shared project. It involves multiple actors, from researchers to scientific speakers, and uses and encourages the definition and use of interoperability standards and data models and metadata The commitment to give the IDBD the character of "infrastructure" is consequence on the "state of the art" in the region: existence of political support and technical cooperation fostering the modernization of public services, maturity and facilities offered by the technology provided by the public company Tracasa, wide availability of information in the corporate project SITNA (Territorial Information System of Navarra), need for better compliance with the mandates of the Law 27/2006 and Directive 2003/4/EC on access to environmental information and the participation of regional government and public company as partners in the project Nature-SDI plus dealing with these issues within the framework of the INSPIRE directive. New and updated version of the IDBD will be presented at the XIV National Congress of Geographic Information Technology. A renewed and more operational home web site and the new module loading and geo-reference of photographs are currently the project keys. Additionally the identified user needs will be presented, with special attention to the web services that facilitate access to the alphanumeric, geographical and multimedia biodiversity contents.

The object of this research is the tiers-lieu, with the aim of grasping it in all its complexity in order to draw out its simplicity. The research treats the tiers-lieu as a concept to be defined. In order to achieve this, it sets out an investigation in three parts. Firstly, the object is approached from the perspective of terminology through a study of current users, professionals and literary writers' use of the term, following reflections on the ideas of "lieu" and "tiers". Historic representations of tiers-lieu are then analysed, through the "third places" of Ray Oldenburg and certain social structures of the Habermasian public sphere, particularly the salons and cafés of the 18th century bourgeoisie. This section, through examination, allows the delimitation of the object, clarifying its characteristics and its uses. It also establishes the starting point and the hypothesis of an exploratory enquiry which necessarily required a research approach involving active engagement. This enquiry was conducted between 2010 and 2015 though active involvement in services – coworking spaces, fablabs, hackerspaces, makerspaces, biohackerspaces, etc. in their composition and subsequent re-composition – which are labelled or present themselves explicitly as tiers-lieux. The singularities of tiers-lieux, the way in which they translate their qualitative values into legal values and quantitative values, the exchange relationships and the critical habits of contributing users together with design structures are then analysed. From all this information, a proposed conceptual definition of tiers-lieu is formulated. This envisages the tiers-lieu as a particular social configuration which produces a meeting between individual entities who engage intentionally in the design of a common representation, that is to say a shared responsibility. Patterns are finally set out in order to outline an operating logic for determining the presence of a tiers-lieu configuration. This procedural approach provides a way of intervening in regulations through the design of services. It is this going beyond discursivity that distinguishes tiers-lieux from the public political arena. ; Cette étude se propose de traiter le tiers-lieu en tant qu'objet. De le saisir dans toute sa complexité pour essayer d'en dégager toute la simplicité. Elle appréhende le tiers-lieu comme un concept à définir. Pour y parvenir elle construit une enquête qui se déplie en trois parties. Dans un premier temps, l'objet est approché sous l'angle de la terminologie par une étude des usages courants, professionnels et littéraires du terme, suivi de réflexions sur les notions de lieu et de tiers. Des représentations historiques des tiers-lieux sont ensuite analysées au travers des troisièmes lieux de Ray Oldenburg et de certaines structures sociales de la sphère publique habermassienne notamment les salons et les cafés de la bourgeoisie au XVIIIe siècle. Ce passage en revue permet de délimiter l'objet, d'en clarifier les propriétés et les usages. Il constitue également le point de départ et l'hypothèse d'une enquête exploratoire qui a déterminé la construction d'une posture d'investigation originale nécessairement engagée. Cette enquête s'est déroulée entre 2010 et 2015 auprès de services – espaces de coworking, fablabs, hackerspaces, makerspaces, biohackerspaces, etc. dans leur composition et recomposition successives - qui se désignent ou se présentent explicitement comme des tiers-lieux. Les singularités de ces tiers-lieux, la manière dont ils traduisent des valeurs qualitatives en valeurs juridiques et aussi en valeurs quantitatives, les rapports d'échange et les habitudes critiques des usagers contributeurs ainsi que les régimes de conception sont ensuite théorisés. À partir de l'ensemble de ces informations, une proposition de définition conceptuelle du tiers-lieu est formulée. Celle-ci envisage le tiers-lieu comme une configuration sociale particulière où se produit une rencontre entre des entités individuées qui s'engagent intentionnellement à la conception d'une représentation commune, c'est-à-dire à responsabilité partagée. Des invariants sont enfin posés comme l'esquisse d'une logique opératoire supposée déterminer la présence de la configuration en tiers-lieu. Cette procéduralisation présente une manière d'intervenir sur les règles par la conception de services. C'est ce dépassement de la discursivité qui distingue le tiers-lieu de l'espace public politique.

Una de las más clásicas funciones normativas de los medios de comunicación en las democracias es la de ser vigilantes del poder, tanto para servir como defensores de la ciudadanía como para que la opinión pública tome correctas decisiones. El presente trabajo discute desde una posición crítica la accountability mediática en América Latina tras la Tercera Ola de la Democracia hasta el presente, la que si bien ha tenido una importante labor denunciante e investigativa en determinados casos de corrupción política, se postula como limitada por dos razones: la primera, la alta concentración de la propiedad de los sistemas de medios regionales ha provocado un bajo pluralismo informativo que puede poner en duda los verdaderos alcances e intenciones de la vigilancia que realizan los medios al poder y su aporte a las democracias. Por otra parte, y como segunda razón, las reformas de los últimos años llevadas a cabo por algunos gobiernos de liderazgo progresista o populista no han creado un ambiente propicio para esta función, al contrario, han propiciado carencias para la libertad informativa, principio básico para la accountability mediática. A modo de conclusión, se reflexiona sobre la importancia de fomentar el pluralismo informativo y la libertad de expresión como bases para la vigilancia de los medios al poder en la región latinoamericana. ; One of the most classic normative functions of media in democracies is to be vigilant of power, both to serve as defenders of the citizens and for the public opinion to make correct decisions. This paper discusses from a critical perspective the accountability of the media in Latin America from the Third Wave of Democracy up to date, which has been important in denouncing and investigating certain cases of political corruption, but has been limited for two reasons: the first is the high concentration of ownership of regional media systems, have led to a very low level of informative pluralism which calls into question the true scope and intentions of the surveillance that the media can carry out of power and its contribution to democracy. On the other hand, the second reason is the reforms carried out in recent years by the leadership of some progressive or populist governments that have not created a proper environment for this function, and on the contrary, have provided shortcomings for the freedom of information, a basic principle for media accountability. As a conclusion, this paper reflects on the importance of promoting informative pluralism and freedom of expression as the basis of media surveillance of power in the Latin American region. ; Uma das mais clássicas funções normativas dos meios de comunicação nas democracias é a de ser vigilantes do poder, tanto para servir como defensores da cidadania quanto para que a opinião pública tome decisões corretas. Este trabalho discute, sob uma posição crítica, o accountability midiático na América Latina após a Terceira Onda da Democratização até o presente, a que, embora tenha tido um importante trabalho denunciante e investigativo em determinados casos de corrupção política, apresenta-se como limitada por duas razões: a alta concentração da propriedade dos sistemas de meios regionais que provoca um baixo pluralismo informativo que pode colocar em dúvida os verdadeiros alcances e intenções da vigilância realizados pelos meios ao poder e sua contribuição para a democracia; por outro lado, e como segunda razão, as reformas dos últimos anos realizadas por alguns governos de liderança progressista ou populista que não criaram um ambiente propício para essa função; ao contrário, promoveram carências para a liberdade informativa, princípio básico para o accountability midiático. Como conclusão, reflexiona-se sobre a importância de fomentar o pluralismo informativo e a liberdade de expressão como bases para a vigilância dos meios ao poder na região latino-americana. ; https://revistas.udem.edu.co/index.php/anagramas/article/view/1946

2016 Fall. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Ranching social-ecological systems (SESs) in the semi-arid, western Great Plains persist under highly variable inter- and intra-annual weather conditions and globally influenced markets. Ranch spatial scales and manager decision-making processes have traditionally been excluded from conventional grazing experiments, leading to considerable debate between scientists and land mangers about grazing strategies to achieve both beef production and biodiversity conservation outcomes on rangelands. In this dissertation I use collaborative, interdisciplinary methodologies to link rangeland and grazing management decision-making processes and learning with ecological outcomes in the semi-arid rangeland social-ecological systems (SESs) of Wyoming and Colorado. Chapter 2 analyzes relationships between ranchers and rangeland ecosystems, inspired by the rise of adaptive management discourses in the natural resource management literature and informed by post-colonial and feminist scholarship. Rancher decision-making processes during and after drought can be understood through an ethic of care, as ranchers try to reduce social and ecological vulnerability through adaptation, learning, and respect over long-term (generations-long) time frames. Chapter 3 follows a participatory grazing research project, the Collaborative Adaptive Rangeland Management (CARM) experiment, for four years (2012-2016). I track the social learning processes of a group of 11 stakeholders representing 3 groups: ranchers, conservation NGOs, and public agencies. These stakeholders manage 10 experimental pastures in the shortgrass steppe with comparison to the traditional grazing management practice. These pastures are managed to maintain or improve a viable cattle operation, grassland bird diversity, and rangeland vegetation structure, composition, and cover. Decisions by the stakeholder group about grazing and prescribed burning illustrate the complex role of existing management knowledge in social learning and the outcomes of participatory rangeland research. In Chapter 4, I use repeated interviews and ecological monitoring on 17 family--owned and operated ranches in eastern Colorado and eastern Wyoming to categorize different grazing management strategies and compare plant species composition outcomes across those different strategies, accounting for environmental factors. After accounting for environmental influences, using non-metric multidimensional scaling and linear mixed models, I found a reduction of perennial cool-season grasses on ranches in higher grazing stocking rates and on cow-calf/yearling operations compared to cow-calf operations, but no significant differences in plant species composition on ranches with different grazing rotation strategies or different planning styles (tacit vs. explicit planners). I classified ranches into adaptive cycle trajectories to interpret ranch decision-making in terms of ranch SES-scale resilience. In Chapter 5, I review critical social literature to reflect on my positionality as a researcher, as well as the importance of consent and respect in social-ecological research. Findings in this dissertation provide useful information for understanding the adaptation of ranch-scale rangeland SESs. Future research or outreach projects seeking to engage with rancher stakeholders may be improved by considering complex decision-making processes, caring practices, and the stewardship ethic of ranchers. Future efforts to bring multiple public-lands stakeholder groups with different management perspectives together for adaptive management will be improved if they consider the important role of stakeholder practices and experiences with rangeland management in social learning, and commit to building trust and knowledge through engagement that extends beyond the typical 3-5 year window for grazing research projects. My investigation of ranch-SES adaptive processes illustrates diverse decision-making strategies on different ranches. More research is needed on stocking rate decision-making, including around the social and political contexts of stocking rate decisions. This work suggests that a resilience lens can contribute to existing theory on ranch adaptive decision-making. Outreach and education efforts are likely to be more successful if they consider that one size does not fit all for ranch grazing management strategies.

[spa] Los feminismos, la teoría queer y la teoría crip permiten desnaturalizar categorías de normativización corporal (femenino/masculino; capacidad/discapacidad; sano/enfermo; homosexual/heterosexual) e identificarlas dentro de sistemas de regulación corporal: el heteropatriarcado y el capacitismo. Estos sistemas se retroalimentan a la hora de marcar a las personas con diversidad funcional como cuerpos "inválidos": "discapacitados" y "desgenerizados". No obstante, no actúan de forma impecable y totalizadora, sino que en su propia reiteración conllevan indefectiblemente disrupciones, errores, transformaciones. Partiendo de esta perspectiva, esta tesis doctoral analiza la producción de las categorías de género y (dis)capacidad en personas con diversidad funcional, y sus posibilidades de subversión. Para ello, se ha realizado una investigación etnográfica, en la que se han combinado la observación participante con los itinerarios corporales y las entrevistas en profundidad. Las diferentes técnicas de investigación utilizadas, así como su puesta en común con fuentes de información de carácter secundario, han conducido a desarrollar una triangulación metodológica (Denzin y Lincoln, 2011). El trabajo de campo, el análisis del material empírico y su posterior divulgación se han guiado por los planteamientos de la epistemología feminista y su defensa de la reflexividad, la interseccionalidad y el conocimiento situado (Haraway, 1988). La etnografía ha tenido lugar en un contexto privilegiado –la Barcelona de la segunda década del s.XXI – en la que activismo de vida independiente estaba experimentando un cambio de repertorio que pasaba a situar el cuerpo y la sexualidad como núcleos de producción epistémica, práctica política y construcción identitaria para las personas con diversidad funcional. La investigación realizada permite concluir que género y (dis)capacidad son experiencias encarnadas, in-corporadas en los procesos de socialización y, al mismo tiempo, reforzadas performativamente. La feminidad, al igual que la masculinidad, es un hacer, un hacer que requiere de autonomía física, de una hexis corporal concreta y de ciertas capacidades –motoras, sensoriales, cognitivas – para ser correctamente performada. Esta tesis doctoral muestra cómo la diversidad funcional puede subvertir estas lógicas de regulación corporal cuando es articulada políticamente. Las alianzas "tullido-transfeministas" han sabido optimizar este potencial a través de la reivindicación de sus cuerpos (im)pertinentes. ; [eng] Feminisms, queer theory, and crip theory allow denaturalizing categories of bodily standarization (feminine/masculine; ability/disability; homosexual/heterosexual; healthy/sick) and identify them within body regulation systems: hetero-patriarchy and ableism. These systems feed back when it comes to marking people with functional diversity as 'invalid' bodies: 'disabled' and 'degenderized'. However, they do not act in a flawless and totalizing way, but in their own repetition they inevitably lead to disruptions, errors, transformations. Starting from this perspective, this doctoral thesis analyses the production of the categories of gender and (dis)ability in people with functional diversity, and their possibilities of subversion. For this, ethnographic research has been carried out, in which the participant observation has been combined with bodily itineraries and in-depth interviews. The different research techniques used, as well as their sharing with secondary sources of information, have led to the development of methodological triangulation (Denzin and Lincoln, 2011). The fieldwork, the analysis of empirical material and its subsequent dissemination have been guided by feminist epistemology and its defence of reflexivity, intersectionality, and situated knowledge (Haraway, 1988). Ethnography has taken place in a privileged context - Barcelona during the second decade of the 21st century - in which independent living activism was undergoing a change of repertoire that came to place the body and sexuality as centres of epistemic production, practice political and identity construction for people with functional diversity. The investigation leads to the conclusion that gender and (dis)ability are incarnated experiences, incorporated in the processes of socialization and, at the same time, reinforced performatively. Femininity, like masculinity, is a doing, a doing that requires physical autonomy, a specific body hexis and certain abilities - motor, sensory, cognitive - to be correctly performed. This doctoral thesis shows how functional diversity can subvert these logics of body regulation when it is articulated politically. The 'cripple-trans-feminist' alliances have been able to optimize this potential by recognising their (im)pertinent bodies.

This discussion paper analyses the European Fund for Sustainable Development (EFSD) by reviewing its main features, outlining key debates surrounding its establishment and exploring the fund's prospects at the country level with illustrations from Ghana and Senegal. The paper builds on desk-based analysis and interviews with stakeholders involved in the negotiations leading to the fund's creation. As an example of a blended finance approach, a key goal of the EFSD is to use official development assistance (ODA) resources to stimulate lending and facilitate increased public and private investment. A core innovative element of the EFSD is the guarantee mechanism at its heart. The guarantee is expected to enable counterpart organisations to mobilise investment in riskier areas, in particular in fragile and low-income settings where EU blended finance has, to date, had limited reach. The European Commission estimates that an initial EU contribution to the EFSD of EUR 3.35 billion will generate additional public and private investment on the order of EUR 44 billion. However, the novelty of the guarantee facility also means that it is untested, leaving uncertainty about its consequences for resource mobilisation. Against the backdrop of high expectations for the fund, the paper reviews assessments of previous EU blending efforts, outlines the novel elements of the EFSD and discusses areas of contention in the process leading to the fund's creation. The EFSD builds on a decade of EU experience with blended finance and provides a common umbrella for the continuation of two regional blending facilities supporting investment in Africa and the European Neighbourhood. The fund's creation reflects an extension of ideas from the Investment Plan for Europe to the field of external relations and the political imperative for the EU to support long-term actions addressing migration challenges. The multitude of objectives the EFSD intends to promote reflect high expectations for what it can achieve. Although contributing to the EU's migration management agenda is a key stated aim of the fund, it is unclear how this objective will influence funding priorities. Investment priorities in areas such as the development of renewable energy, transport and ICT infrastructure as well as support for private-sector development are similar to thematic emphases in other EU blending facilities. The fund's structure will expand the role of the European Commission's Directorate-General for International Cooperation and Development in blended finance, and enable the European Parliament to assume an oversight role. The role of the European Investment Bank in the EFSD is less prominent than it had desired, though it will still be significant. The fund's implementation will depend largely on development finance institutions that have already been privileged partners in EU blending, while seeking to diversify the field of involved counterpart organisations. The debate surrounding the establishment of the EFSD highlighted differences in views among EU member states in their understanding of how development cooperation should support efforts to limit migration. The Parliament advocated for a stronger linkage between the fund's objectives and the SDG and development effectiveness agendas, and encouraged a stronger commitment to climate action – a position only partially reflected in the regulation establishing the fund. Another area of contention related to the division of institutional responsibilities between the European Commission and the European Investment Bank in the fund's overall management, which was resolved in favour of the Commission. External evaluations of previous EU blending activities, as well as a report from the European Court of Auditors, have noted challenges in demonstrating the added value or additionality of blended finance. To date, EU blended finance has primarily served to leverage funding from public development banks rather than private investors. These reports have examined added value from different perspectives, including its ability to accomplish objectives beyond what other development cooperation instruments can achieve, its potential to fill a gap where commercial financing solutions are not available or its complementarity with domestic financing sources in partner countries. As EFSD implementation moves forward, the clarification and communication of the advantages or disadvantages of the fund's approach – in comparison to other alternatives – will be critical in situating the contribution of the fund to European development cooperation and the broader development agenda it aims to advance.

The use of media as a tool of foreign policy in Colombia has been studied from an essentially instrumental perspective, that is, as a mere channel for the broadcasting of a message. Nevertheless, that kind of exercise handles a lot of interesting attributes worthy of being analyzed. The role of the media, and especially, of the digital media, starts with an approach between the general society and the alien, misunderstood and abstract international environment. On the other hand, it also has the power to shape public opinion in the face of short-term, controversial or high political repercussions. Digital media have positioned themselves as an additional tacit scenario for the exercise of foreign policy through public diplomacy that has the purpose of communicating; weaving alliances to, in the final analysis, achieve a greater influence in the global scene. (Ruiz, 2014, page 7). In this sense, public diplomacy is leveraged in media innovations and imposes challenges to the traditional channels of the exercise of foreign policy, and affects contexts of high sensitivity such as national security, integration trends, and international insertion. This paper seeks to categorize the role of digital media in the public diplomacy and national security during the Alvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos' governments. ; El uso de los medios de comunicación en la política exterior colombiana ha sido estudiado desde una óptica esencialmente instrumental, es decir, como un simple canal para la transmisión de un mensaje. Sin embargo, dicho ejercicio maneja entretelas dignas de ser analizadas. El rol de los medios de comunicación; y especialmente de los medios de comunicación digital, inicia por un acercamiento entre la sociedad general y un ámbito internacional ajeno, incomprendido y abstracto. Por otra parte, también tiene el poder de orientar la opinión pública frente a temas coyunturales, polémicos o de altas repercusiones políticas. Los medios de comunicación digital se han posicionado como un escenario tácito adicional para el ejercicio de la política exterior a través de la diplomaciapública que tiene como objeto la capacidad de comunicar, de tejer alianzas para, en un último término, conseguir una mayor influencia en la escena global. (Ruíz, 2014, pág. 7). En ese sentido, la diplomacia pública se ve apalancada en las innovaciones mediáticas e impone desafíos a los canales tradicionales del ejercicio de la política exterior, e incide en contextos de alta sensibilidad como la seguridad nacional, las tendencias de integración y la inserción internacional. El presente documento busca categorizar el rol de los medios de comunicación digital en la diplomacia pública colombiana y la seguridad nacional en los gobiernos de Álvaro Uribe y Juan Manuel Santos. ; O exercício da mídia na política exterior colombiana tem sido estudado desde uma ótica essencialmente instrumental, isto é, como um simples canal para a transmissão de uma mensagem. Porém, tal exercício contém segredos dignos de serem analisados. O papel da mídia e especialmente da mídia digital, começa por uma aproximação entre a sociedade geral e um âmbito internacional alheio, incompreendido e abstrato. Por outro lado, ele também tem o poder de orientar a opinião pública diante de assuntos conjunturais, polêmicos ou de altas repercussões políticas. A mídia digital tem se posicionado como um cenário tácito adicional para oexercícioda política exterior através dadiplomacia pública que tem como objetivo a capacidade de comunicar, de tecer alianças a fim de, em última análise, conseguir uma maior influência no cenário global. (Ruíz, 2014, pág. 7). Nesse sentido, a diplomacia pública vê-se alavancada nas inovações mediáticas e impõe desafios aos canais tradicionais do exercício da política exterior, e incide em contextos de alta sensibilidade como a segurança nacional, as tendências de integração e a inserção internacional. Este artigo visa categorizar o papel da mídia digital na diplomacia pública colombiana e a segurança nacional nos governos de Álvaro Uribe e Juan Manuel Santos.

The object of this research is the tiers-lieu, with the aim of grasping it in all its complexity in order to draw out its simplicity. The research treats the tiers-lieu as a concept to be defined. In order to achieve this, it sets out an investigation in three parts. Firstly, the object is approached from the perspective of terminology through a study of current users, professionals and literary writers' use of the term, following reflections on the ideas of "lieu" and "tiers". Historic representations of tiers-lieu are then analysed, through the "third places" of Ray Oldenburg and certain social structures of the Habermasian public sphere, particularly the salons and cafés of the 18th century bourgeoisie. This section, through examination, allows the delimitation of the object, clarifying its characteristics and its uses. It also establishes the starting point and the hypothesis of an exploratory enquiry which necessarily required a research approach involving active engagement. This enquiry was conducted between 2010 and 2015 though active involvement in services – coworking spaces, fablabs, hackerspaces, makerspaces, biohackerspaces, etc. in their composition and subsequent re-composition – which are labelled or present themselves explicitly as tiers-lieux. The singularities of tiers-lieux, the way in which they translate their qualitative values into legal values and quantitative values, the exchange relationships and the critical habits of contributing users together with design structures are then analysed. From all this information, a proposed conceptual definition of tiers-lieu is formulated. This envisages the tiers-lieu as a particular social configuration which produces a meeting between individual entities who engage intentionally in the design of a common representation, that is to say a shared responsibility. Patterns are finally set out in order to outline an operating logic for determining the presence of a tiers-lieu configuration. This procedural approach provides a way of intervening in regulations through the design of services. It is this going beyond discursivity that distinguishes tiers-lieux from the public political arena. ; Cette étude se propose de traiter le tiers-lieu en tant qu'objet. De le saisir dans toute sa complexité pour essayer d'en dégager toute la simplicité. Elle appréhende le tiers-lieu comme un concept à définir. Pour y parvenir elle construit une enquête qui se déplie en trois parties. Dans un premier temps, l'objet est approché sous l'angle de la terminologie par une étude des usages courants, professionnels et littéraires du terme, suivi de réflexions sur les notions de lieu et de tiers. Des représentations historiques des tiers-lieux sont ensuite analysées au travers des troisièmes lieux de Ray Oldenburg et de certaines structures sociales de la sphère publique habermassienne notamment les salons et les cafés de la bourgeoisie au XVIIIe siècle. Ce passage en revue permet de délimiter l'objet, d'en clarifier les propriétés et les usages. Il constitue également le point de départ et l'hypothèse d'une enquête exploratoire qui a déterminé la construction d'une posture d'investigation originale nécessairement engagée. Cette enquête s'est déroulée entre 2010 et 2015 auprès de services – espaces de coworking, fablabs, hackerspaces, makerspaces, biohackerspaces, etc. dans leur composition et recomposition successives - qui se désignent ou se présentent explicitement comme des tiers-lieux. Les singularités de ces tiers-lieux, la manière dont ils traduisent des valeurs qualitatives en valeurs juridiques et aussi en valeurs quantitatives, les rapports d'échange et les habitudes critiques des usagers contributeurs ainsi que les régimes de conception sont ensuite théorisés. À partir de l'ensemble de ces informations, une proposition de définition conceptuelle du tiers-lieu est formulée. Celle-ci envisage le tiers-lieu comme une configuration sociale particulière où se produit une rencontre entre des entités individuées qui s'engagent intentionnellement à la conception d'une représentation commune, c'est-à-dire à responsabilité partagée. Des invariants sont enfin posés comme l'esquisse d'une logique opératoire supposée déterminer la présence de la configuration en tiers-lieu. Cette procéduralisation présente une manière d'intervenir sur les règles par la conception de services. C'est ce dépassement de la discursivité qui distingue le tiers-lieu de l'espace public politique.

One round-table event was organised within the framework of Work Package III, part of the IECEU project. The events focused on the WP3's four case studies: Libya, CAR, South Sudan and DRC. This report provides information on the round-table event and presents the main points of discussion that emerged during it. The round-table discussion and the subsequent seminar on the Effectiveness of International Assistance and Local Ownership in the four case studies was organised by the Royal Danish Defence College on 31 October-1. November 2016. The round-table participants included experts on Africa in general, sub-matter experts, experts on peace and conflict studies, and practitioners in crisis management. A total of eighteen speakers explored the effectiveness of international assistance to the four African examples from different perspectives, drawing a rather pessimistic picture of the current situation in the four countries in question, but also highlighting the difficulties for the EU in working as a conflict manager in this context. Libya is plagued by international strife to such an extent that the EU had to withdraw from that mission. South Sudan has returned to civil war, and while the technical impact of the small EU airport mission is not in doubt, the larger strategic and medium to long-term impacts are not visible. In CAR the EU force managed to stabilise a critical security situation, thus allowing international humanitarian action and political dialogue to take place. The EU force took the form of a robust bridging mission that was replaced by a UN force, and it largely managed to fulfil its mandate. However, the EU force mission also highlights a number of internal EU challenges that need to be addressed, as well as the medium to long-term impact of this type of military intervention. In the case of the DRC, four cases were debated. The first was Operation Artemis, the EU-led military intervention in the town of Bunia, to stop and pre-empt an unfolding ethnic conflict. The operation was limited in size and time, and it managed to achieve its objectives, but it did not prevent the conflict flaring up after it had left. The significance of Artemis was that it was the first ESDP mission, a trendsetter for the more independent role for the EU that some member states wanted in the future. In 2006 the EU again deployed a robust military force primarily to Kinshasa, mandated to assist the UN force MONUC in securing the DRC elections in that year. Again the EU force deployment was limited in size and time, and managed to achieve its mandate. However, the deployment highlighted a number of lessons for the EU in future operations, especially around national caveats in operations and logistics, but also the different priorities of member states in EU-led military operations, compared, for instance, to NATO operations. This was very visible in the later CAR deployment, for which it was difficult to get EU members to commit and deploy forces. The two other EU missions in the DRC were the EUPOL and the EUSEC missions, which focused on helping implement the SSR program, which constituted a central element of the peace agreement. Even though the EU was involved for many years and introduced a whole range of new initiatives, the missions did not manage to achieve their medium to long-term objectives. The study shows that there was a discrepancy between project formulation and ambitions, as well as between the available budget and reality. The EUPOL and EUSEC missions were plagued by being over-ambitious and by not taking the DRC context into consideration. Furthermore the study shows that there is a slippage between what happens in Brussels and what happens on the ground in the DRC, as well as an urgent need to secure better communications and cooperation between the two levels.

La formación de ciudadanos del mundo desde la pedagogía crítica es una tarea inter y transdisciplinar de todos los docentes, quienes son considerados como intelectuales que descubren, en conjunto con sus estudiantes, las necesidades y la compleja realidad de los sujetos. En sus actos pedagógicos construyen posibles soluciones que transformen el mundo de la vida de nuestro entorno vital inmediato, y se emancipen las conciencias de los prejuicios, complejos y dispositivos de control del sistema. De ahí que se infiera que pedagogía termine en ciudadanía bajo una perspectiva dialógica; es decir, en el aula, los estudiantes forman comunidades dialógicas entre sujetos iguales, las cuales respetan la subjetividad del otro, la diferencia y la posibilidad de construir nuevas significaciones políticas, culturales, económicas y sociales, elementos fundamentales para definir una sociedad democrática de ciudadanos. Teniendo en cuenta lo dicho, es así como este estudio plantea la necesidad de generar en los procesos pedagógicos la inclusión de los principios de mínimos y máximos para formar una sociedad plural de ciudadanos glocales, es decir, de sujetos autónomos que se autocomprenden en relación con el otro, pensando la dinámica de las situaciones y problemas globales y actuando localmente con propuestas concretas y plausibles que respondan a una mentalidad solidaria y sostenible. El proceso metodológico escogido para este trabajo fue el Aprendizaje por Servicio (ApS), el cual se inserta dentro de la Investigación Acción Participación (IAP), dado que se desarrolla un encuentro con comunidades, con quienes se descubren necesidades, se analizan las causas y se construyen posibles soluciones desde sus mismas condiciones históricas, culturales y sociales. Estos saberes surgen luego del encuentro que experimentaron los estudiantes en un servicio que prestaron de manera organizada, metódica y evaluada con diferentes grupos sociales cuya finalidad se descubrió como doble en cuanto que lograron significar todo su conocimiento, recibido en sus aulas, ayudando a solucionar problemas concretos de la comunidad, y a su vez, identificaron la importancia de formarse como ciudadanos responsables y solidarios de lo que sucede en el mundo que le apuestan por acciones locales que benefician su entorno vital. ; The formation of citizens of the world from critical pedagogy is an inter and transdisciplinary task of all teachers, who are considered as intellectuals who discover, together with their students, the needs and the complex reality of the subjects. In their pedagogical acts they construct possible solutions that transform the world of life from our immediate vital environment, and emancipate the consciences of the prejudices, complexes and control devices of the system. Hence, it is inferred that pedagogy ends in citizenship from a dialogic perspective; that is, in the classroom, students form dialogic communities between equal subjects, which respect the subjectivity of the other, the difference and the possibility of constructing new political, cultural, economic and social meanings, fundamental elements to define a democratic society of citizens . Taking into account what has been said, this is how this study raises the need to generate in the pedagogical processes the inclusion of the principles of minimums and maximums to form a plural society of glocal citizens, that is, of autonomous subjects who understand themselves in relation to the other, thinking about the dynamics of global situations and problems and acting locally with concrete and plausible proposals that respond to a solidary and sustainable mentality. The methodological process chosen for this work was Service Learning (ApS), which is inserted into the Action Participation Research (IAP), since a meeting with communities is developed, with whom needs are discovered, the causes are analyzed and possible solutions are built from their same historical, cultural and social conditions. This knowledge arises after the encounter that students experienced in a service they provided in an organized, methodical and evaluated manner with different social groups whose purpose was discovered as double as they managed to signify all their knowledge, received in their classrooms, helping to solve problems concrete community members, and in turn, identified the importance of training as responsible and supportive citizens of what happens in the world that bet on local actions that benefit their vital environment. ; CRAI-USTA Tunja

The object of this research is the tiers-lieu, with the aim of grasping it in all its complexity in order to draw out its simplicity. The research treats the tiers-lieu as a concept to be defined. In order to achieve this, it sets out an investigation in three parts. Firstly, the object is approached from the perspective of terminology through a study of current users, professionals and literary writers' use of the term, following reflections on the ideas of "lieu" and "tiers". Historic representations of tiers-lieu are then analysed, through the "third places" of Ray Oldenburg and certain social structures of the Habermasian public sphere, particularly the salons and cafés of the 18th century bourgeoisie. This section, through examination, allows the delimitation of the object, clarifying its characteristics and its uses. It also establishes the starting point and the hypothesis of an exploratory enquiry which necessarily required a research approach involving active engagement. This enquiry was conducted between 2010 and 2015 though active involvement in services – coworking spaces, fablabs, hackerspaces, makerspaces, biohackerspaces, etc. in their composition and subsequent re-composition – which are labelled or present themselves explicitly as tiers-lieux. The singularities of tiers-lieux, the way in which they translate their qualitative values into legal values and quantitative values, the exchange relationships and the critical habits of contributing users together with design structures are then analysed. From all this information, a proposed conceptual definition of tiers-lieu is formulated. This envisages the tiers-lieu as a particular social configuration which produces a meeting between individual entities who engage intentionally in the design of a common representation, that is to say a shared responsibility. Patterns are finally set out in order to outline an operating logic for determining the presence of a tiers-lieu configuration. This procedural approach provides a way of intervening in regulations through the design of services. It is this going beyond discursivity that distinguishes tiers-lieux from the public political arena. ; Cette étude se propose de traiter le tiers-lieu en tant qu'objet. De le saisir dans toute sa complexité pour essayer d'en dégager toute la simplicité. Elle appréhende le tiers-lieu comme un concept à définir. Pour y parvenir elle construit une enquête qui se déplie en trois parties. Dans un premier temps, l'objet est approché sous l'angle de la terminologie par une étude des usages courants, professionnels et littéraires du terme, suivi de réflexions sur les notions de lieu et de tiers. Des représentations historiques des tiers-lieux sont ensuite analysées au travers des troisièmes lieux de Ray Oldenburg et de certaines structures sociales de la sphère publique habermassienne notamment les salons et les cafés de la bourgeoisie au XVIIIe siècle. Ce passage en revue permet de délimiter l'objet, d'en clarifier les propriétés et les usages. Il constitue également le point de départ et l'hypothèse d'une enquête exploratoire qui a déterminé la construction d'une posture d'investigation originale nécessairement engagée. Cette enquête s'est déroulée entre 2010 et 2015 auprès de services – espaces de coworking, fablabs, hackerspaces, makerspaces, biohackerspaces, etc. dans leur composition et recomposition successives - qui se désignent ou se présentent explicitement comme des tiers-lieux. Les singularités de ces tiers-lieux, la manière dont ils traduisent des valeurs qualitatives en valeurs juridiques et aussi en valeurs quantitatives, les rapports d'échange et les habitudes critiques des usagers contributeurs ainsi que les régimes de conception sont ensuite théorisés. À partir de l'ensemble de ces informations, une proposition de définition conceptuelle du tiers-lieu est formulée. Celle-ci envisage le tiers-lieu comme une configuration sociale particulière où se produit une rencontre entre des entités individuées qui s'engagent intentionnellement à la conception d'une représentation commune, c'est-à-dire à responsabilité partagée. Des invariants sont enfin posés comme l'esquisse d'une logique opératoire supposée déterminer la présence de la configuration en tiers-lieu. Cette procéduralisation présente une manière d'intervenir sur les règles par la conception de services. C'est ce dépassement de la discursivité qui distingue le tiers-lieu de l'espace public politique.

This article is focused on the problem of technology in Henri Bergson, namely on his book The two sources of moral and religion, of 1932. In the first section of the paper I offer a historical perspective regarding the issue of technology in the mature Bergson, from its beginning till its bevelopment, and ultimately until its culmination, in 1932. In the second section I propose an interpretation of the philosophical problem as such. The first historical section adresses three evolutive conceptual steps. It starts from the considerations of the autor on intelligence and its relations with technology or the capacity of invention in Creative evolution, published in 1907. There we find an optimistic notion of technology. In the second step, I show the subsequent Bergsonian vision of technology like a threat for mankind that can be found in his anti-German political speeches during the First World War. After that, this inquire ponders the context of 1932, year of the publication of the central essay for us. In that book, technology is not only linked to the threat of a technological war, but also to the threat of an spiritual decadence. The second section of the paper has a doctrinal scope, regarding exclusively The two sources. The main thesis at stake here is that while moral and religión have two sources, as the title says, one biological source and another spiritual, also technology has two sources. In my view, they are intelligence and spirit. First, although the essay holds a negative vision of intelligence, it is posible to find another one more positive, which implies that intelligence is one of the two sources of the spirit of invention and technology. Besides, secondly, I show that the second source of technology is the spirit or open soul. At last, the paper ponders the philosophy of progress in Bergson regarding our issue. ; Este artículo versa sobre el problema de la técnica en Henri Bergson, particularmente en su libro Las dos fuentes de la moral y de la religión, de 1932. En una primera sección del artículo ofrezco una perspectiva histórica del problema de la técnica en la obra del Bergson maduro, desde su génesis hasta su desarrollo, y de ahí a su posterior culminación, en 1932. En la segunda sección propongo una interpretación del problema como tal. Esta primera sección histórica contiene tres pasos evolutivos. Parte del las consideraciones del autor sobre la inteligencia y sus relaciones con la técnica o capacidad de invención en La evolución creadora, de 1907. Aquí se da cuenta de una noción optimista de la técnica. En un segundo episodio, muestro la subsiguiente visión de Bergson de la técnica como amenaza para la humanidad que se puede encontrar en sus discursos anti-alemanes durante la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). A continuación, esta investigación pondera el contexto de 1932, año de publicación del ensayó en cuestión. En ese libro, la técnica no sólo va ligada a la amenaza de una guerra técnica sino también a la amenaza de una decadencia espiritual. La segunda sección tiene un propósito doctrinal, exclusivamente en relación a Las dos fuentes. La tesis es que si, como dice el mismo título, la moral y la religión tienen dos fuentes en Bergson, una biológica y otra espiritual, también la técnica tiene dos fuentes. La técnica es una suerte de tercera vía en un ensayo en el que se contrapone biología y espíritu. Las dos fuentes de la técnica dejan de lado la biología. Son, según mi interpretación, la inteligencia y el espíritu. En primer lugar, sostengo que aunque en el ensayo hay una visión negativa de la inteligencia, se puede encontrar otra positiva, según la cual la inteligencia es una de las dos fuentes del espíritu de invención y de la técnica. Además, en segundo lugar, muestro que la segunda fuente de la técnica es el espíritu o alma abierta. La técnica es potencialmente un agente de progreso, como el cristianismo o la democracia. Por último, en este artículo considero la peculiar filosofía del progreso en Bergson y su relación con nuestro problema.

Resumo: Este artigo apresenta uma discussão sobre as noções de democracia, democracia racial e ordem social, a partir da análise do processo de construção de duas pesquisas efetuadas sobre um mesmo espaço: a orla do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil – em dois momentos distintos: a virada do século XX para o XXI e os anos 10 de século XXI. As noções acima citadas são estudadas a partir dos pontos de vista dos diversos segmentos sociais que frequentam e trabalham no local, inclusive agentes do Estado, no caso do segundo momento, que privilegia a ação de segurança pública intitulada "Choque de Ordem". Para isso, usou-se metodologia qualitativa, através de entrevistas em profundidade e etnografia, além de levantamento documental de leis, ordenamentos e pesquisa bibliográfica sobre tais temáticas. Como conclusões, salienta-se que as formas de entendimento do que seja democracia e ordem dependem da posição que cada grupo social ocupa na sociedade brasileira mais ampla, e são atravessadas e modeladas por critérios étnico-raciais e de classe. Observa-se também a importância política que o espaço público praia assume para dar visibilidade às disputas de sentido em torno de questões como igualdade, liberdade e hierarquias de classe e de cor na sociedade brasileira.Palavras-chave: praia; ordem social; "Choque de Ordem"; democracia. ***Abstract: This paper is intended to discuss the notions of democracy, racial democracy and social order, by analyzing the building process of two researches which focused the same place: Rio de Janeiro's beaches, in Brazil. These two researches took place at distinct historical moments; one, at the last years of XX century, and the other, in the first decade of the XXI century. The notions cited above are studied from the perspectives of the various social segments that frequently go or work there, especially State agents which are part of the public policy named "Choque de Ordem" (a kind of "Order Assault"). In order to do this, these researches are based on qualitative methodology, with interviews and ethnography, and also on documental study of the laws which inflects on this public territory, and bibliographic research on these issues. As a conclusion, the article points out that the way people understand democracy and social order will depend on the position each group has in the broader Brazilian society, and that these ideas are tied to and are modeled by ethnic and class criteria. Its stresses also the political relevance that this public space, the beach, assumes, in order to give visibility to the dispute around the meaning of equality, freedom and hierarchies of color/race and class in Brazilian society.Key words: beach; social order; "Choque de Ordem"; democracy. ***Resumen:Este paper presenta una discusión de las ideas de democracia, democracia racial y orden social, a partir de la análisis del proceso de construcción de dos pesquisas efectuadas en lo mismo local: las playas de Rio de Janeiro, en Brasil, en dos momentos distintos: fines del siglo XX e mediados del siglo XXI. Las dichas nociones son analizadas a partir del punto de vista de los diversos segmentos sociales que van o trabajan en este local, incluso agentes del Estado, en lo segundo momento, que se detiene en la acción de seguridad publica denominada el "Choque de Ordem". Para eso, se usó la metodología cualitativa, con base en entrevistas y etnografía, y también en las leyes, ordenamientos e demás estudios sobre tales temáticas. Como conclusiones, enfatizase que las formas de comprenderse el significado de democracia y de orden dependen de la posición que cada grupo social tiene en la sociedad brasileña más amplia, y son travesadas y modeladas por criterios etnicoraciales y de clase social. Observase también la importancia política que éste espacio público, la playa, asume en dar visibilidad a las disputas de sentido sobre asuntos como igualdad, libertad y jerarquías de clase y de color en la sociedad brasileña.Palabras clave: playa; orden social; "Choque de Ordem"; democracia.

This article seeks to recognize trends and interests towards the formulation of social projects from the class named Ethics for entrepreneurs, topic Political Constitution, Ethics and Social Responsibility of the EAN University, a theme that involves different topics as a characterization in the integral formation and the recognition of opportunities, which are not only driven by the desire for profit, but operate within their own contexts with defined ethical criteria; this means the discovery of the social responsibility that every organization has.Educational and social practice faces new challenges to strengthen ethics, social responsibility, universal values in general, and to contribute to the goals of sustainable development, it is necessary to rethink the approaches and the formative and investigative strategies, in order to link them in a practical way and make it useful to the realities and demands of the environment. ; El presente artículo hace parte del resultado de la investigación "Ética, responsabilidad social y desarrollo sostenible en el liderazgo organizacional" , y busca reconocer tendencias e intereses hacia la formulación de proyectos sociales desde la catedra ética para empresarios en la unidad de estudio Constitución política ética y responsabilidad social de la Universidad EAN, siendo esta una temática que se ha convertido en un factor decisivo de las organizaciones competitivas como principio del emprendimiento, que involucra diferentes tópicos como caracterización en la formación integral y el reconocimiento de oportunidades y que no se orienta únicamente por el afán de lucro, sino que opera dentro de sus propios contextos con criterios éticos definidos; esto significa el descubrimiento de la responsabilidad social que tiene toda organización actualmente con la sociedad. Es en este sentido que la Universidad EAN ha impulsado la cátedra «Ética para empresarios: Bernardo Kliksberg», como una apuesta para fortalecer el desarrollo integral de los líderes que demanda el desarrollo sostenible y el compromiso de emprender socialmente. Sin embargo, las dinámicas de la práctica educativa y social enfrentan nuevos retos para fortalecer la ética, la responsabilidad social, los valores universales y, en general, para contribuir con los propósitos del desarrollo sostenible. En ese sentido, es necesario repensar los enfoques y las estrategias formativas e investigativas para vincularlas de manera práctica y útil a las realidades y demandas del entorno. ; Cet article tente de rendre compte des tendances et des intérêts de la formulation de projets sociaux et éthiques pour les entrepreneurs inscrits au cours de Constitution politique, Ethique et Responsabilité sociale de l'Université EAN. Cette thématique implique différents thèmes tels que la caractérisation de la formation intégrale et la reconnaissance d'opportunités ne s'orientant pas uniquement vers des perspectives purement lucratives mais qui agissent dans des contextes précis, grâce à des critères éthiques définis, ouvrant la voie à la prise en compte de la responsabilité sociale que possède toute organisationLes pratiques éducatives et sociales font face à de nouveaux défis pour rétablir l'éthique, la responsabilité sociale et plus généralement les valeurs universelles car, pour contribuer au développement durable, il devient nécessaire de repenser les objectifs et stratégies de formation et d'investigation pour les faire correspondre de manière pratique et utile aux réalités et aux attentes des sociétés. ; Este artigo reconhece as tendências e interesses para a formulação de projetos sociais da aula éti­ca para os empresarios, na unidade de estudo Constituição, ética e responsabilidade social da Universidade EAN, um tema que envolve temas diferentes, tais como a caracterização na formação e reconhecimento das oportunidades que não são voltadas apenas pelo lucro, mas operam dentro de seus próprios contextos com critérios éticos; isto significa a descoberta da responsabilidade social de qualquer organização.A prática educativa e social enfrenta novos desafios para reforçar a ética, responsabilidade social, valores universais em geral, e para contribuir para os objectivos do desenvolvimento sustentável é necessário re­pensar abordagens e formação e estratégias de investigação, a fim de ligá-los de forma prática e útil às realidades e demandas do ambiente.

The Arab Spring has led to the weakening of the States, unable to accept on a civic basis the claims coming from either young revolutionary activists or Salafi movements. This book compares how the authority and legitimacy of the State is questioned in five different Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Yemen) spanning over a longer period.This comparison begins at the time of the creation of the State on the model of the modern European nation-state in the early twentieth century (in certain cases even before), examining regional, religious and/or tribal empowerment processes, ongoing during the last century of the Ottoman Empire. In this perspective, one may also explain the often authoritarian nature of the successive regimes of the Arab States that emerged from the colonial rule and that have not succeeded in creating a shared citizenship.To understand the post-Arab Spring crises the book brings together specialists (historians, political scientists and sociologists) of the contemporary Arab world.The book analyses a series of crucial questions as the «crisis of the State» counterbalanced by a «demand for State», the existence of the «nation» as the legal basis of the State, the development of civil societies in the context of fractioned and segmentarized societies (tribal and/or religious), the colonial origin of the States as explanatory elements of current crises. ; Les Printemps arabes ont partout entraîné l'affaiblissement des États, incapables de recevoir sur une base citoyenne des revendications émanant soit des jeunes activistes révolutionnaires soit de certains mouvements se réclamant de l'islam salafiste. Le présent ouvrage vise à comparer les processus de remise en cause de l'autorité ou de la légitimité de l'État dans cinq pays arabes (Irak, Syrie, Liban, Libye, Yémen) en les rattachant à un temps plus long, celui de la création de l'État, au début du XXe siècle, sur le modèle de l'État-nation moderne européen et, même, à la période antérieure, dans les processus d'autonomisation régionaux, confessionnels et/ou tribaux en cours pendant le dernier siècle de l'Empire ottoman. Cet ancrage peut également expliquer le caractère souvent autoritaire des régimes qui se sont succédé dans les États issus de la tutelle coloniale et qui n'ont pas réussi à susciter une citoyenneté partagée.L'ouvrage rassemble des spécialistes du monde arabe contemporain (historiens, politologues ou sociologues) qui s'interrogent sur une série de questions cruciales pour comprendre les crises post-Printemps arabes: la «crise des États» mise au regard de la «demande d'État», l'existence de la «nation» comme fondement légitimant l'État, l'évolution des sociétés civiles dans le contexte de segmentarisation des sociétés (tribale et/ou confessionnelle), l'origine coloniale des États comme éléments explicatifs des crises actuelles. ; Le Primavere arabe hanno dovunque provocato l'indebolmento degli Stati, incapaci di ricevere sulla base della cittadinanza le rivendicazioni provenienti sia dai giovani attivisti rivoluzionari, sia di certi movimenti che si richiamavano all'islam salafita. Il presente volume intende comparare i processi di delegittimazione dell'autorità dello Stato in cinque paesi arabi (Irak, Siria, Libano, Libia, Yemen), collegandoli ad una temporalità più lunga, quella della creazione dello Stato, all'inizio del XX secolo, sul modello dello Stato-nazione moderno europeo e anche al periodo anteriore, nei processi di autonomizzazione regionali, confessionali e/o tribali in corso durante l'ultimo secolo dell'Impero Ottomano. Questo radicamento puo' ugualmente spiegare il carattere spesso autoritario dei regimi che si sono succeduti negli Stati usciti dalla tutela coloniale eche non sono riusciti a suscitare una cittadinanza condivisa.Il libro mette insieme specialisti del mondo arabo contemporaneo (storici, politologi o sociologi) che si interrogano su una serie di questioni cruciali per comprendere le crisi del dopo-Primavere arabe: «la crisi dello Stato» messa a confronto con una «domanda di Stato», l'esistenza della « nazione » come fondamento di legittimazione dello Stato, l'evoluzione delle società civili nel contesto di segmentarizzazione delle società (contesto tribale e/o confessionale), l'origine coloniale degli Stati, come altrettanti elementi esplicativi delle crisi attuali.