Suchergebnisse

Der Bericht geht auf die Ursachen für die Rückwendung Weißrußlands nach Rußland sowie auf die Konstellation der politischen Kräfte und deren Konzeptionen ein. Darüber hinaus befaßt er sich mit der Interessenlage Rußlands und möglichen Ansatzpunkten zur Förderung von Reformprozessen durch die Westeuropäer. Hierbei stützt sich die Untersuchung auf Dokumente der handelnden Akteure sowie auf Beiträge in der belarussischen und westlichen Publizistik. Schließlich sind in den Bericht die Ergebnisse von Gesprächen eingegangen, die die Autoren im Januar 1994 in Minsk mit Vertretern von Regierung, Parlament, Parteien, Wirtschaft und Wissenschaft führten. (BIOst-Mrk)

Im Rahmen seiner Analyse der zweiten Phase der Gorbatschowschen Reform des politischen Systems der Sowjetunion vermittelt der Autor einen kommentierenden Überblick über die Tätigkeit des Obersten Sowjet der UdSSR und des Kongresses der Volksdeputierten in der dritten Sitzungsperiode (14.2.-14.6 bzw. 12.-15.3.1990). Die Gesetzgebungstätigkeit umfaßte im Untersuchungszeitraum Gesetze in bezug auf die Schaffung des Präsidentenamtes resp. des Föderations- und des Präsidentenrates, die veränderte Stellung der KPdSU, die Nationalitätenfrage sowie die föderative und administrative Umgestaltung der UdSSR und die Verwirklichung der Meinungsfreiheit sowie allgemeine Wirtschaftsgesetze. Besonders kontrovers diskutiert wurde in den Parlamentsdebatten die mit dem Präsidentenamt verbundene Machtkonzentration. Des weiteren informiert der Verfasser kurz über die Entwicklung der Parteienlandschaft in der UdSSR, über die Abgrenzung und Polarisierung dreier politischer Richtungen im Vorfeld des XXVIII. KPdSU-Parteitags sowie über den Gründungskongreß der KP der RSFSR. (BIOst-Klk)

 It's often said that "social issues" are more divisive than economic ones, and that increased political polarization in the United States reflects a shift from economic to social issues as the main focus of politics.  A good summary of this view is provided by William Galston, as quoted in a recent column by Thomas Edsall:  first, "The economic axis that defined our politics from the beginning of New Deal liberalism to the end of Reagan conservatism has been displaced," and then  "When the core political issues are matters of right and wrong rather than more and less, compromise becomes much more difficult, and disagreement becomes more intense. If I think we should spend X on farm programs and you think it should be 2X, neither of us thinks the other is immoral or evil. But if you think I'm murdering babies and I think you're oppressing women, it's hard for each of us not to characterize the other in morally negative terms."I've criticized this analysis in a previous post, but since it keeps coming up, I'll elaborate here.  One problem is that economic issues can be seen as matters of right and wrong:  people often talk about fair or unfair pay, prices, and treatment of employees.  With his example of farm programs, part of the reason we have them is that many people think of the "family farm" as a good thing that deserves to be protected.  Another is implicit in his example of a moral issue, which is obviously abortion.  He implies that there's a binary choice between two ways of seeing it, but to a large extent opinions fall on a scale:  it should be legal up to some number of weeks, and banned or allowed only in limited circumstances after that time.   Only a minority take the extreme positions:   that it should never be allowed or that it should be allowed at any time.  In a June 2023 survey, 73% said abortion should be legal at 6 weeks into the pregnancy, 51% at 15 weeks, and 27% at 24 weeks.   This illustrates the more general point that "matters of right and wrong" can also be matters of "more or less."Of course, abortion is a divisive issue and has been for a long time.  A major reason for this is that the parties have taken extreme positions.  The New York Times has a feature summarizing abortion laws in the states.  The distribution of gestational limits is shown in the figure (I show the laws that were passed, some of which have been overruled by state courts).  Twenty states have complete bans or six-week limits, 24 have 24 weeks or beyond, and only 7 are in the range where median public opinion seems to fall.*  So why have the parties taken extreme positions?  One possibility is that people with extreme views put more weight on the issue.  A 2015 Pew survey asked whether abortion should be legal in all cases, legal in most cases, illegal in most cases, or illegal in all cases and also asked how important the issue would be to you in deciding how to vote in the 2016 election.  The mean importance (1-4, higher means more important) by opinions on abortion:legal in all     2.82legal most     2.81illegal most   3.18illegal all       3.68This is a big difference:  about 80% of the people who thought it should be illegal in all cases said the issue would be very important to them, versus about 40 percent in the other categories.  That is, it wasn't people with extreme positions in general who put weight on the issue, but just people with extreme anti-abortion positions.  Of course, this is just one survey, and it just just involves self-assessed importance, not volunteering, contributing money, and other forms of activism.  Still, it suggests that Republican politicians are more influenced by extreme views from "the base" than Democrats.  That leaves the question of why Democratic elites haven't made more effort to appeal to moderate voters on the issue.  I think that's because they're currently benefitting from the issue--they can appeal to moderate voters by pointing to what Republicans are doing or are trying to do.  If the Republicans moderate their position, the Democrats may have more incentive to moderate theirs.*Of course, public opinion differs among the states, but not by enough to account for the differences in laws.  See the survey report here.  [Data from the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research]

Over the last thirty years, the Italians have tried almost everything, nothing has resulted as expected, the country is stagnated, and this is the only dish on the menu that had not been tasted yet. Economic growth was flat since 2000, and after the Great Recession and the pandemic, the per capita GDP is 5% lower than fifteen years ago. Public debt amounts to about 150% of GDP (the second in Europe, only after Greece, which is a much smaller economy).This permanent turmoil is in sharp contrast with the more than forty years of political stability and economic growth since the establishment of the Italian Republic at the end of World War II. In the first edition of my textbook Political Institutions in Europe, the author of the chapter on Italy, Gianfranco Pasquino, summarized that period as one with unstable governments (one-year average duration), lasting coalitions (always around the Christian-democrats), repeated presidents of the Council (up to De Gasperi eight times, Andreotti seven, Fanfani six…), and stagnated policies. After the Cold War and the dissolution of both the Christian-democracy and the Communist Party, there have been sustained attempts to force alternations in government via political polarization. Five electoral reforms replaced the previous proportional representation system with mixed systems including single-member districts by plurality rule and a "majority bonus" to the largest party. The results have been, paraphrasing Pasquino: slightly less unstable governments (lasting on average 18 months, but remember that Germany had only three chancellors in forty years); changing coalitions with many alternations (about eight, plus two national unity cabinets); repeated presidents of the Council (Berlusconi four times, Prodi two…); and extremely stagnated policies, despite government alternations, because they now largely depend on the European Union. Against some expectations, new parties proliferated. The most significant electoral reform has been the most recent one, used for the first time in this election: an unprecedented cut of the number of seats in both chambers of Parliament (by 37 percent), which has reduced the number of parties and attenuated fragmentation.In this context, the emphasis on the fascist precedents of the current largest party, Brothers of Italy, is largely biased. In the early 1990s, in parallel to the dissolution of the Communist party, the Social Movement with fascist roots also experienced a "perestroika." It first formed the National Alliance, which won the popular vote in the South, merged with Berlusconi's party, and after being in government for a while with Giorgia Meloni as a minister, a group split to form the minor Brothers of Italy, which became the only opposition to Mario Draghi's government. Accusing Meloni of fascist origins is as distracting as it would be accusing the former president of the Council Massimo D'Alema, at the time leader of the Party of the Italian Communists, of being the heir of Stalinism. While D'Alema furtherly evolved and became Vice-president of the Socialist International, the Brothers of Italy became a member of the European Conservative Group (which was founded by the British Tories), a more pro-EU alignment than the Identity Group that includes the Italian League, the French Le Pen, and the Alternative for Germany.Meanwhile, the European Union is reinforcing its fiscal and financial resources. Italy is prepared to receive the largest amount of loans and donations from the EU's programs for recovery and investments. The intended amount is a programs' percentage double the size of the Italian population and economy's share in the EU (as similarly happens with Spain, but the latter is a smaller economy). At some moment, Meloni hinted at renegotiating the conditional reforms on the judiciary, the tax code, or the anti-trust and competition rules. The size and interdependence of the Italian economy in Europe may give her some leverage, as the country is too big for the EU to let it fail. On this basis, the new Italian government could threaten the EU. But the EU is right now also menacing by being stern on that kind of attitude with its firmness on Hungary.This unbalanced game of mutual threats reflects the general political situation in Europe: the Union is already sufficiently strong to nullify many sovereign powers of the states, but not yet enough to establish the EU as the prevailing institutional level in all respects. Perhaps things must go still worse to go better. Worse with the useless politicking in the states to go better with a European more effective union.President of the Republic Sergio Mattarella was aware of this risk when he prevented the League's Matteo Salvini from becoming president of the Council after the last election and appointed the European leader Draghi. He could still try something of the sort.

The analysis in this work has been performed in the framework of the Aeolus Scientific Calibration and Validation Team (ACVT) activities. The authors acknowledge the ESA project "Aeolus L2A aerosol and cloud product validation using the European Aerosol Research Lidar Network EARLINET" (project no. 5166). The ACTRIS-2 Research Infrastructure Project and Implementation Project of the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation program (grant nos. 654109 and 871115) and GRASP-ACE (grant no. 778349) are also acknowledged. This work is related to activities within the COST Action CA18235 PROBE (PROfiling the atmospheric Boundary layer at European scale). This work was also supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (project nos. CGL2015-73250-JIN, CGL2016-81092-R, CGL2017-83538-C3-1R and CGL2017-90884-REDT); the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (project nos. PID2019-103886RB-I00, PID2020117825GB-C21 and PID2020-120015RB-I00); the Unity of Excellence "Maria de Maeztu" (project MDM-2016-0600), financed by the Spanish State Research Agency (AEI); the national Portuguese funds, through FCT -Fundacao para a Ciencia e Tecnologia, I.P. (project nos. UIDB/04683/2020, UIDP/04683/2020, PTDC/CTAMET/29678/2017 and 0753_CILIFO_5_E); and the Regional Government of Andalusia (project no. P18-RT-3820). The authors thankfully acknowledge the FEDER program for the instrumentation used in this work. Maria Jose Granados-Munoz has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation program via a Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant (grant no. 796539). Juan Antonio Bravo-Aranda received funding from the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Action Cofund 2016 EU project -Athenea3i grant (grant no. 754446). Pablo Ortiz-Amezcua received funding from the National Science Centre (NCN, Poland) in the framework of the SONATINA 5 project (project no. DEC2021/40/C/ST10/00023). Finally, the authors gratefully acknowledge the NOAA Air Resources Laboratory (ARL) for the provision of the HYSPLIT transport and dispersion model and/or READY website (https://www.ready.noaa.gov/index.php, last access: 7 January 2022) used in this publication. ; The Global Observing System (GOS) has encountered some limitations due to a lack of worldwide real-time wind measurements. In this context, the European Space Agency (ESA) has developed the Aeolus satellite mission, based on the ALADIN (Atmospheric Laser Doppler Instrument) Doppler wind lidar; this mission aims to obtain near-real-time wind retrievals at the global scale. As spin-off products, the instrument retrieves aerosol optical properties such as particle backscatter and extinction coefficients. In this work, a validation of Aeolus reprocessed (baseline 10) co-polar backscatter coefficients (beta(part)(Aeolus)) is presented through an intercomparison with analogous ground-based measurements taken at the ACTRIS (Aerosols, Clouds and Trace gases Research InfraStructure Network)/EARLINET (European Aerosol Research Lidar Network) stations of Granada (Spain), Evora (Portugal) and Barcelona (Spain) over the period from July 2019 until October 2020. Case studies are first presented, followed by a statistical analysis. The stations are located in a hot spot between Africa and the rest of Europe, which guarantees a variety of aerosol types, from mineral dust layers to continental/anthropogenic aerosol, and allows us to test Aeolus performance under different scenarios. The so called Aeolus-like profiles (beta(part)(Aeolus) (like, 355)) are obtained from total particle backscatter coefficient and linear particle depolarization art ratio (delta(part)(linear)) profiles at 355 and 532 nm measured from the surface, through a thorough bibliographic review of dual-polarization measurements for relevant aerosol types. Finally, the study proposes a relation for the spectral conversion of delta(part)(linear), which is implemented in the Aeolus-like profile calculation. The statistical results show the ability of the satellite to detect and characterize significant aerosol layers under cloud-free conditions, along with the surface effect on the lowermost measurements, which causes the satellite to largely overestimate copolar backscatter coefficients. Finally, the Aeolus standard correct algorithm middle bin (SCAmb) shows a better agreement with ground-based measurements than the standard correct algorithm (SCA), which tends to retrieve negative and meaningless coefficients in the clear troposphere. The implementation of Aeolus quality flags entails a vast reduction in the number of measurements available for comparison, which affects the statistical significance of the results. ; ESA project "Aeolus L2A aerosol and cloud product validation using the European Aerosol Research Lidar Network EARLINET" 5166 ; European Commission 654109 871115 796539 ; GRASP-ACE 778349 ; Spanish Government CGL2015-73250-JIN CGL2016-81092-R CGL2017-83538-C3-1R CGL2017-90884-REDT PID2019-103886RB-I00 PID2020117825GB-C21 PID2020-120015RB-I00 ; Unity of Excellence "Maria de Maeztu" - Spanish State Research Agency (AEI) MDM-2016-0600 ; national Portuguese funds, through FCT -Fundacao para a Ciencia e Tecnologia, I.P. UIDB/04683/2020 UIDP/04683/2020 PTDC/CTAMET/29678/2017 0753_CILIFO_5_E ; Junta de Andalucia P18-RT-3820 ; Marie Sklodowska-Curie Action Cofund 2016 EU project - Athenea3i grant 754446 ; National Science Centre, Poland DEC2021/40/C/ST10/00023

Funding Information: The CMB-S4 collaboration ( https://cmb-s4.org/ ) is working to plan, construct, and operate a next-generation, multisite CMB experiment in the 2020s. The collaboration is led by an elected Governing Board, Spokespeople, Committee Chairs, and Executive Team. Funding for the CMB-S4 Integrated Project Office is provided by the Department of Energy's Office of Science (project level CD-0) and by the National Science Foundation through the Mid-Scale Research Infrastructure-R1 award OPP-1935892. This research used resources of Argonne National Laboratory, a U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) Office of Science User Facility operated under Contract No. DE-AC02-06CH11357. This document was prepared by the CMB-S4 collaboration using the resources of the Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory (Fermilab), a U.S. Department of Energy, Office of Science, HEP User Facility. Fermilab is managed by Fermi Research Alliance, LLC (FRA), acting under Contract No. DE-AC02-07CH11359. Work at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory was supported by the Office of Science, Office of Basic Energy Sciences, of the U.S. Department of Energy under Contract No. DE-AC02-05CH11231. Work at SLAC National Accelerator Laboratory is supported by the U.S. Department of Energy, Office of Science, Office of Basic Energy Sciences under Contract No. DE-AC02-76SF00515. This research used resources of the National Energy Research Scientific Computing Center, which is supported by the Office of Science of the U.S. Department of Energy under Contract No. DE-AC02-05CH11231. In the United States, work on CMB-S4 by individual investigators has been supported by the National Science Foundation (awards 1248097, 1255358, 1815887, 1835865, 1852617, 2009469), the Department of Energy (awards DE-SC0009919, DE-SC0009946, DE-SC0010129, DE-SC0011784), and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (award ATP-80NSSC20K0518). In Australia, the Melbourne authors acknowledge support from an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (FT150100074). In Canada, R.H. is supported by the Discovery Grants program from NSERC, and acknowledges funding from CIFAR, the Sloan Foundation, and the Dunlap family. In Italy, C.B. acknowledges support under the ASI COSMOS and INFN INDARK programs. In the Netherlands, D.M. acknowledges NWO VIDI award number 639.042.730. In Switzerland, J.C. is supported by an SNSF Eccellenza Professorial Fellowship (No. 186879). In the United Kingdom, A.L., G.F., and J.C. are supported by the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP/2007-2013)/ERC grant Agreement No. [616170]. A.L. also acknowledges STFC award ST/P000525/1. S.M. is supported by the research program Innovational Research Incentives Scheme (Vernieuwingsimpuls), which is financed by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research through the NWO VIDI grant No. 639.042.612-Nissanke and the Labex ILP (reference ANR-10-LABX-63) part of the Idex SUPER, received financial state aid managed by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche,as part of the program Investissements d'avenir under the reference ANR-11-IDEX-0004-02. Some computations in this paper were run on the Odyssey cluster, supported by the FAS Science Division Research Computing Group at Harvard University. Publisher Copyright: © 2022. The Author(s). Published by the American Astronomical Society. ; CMB-S4-the next-generation ground-based cosmic microwave background (CMB) experiment-is set to significantly advance the sensitivity of CMB measurements and enhance our understanding of the origin and evolution of the universe. Among the science cases pursued with CMB-S4, the quest for detecting primordial gravitational waves is a central driver of the experimental design. This work details the development of a forecasting framework that includes a power-spectrum-based semianalytic projection tool, targeted explicitly toward optimizing constraints on the tensor-to-scalar ratio, r, in the presence of Galactic foregrounds and gravitational lensing of the CMB. This framework is unique in its direct use of information from the achieved performance of current Stage 2-3 CMB experiments to robustly forecast the science reach of upcoming CMB-polarization endeavors. The methodology allows for rapid iteration over experimental configurations and offers a flexible way to optimize the design of future experiments, given a desired scientific goal. To form a closed-loop process, we couple this semianalytic tool with map-based validation studies, which allow for the injection of additional complexity and verification of our forecasts with several independent analysis methods. We document multiple rounds of forecasts for CMB-S4 using this process and the resulting establishment of the current reference design of the primordial gravitational-wave component of the Stage-4 experiment, optimized to achieve our science goals of detecting primordial gravitational waves for r > 0.003 at greater than 5 sigma, or in the absence of a detection, of reaching an upper limit of r < 0.001 at 95% CL. ; Peer reviewed

BACKGROUND: Dietary high salt (HS) is a leading risk factor for mortality and morbidity. Serum sodium transiently increases postprandially but can also accumulate at sites of inflammation affecting differentiation and function of innate and adaptive immune cells. Here, we focus on how changes in extracellular sodium, mimicking alterations in the circulation and tissues, affect the early metabolic, transcriptional, and functional adaption of human and murine mononuclear phagocytes.METHODS: Using Seahorse technology, pulsed stable isotope-resolved metabolomics, and enzyme activity assays, we characterize the central carbon metabolism and mitochondrial function of human and murine mononuclear phagocytes under HS in vitro. HS as well as pharmacological uncoupling of the electron transport chain under normal salt is used to analyze mitochondrial function on immune cell activation and function (as determined by Escherichia coli killing and CD4(+) T cell migration capacity). In 2 independent clinical studies, we analyze the effect of a HS diet during 2 weeks (URL: http://www.clinicaltrials.gov.Unique identifier: NCT02509962) and short-term salt challenge by a single meal (URL: http://www.clinicaltrials.gov.Unique identifier: NCT04175249) on mitochondrial function of human monocytes in vivo.RESULTS: Extracellular sodium was taken up into the intracellular compartment, followed by the inhibition of mitochondrial respiration in murine and human macrophages. Mechanistically, HS reduces mitochondrial membrane potential, electron transport chain complex II activity, oxygen consumption, and ATP production independently of the polarization status of macrophages. Subsequently, cell activation is altered with improved bactericidal function in HS-treated M1-like macrophages and diminished CD4(+) T cell migration in HS-treated M2-like macrophages. Pharmacological uncoupling of the electron transport chain under normal salt phenocopies HS-induced transcriptional changes and bactericidal function of human and murine mononuclear phagocytes. Clinically, also in vivo, rise in plasma sodium concentration within the physiological range reversibly reduces mitochondrial function in human monocytes. In both a 14-day and single meal HS challenge, healthy volunteers displayed a plasma sodium increase of (x) over tilde = 2mM and (x) over tilde = 2.3mM, respectively, that correlated with decreased monocytic mitochondrial oxygen consumption.CONCLUSIONS: Our data identify the disturbance of mitochondrial respiration as the initial step by which HS mechanistically influences immune cell function. Although these functional changes might help to resolve bacterial infections, a shift toward proinflammation could accelerate inflammatory cardiovascular disease. ; S.G. was supported by the Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung funding MSTARS (Multimodal Clinical Mass Spectrometry to Target Treatment Resistance). D.N.M., H.B., N.W., and S.K.F. were supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Foundation; Projektnummer 394046635 - SFB 1365). D.N.M. was supported by the Deutsches Zentrum für Herz-Kreislauf-Forschung (DZHK, 81Z0100106). J.J. received funding from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (JA1993/6-1), Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft SFB 1350 grant (project No. 387509280, TPB5) and the Bavarian Ministry of Science and the Arts in the framework of the Bavarian Research Network "New Strategies Against Multi-Resistant Pathogens by Means of Digital Networking – bayresq.net." M.K. and N.W. were supported by the European Research Council under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (M.K.: 640116; N.W.: 852796). M.K. was further supported by a Strategic Action Plan for Limburg (Strategisch Actieplan voor Limburg in het Kwadraat, SALK) grant from the government of Flanders, Belgium, and by an Odysseus grant from the Research Foundation Flanders. N.W. is supported by a grant from the Corona-Stiftung. N.W. is participant in the Clinician Scientist Program funded by the Berlin Institute of Health. S.K. was supported by Impuls und Vernetzungsfond Aging and Metabolic Programming (AMPro, ZT-0026, Helmholtz Association). Acknowledgments The authors thank Jana Czychi, Gabriele N'diaye, Juliane Anders, Ute Gerhardt, May-Britt Köhler, and Fardad Ramezani for assistance. S.G. led and conceived the project, designed and performed most experiments, and analyzed and interpreted the data. H.B. conducted the clinical study, and performed PBMC isolation and flow-cytometric analysis together with S.G. P.N. performed murine BMDM and human peripheral blood monocyte bacterial killing and growth experiments. R.W., D.S., and A.G. performed analyses of ATP, tetramethylrhodamine ethyl ester, gene expression, and T cell migration in human macrophages. C.Z. together with S.G. measured and analyzed pulsed stable isotope-resolved metabolomics experiments. T.B. and E.T. performed sectioned transmission electron microscopy imaging and 3-dimensional reconstruction. V.M.P. performed mitochondrial isolation and ETC complex assays together with S.G. L.K. performed peripheral blood monocyte bacterial killing and cell culture experiments in human monocytes for intracellular Na+ measurement. M.V. performed intracellular Na+ quantifications. A. Maifeld, A. Mähler, and N.W. performed the clinical study, which was reanalyzed by S.G. and H.B. S.K.F. performed statistical analyses. K.B., J.S., and R.D. gave major conceptual input. D.N.M., S.K., J.J., and M.K. supervised the experiments and interpreted the data. S.G. and D.N.M. wrote the article with key editing by S.K., H.B., and M.K. and further input from all authors.

This article shows us the evolution of political marketing. From the 1.0 model, to the consolidation of the new 3.0 paradigm. The perversion of the markteing 3.0 model has been demonstrated due to the use that political parties make of the narratives present in post-truth as a way to increase their loyalty with the citizen, then the electorate, through the construction of hyperbolic and segmented messages. The starting point was the following general objective: to analyze whether the consolidation of the political marketing 3.0 model and its use by Spanish political parties was affected by the use of post-truth narratives. The work methodology used was qualitative and comparative analytical. The following instruments were used: direct observation, interviews, panel of experts and documentary review. The conclusions reached, as well as the work presented here, is the result of two complementary investigations: La aplicación del marketing político 3.0. El caso del éxito de Podemos y Ciudadanos en las elecciones de 2014,2015 y 2016 y Marketing político 3.0: Como Podemos, Ciudadanos y Vox han cambiado las reglas del juego. The results that we were able to extract are summarized in: (1) All Spanish political parties have incorporated post-truth into their speeches, favoring: polarization, radicalization and invisible enemies. (2) The intensity and volume of the messages conditioned by the Spanish political parties depend on the audience they want to capture. (3) The co-creation and construction of exciting messages has been replaced by a dystopian construction centered on the "search for the culprit". ; Este artículo nos muestra la evolución del marketing político. Desde el modelo 1.0, hasta la consolidación del nuevo paradigma 3.0. Llegando a quedar demostrada la perversión del modelo del markteing 3.0 debido al uso que los partidos políticos hacen de las narrativas presentes en la posverdad como una forma de aumentar su fidelización con el ciudadano, luego electorado, mediante la construcción de mensajes hiperbólicos y segmentados. Se partió del siguiente objetivo general: analizar si la consolidación del modelo marketing político 3.0 y su uso por parte de los partidos políticos españoles, se vio afectado por la utilización de narrativas de propias de la posverdad. La metodología de trabajo utilizada fue la cualitativa y analítica comparativa. Se hicieron uso de los siguientes instrumentos: la observación directa, las entrevistas, el panel de expertos y la revisión documental. Las conclusiones alcanzadas, así como el trabajo que aquí se presenta, es el resultado de dos investigaciones complementarias: La aplicación del marketing político 3.0. El caso del éxito de Podemos y Ciudadanos en las elecciones de 2014,2015 y 2016 y Marketing político 3.0: Como Podemos, Ciudadanos y Vox han cambiado las reglas del juego. Los resultados que pudimos extraer se resumen en: (1) Todos los partidos políticos españoles han incorporado de la posverdad a sus discursos favoreciendo: polarización, radicalización y enemigos invisibles. (2) La intensidad y el volumen de los mensajes condicionados por los partidos políticos españoles dependen del público que quieran captar. (3) La co-creación y la construcción de mensajes ilusionantes, ha sido sustituido por una construcción distópica centrada en la "búsqueda del culpable". ; Este artigo nos mostra a evolução do marketing político. Do modelo 1.0, à consolidação do novo paradigma 3.0. A perversão do modelo markteing 3.0 tem sido demonstrada devido ao uso que os partidos políticos fazem das narrativas presentes na pós-verdade como forma de aumentar sua lealdade com o cidadão, depois o eleitorado, por meio da construção de mensagens hiperbólicas e segmentadas. O ponto de partida foi o seguinte objetivo geral: analisar se a consolidação do modelo de marketing político 3.0 e sua utilização pelos partidos políticos espanhóis foi afetada pelo uso de narrativas pós-verdade. A metodologia de trabalho utilizada foi qualitativa e analítica comparativa. Foram utilizados os seguintes instrumentos: observação direta, entrevistas, painel de especialistas e revisão documental. As conclusões alcançadas, assim como o trabalho aqui apresentado, são o resultado de duas investigações complementares: La aplicación del marketing político 3.0. El caso del éxito de Podemos y Ciudadanos en las elecciones de 2014,2015 y 2016 y Marketing político 3.0: Como Podemos, Ciudadanos y Vox han cambiado las reglas del juego. Os resultados que pudemos extrair resumem-se em: (1) Todos os partidos políticos espanhóis incorporaram a pós-verdade em seus discursos, favorecendo: polarização, radicalização e inimigos invisíveis. (2) A intensidade e o volume das mensagens condicionadas pelos partidos políticos espanhóis dependem do público que desejam captar. (3) A co-criação e construção de mensagens emocionantes foi substituída por uma construção distópica centrada na "busca do culpado".

Over the past decade, the subject of "safe spaces" on college and university campuses has received much press. As originally conceived, the term "safe space" refers to an environment—often a physical space—in which "everyone feels comfortable expressing themselves and participating fully, without fear of attack, ridicule, or denial of experience." And while this original conception may not seem controversial, the meaning of "safe spaces" as applied to higher education classrooms is a subject of ongoing vigorous debate. On one side of the debate are those who believe that safe spaces foster learning by making it possible for students to be exposed to diverse perspectives in an atmosphere of honesty, respect, and empathy. On the other side of the debate are those who believe that safe spaces threaten academic freedom by requiring professors and students to refrain from expressing any viewpoint or idea that might be threatening or "triggering" to others.Student demand for safe spaces has been on the rise for decades, and there is reason to believe that with the arrival of Generation Z ("Gen Z") students on college and university campuses, the demand will increase. As a group, Gen Z students tend to be more anxious than their predecessor generations, and with the confluence of the COVID-19 pandemic and the racial unrest of 2020, they have much to be anxious about.Moreover, many Gen Z students have become accustomed to being protected from difficult situations (some refer to them as "coddled"). But at the same time, Gen Z is widely recognized as being more activist than their Millennial predecessors, on issues ranging from racial justice to human trafficking to climate change. It stands to reason that faculty, staff, and administrators in the higher education setting will need to figure out how to provide a learning environment that balances Gen Z students' insistence on addressing difficult social issues with their desire to do so in a safe space. But what exactly is a safe space? And should creating safe spaces be a goal of institutions of higher learning?Those questions take on added weight in the law school context because of the key role of the law in shaping society. Unlike undergraduate education, legal education is specifically designed to equip students to enter the profession, where they will encounter myriad situations that require them to step out of their comfort zones. This has perhaps never been truer than in 2021, as racial and social justice issues have risen to the forefront of the American consciousness at the same time that our country has experienced unprecedented political polarization. It is in this environment that lawyers are increasingly being called on to step forward and use their legal training to effect systemic change. Thus, as legal educators train future lawyers who will serve "on the front lines," it is critical that difficult racial and social justice issues be discussed in law school classrooms. So the question becomes, can law school classrooms ever be truly safe spaces?This Article provides one context within which law schools can examine how best to create an environment, both in and out of the classroom, that maximizes student learning in an age where it is more important than ever that difficult racial, social, and global issues be raised and discussed. The Article begins by tracing the development of the safe spaces movement and discussing how the traditional type of safe space manifests in today's law schools. It then highlights the many and sometimes-competing understandings of the nature and role of safe spaces and identifies some of the criticisms of the safe spaces concept, especially as those criticisms relate to "intellectual safe spaces" within the law school classroom. The Article then shifts to a discussion of the relatively new concept of "brave spaces," tracing the development of that movement and arguing that the brave space concept better describes the optimal law school classroom. Finally, the Article suggests some strategies law school administrators, professors, and students can use to begin creating classrooms that are both safe and brave spaces, able to foster the dialogue needed to equip students to become lawyers who are agents for social change.In this Article, I do not advocate doing away with safe spaces as they were originally intended to function. Rather, I suggest that law schools should be careful to balance the need for places where marginalized students can "retreat from the very real threats and demands they face by their very existence"—the true safe spaces—with the need to encourage and facilitate classrooms where students can process new and uncomfortable ideas productively—brave spaces.

This article describes how a deceptive event framed in the "interview" journalistic genre makes up a deceptive narrative that, even after being rectified, will continue to affect the audiences summoned emotionally and ideologically. It is a case study developed through a content analysis to explain how a fake news appears in a newscast of private television in Colombia, through the introduction of false phrases that, combined with the framing, emotional narratives and the distortions, sharpen the political polarization and reveal how are these emotions inserted in the news narrative. The results show us that the biases of distortion, not necessarily partisan, and the emotions aligned with the ideological principles together with the gains of the market, are the breeding ground for the gestation of false news. The objective of this paper is to show how traditional media, such as television and its strategies of narrative persuasion, provide their audiences, (fake) materials for the (skewed) construction of (fake) news, while exciting the public, which generates political and economic benefits for the news médium the economic group that it is part of, and the presidential candidate supported by the group. The most important finding is that the emotional bias sought by the private media of news information studied is not limited to an explanation of its partisan character; at stake are the audiences of the best schedule of Colombian television, and the economic benefits for a segment of the advertising market. ; Neste artigo descreve-se de que maneira um evento enquadrado no gênero jornalístico da "entrevista" constitui uma narrativa enganosa que, inclusive depois de ser retificada, continuará afetando as audiências convocadas emocional e ideologicamente. Trata-se de um estudo de caso desenvolvido a partir de uma análise de conteúdo para explicar como surge uma notícia falsa em um noticiário da televisão privada na Colômbia por meio da introdução de frases falsas que, combinadas com a abordagem, com as narrativas emocionais e com as distorções, agravam a polarização política e mostram como essas emoções se inserem na narrativa noticiosa. Os resultados mostram que os vieses de distorção, não necessariamente partidaristas, e as emoções alinhadas com os princípios ideológicos juntamente com os lucros do mercado são o substrato para a geração das notícias falsas. O objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar de que maneira os meios tradicionais como a televisão e suas estratégias de persuasão narrativa proporcionam a suas audiências material (falsos) para a construção (distorcida) de notícias (falsas), enquanto emocionam o público, o que gera benefícios políticos e econômicos para o meio, para o grupo econômico do qual o meio faz parte e para o candidato presidencial que o grupo respalda. A descoberta mais importante radica no fato de que o viés emocional que o meio privado de informação noticiosa estudado procura não se esgota em uma explicação de seu caráter partidarista; estão em jogo as audiências do melhor horário da televisão colombiana, assim como os benefícios econômicos para um segmento do mercado publicitário. ; En este artículo se realiza un análisis de la relación entre ocio digital y condición de clase. Para ello, se sintetizan e interpretan los resultados de una investigación que estudió la vida cotidiana de un grupo de hogares de clase media en Cali, Colombia. La investigación pretendía comprender la emergencia de experiencias de ocio en ámbitos domésticos, así como caracterizar el modo en que agentes humanos y no humanos se ensamblan en casa para producir culturas hogareñas diferenciadas. Con este fin y bajo un enfoque cualitativo, se efectuaron 69 entrevistas estructuradas, 26 entrevistas comprensivas no estructuradas, 10 visitas etnográficas y 10 cartografías de ámbitos domésticos. Dos hallazgos, en apariencia inconexos, se identificaron en la investigación: por un lado, la experiencia cotidiana de la incertidumbre, expresada en una suerte de inconsistencia posicional que atraviesa la condición de clase media en el país; y por otro, la centralidad que el ocio digital tiene en las rutinas de los hogares estudiados. A modo de conclusión, este artículo aspira a integrar estos hallazgos. Se sugerirá para ello que prácticas comunes a estos hogares, como la renovación frecuente de tecnologías y la asiduidad del ocio digital se pueden entender como dispositivos marcadores de distinción de clase y, también, como mecanismos de control sobre el presente y modos de compensar, por la vía de ampliar las condiciones de abundancia, el malestar que genera un futuro incierto. Se espera así develar las tensiones que las capas medias experimentan y las prácticas compensatorias que agencian en tanto estrategias para su bienestar.

YÖK Tez No: 656441 ; Güvenlik kavramı insanın yaratılışından beri hayatını devam ettirebilmesi için en büyük ihtiyaçlarından biri olmuştur. Bu güvenlik arayışı ve ihtiyacı devletlerin kendilerini savunma mecburiyetini beraberinde getirmiştir. Dünya savaşları, Soğuk savaş, ülkeler arası kutuplaşma, güç kavgaları, zengin olma isteği, egemenlik anlayışı vb. sebepler dünya genelini etkileyen bir hale gelmiştir. Dünya üzerinde netlik ortamının daima sürmesi çok iyimser bir yaklaşım olacaktır. Uluslararası çıkar ilişkileri sürdüğü sürece belirsizlik artacak, bu belirsizliğin arttırdığı karmaşşık ülkelerin kendilerini koruma ve egemenliklerini elinde tutma arzusunu tetikleyecek, vatandaşlarını koruma isteği iyice arttıracak ve karşı konulamaz bir talep haline gelecektir. Bu durumlar doğal olarak ekonomik birimler üzerine de yansımıştır çünkü savunma harcamalarını egemenliğin bedeli olarak düşünmek mümkündür. Ülke üzerindeki karmaşa ortamı arttıkça doğal olarak savunmaya ihtiyaç artmakta ve bu ihtiyaç beraberinde savunma alanına daha fazla kaynak aktarmayı gerektirmektedir. Çünkü savunma harcamaları kamu harcamalarından savunma hizmetleri adına ayrılan kısımdır. Bununla birlikte savunmaya ayrılan pay ülkenin içinde bulunduğu tehdit arttıkça artmaktadır. Benoit'ten beri savunmaya ayrılan kaynağın ekonomiyi ne yönlü etkilediği üzerinde çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Bu çalışmaların sürekli tazelenmesinin nedenleri arasında tarih boyunca devletlerce savunmaya pay ayrılmış olması ve bu paydan hiçbir devletin vazgeçememiş olması yatmaktadır. Önemli olan bu savunma payını optimum düzeyde tutmaktır. Çünkü savunma harcamalarına çok kaynak ayırmak doğru bir savunma planının olmadığını göstermektedir. Doğru bir plan ve gerekli düzeyde savunma harcamaları planlaması ekonomik büyümeyi en iyi düzeyde etkileyecektir. Ülkelerin savunma harcamalarını yaparken onları etkileyen birden çok faktör vardır. Genel bir çerçevede bakıldığında gelişmiş ülkelerin daha faza savunma harcaması yaptığı görülmektedir. Bu çalışma, Augment Dickey Fuller testi, ADF Birim Kök testi, Johansen Eş bütünleşme Testi, Varyans ayrıştırma analizi, Housman testi, Panel veri analizi kullanılarak; seçili ülkelerde askeri harcamalar, cari denge ve silah ithracatının ekonomik büyüme üzerindeki etkisini incelemiştir. Çalışmada öncelikle 1965-2015 yılları arasındaki dönemde Türkiye incelenmiştir. Türkiyenin ekonomik büyümesindeki uzun dönemli faktörler tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Daha sonra Fransa, İngiltere, Almanya, İtalya ve Kanada gibi ülkeler de ilave edilerek araştırma genişletilmiştir. Tüm bu ülkeler arasında ampirik bir araştırma yapılmıştır. Araştırmada seçilecek tarih aralığı verinin bulunabilme özelliğine göre seçilmiştir. ; Security has been one of the biggest needs of human beings to survive since their creation. This search and need for security brought with it the obligation of states to defend themselves. World wars, cold war, polarization between countries, power struggles, desire to get rich, understanding of sovereignty, etc. have become affecting the world. It would be a very optimistic approach if we think economic stability could be stable.As long as international relations of interest persist, uncertainty will increase, the complexity that this uncertainty increases will trigger the desire of countries to protect themselves and hold their sovereignty. As long as international relations of interest persist, uncertainty will increase, the complexity that this uncertainty increases will trigger the desire of countries to protect themselves and hold their sovereignty.This complexity will also increase the desire of countries protect their citizens.This desire will become an irresistible demand. These situations naturally reflected on economic units, because it is possible to consider defense expenditures as the price of sovereignty. As the chaos in the country increases, the need for defense naturally increases, and this necessity necessitates the transfer of more resources to the defense field because defense expenditures are the part allocated from public expenditures for defense services. However, the share allocated to defense increases as the threat to the country increases. Since Benoit, studies have been carried out on how the resource allocated to industry affects the economy. One of the reasons for the constant renewal of these studies is that throughout history, states have allocated a share of defense and that no state has given up this share. The important thing is to keep this defense margin at an optimum level, because allocating too much resources to defense expenditures shows that there is no correct defense plan. A correct plan and planning of the required level of defense expenditures will affect the economic growth at the best level. There are multiple factors that affect countries when they make their defense spending. From a general perspective, it is seen that developed countries spend more on defense. This study investigated the effects of military spending, current account balance and arms exports on economic growth in selected countries using Augment Dickey Fuller test, ADF Unit Root test, Johansen Cointegration test, Variance decomposition analysis, Housman test, Panel data analysis. The study primarily examined Turkey's 1965-2015 year. Turkey's economic growth in the long-term factors have been determined. Later, the research was extended by adding some countries such as France, Britain, Germany, Italy, Canada. An empirical research has been conducted across all these countries. The date range to be selected in the research was selected according to the availability of data.

The annual cost of cancer treatment in the United States of America and the European Union exceed 100 billion euro. Using a combination of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and dissolution dynamic nuclear polarization (dDNP) the potential worldwide savings are in the billions of euro annually. To make the techniques clinically viable an essential aspect is the design and implementation of radio frequency (RF) receive hardware optimized for maximal signal-to-noise ratio (SNR). This work investigates three primary topics within receiver hardware for MRI systems utilizing dDNP of 13 C at 3 T: Preamplifiers, volume coils, and array coils. Preamplifiers for MRI arrays require a high input reflection coefficient, to enable decoupling of neighbouring coils, while exhibiting low noise figure. In this thesis a design procedure is presented enabling the implementation of ideal preamplifiers for MRI arrays by using the inherent feedback of the transistor. This causes the input impedance of the preamplifier to depend on the output matching circuit while the noise figure remains constant due to the high gain of the transistor. A procedure for designing cryogenic preamplifiers is presented. It is shown theoretically that a negative input impedance amplifier can be used for ideal coil decoupling. In practice, 50 dB decoupling was achieved using a cryogenic preamplifier design cooled with liquid nitrogen to 77 K with a 0.05 dB noise figure having an input impedance of −8+j533 Ω. Cryogenic volume coils are generally not viable candidates for human imaging due to high sample loading, which cannot be mitigated by cooling the coil. This is not necessarily the case for volume coils for small animals. Hence,sensitivity improvement of a birdcage coil for small animal imaging using cryogenic cooling is investigated. The implemented birdcage coil has a bore size of 50 mm with a length of 100 mm and is cooled to 77 K using liquid nitrogen. A dedicated, low cost, cryostat was also developed. The measured unloaded and loaded Q-factors of the cryogenic birdcage are 627 and 616, respectively. Using conventional formulas for estimating the SNR gain between the room temperature and the cryogenic birdcage coil results in an estimated SNR gain of approximately 2.5 times. However, the conventional analysis does not take into account the room temperature RF front end. An extended analysis is thus presented that takes into account the temperatures of the coil and the RF front end connected to the coil (hybrid coupler, transmit/receive switch, preamplifier). Thus, taking in to account the influence of the room temperature RF frontend, the expected SNR gain is 2 times. If instead a cryogenic RF front end is used the expected SNR gain is 2.4 times. Hence, it is vital when using cryogenic coils to also use a cryogenic RF front end. Controlling the dedicated transmit/receive switch and Q-spoiling circuits used for both the volume and array coils is achieved by a custom PIN diode driver, which is also detailed in this work. The PIN diode driver switches from the transmit to receive state in approximately 0.4 µs and from receive to transmit in under 2 µs. Further, the PIN diode driver supplies a constant current, regardless of characteristics of the PIN diode(s), in the receive state. While in the transmit state a negative voltage of -5 V is applied. To enable larger field-of-views and accelerated/parallel imaging an array of loop coils is employed. In this thesis, a 32 channel human brain coilis designed and implemented for clinical imaging focussing on the application of parallel imaging to decrease acquisition time of images. The performance is measured in the scanner versus a birdcage coil and shows an approximate SNR decrease in the center of a head phantom by approximately 48 %. The problem is noise coupling when using non-overlapped neighbouring elements and conventional 50 Ω noise figure optimized preamplifiers. By noise matching to a complex impedance, rather than the conventional 50 Ω, the noise coupled between non-overlapped coils can be decreased by approximately 50 %. Hence, using the newly proposed preamplifier design yields an SNR impairment of 19 %. This is, however, in the center of the phantom and closer to the surface a significant SNR increase is present. Further, the array coil enables parallel imaging, which is impossible with the birdcage coil. Especially for arrays, the SNR impairment caused by the preamplifiers due to noise coupling is not dominated by the noise figure, but rather the corresponding noise and current voltages and their correlation. Looking into the future, this work enables optimal preamplifiers for single and array coils for both room temperature and cryogenic operation.

International audience ; In this paper, I use a geographical analysis of the Korean issue to address two simple questions: How to explain the cyclical nature and the irresolution of the Korean crisis? Why is North Korea such a grave problem for the international community?Since the 1990s, the "denucleraization" of the Korean peninsula and the improvement of human rights in North Korea, including a regime change, appear as major goals for the international community. In 2018, after more than 25 years of negociations and actions, none of these objectives are met. North Korea can still be considered a totalitarian State and it owns the nuclear weapon since 2006 (first nuclear test on October 9, 2006). The 2008-2018 decade even showed the development of an already acquired nuclear capacity, which combines self-defense and reinforcement of the State power in place, under Kim Jong Il then Kim Jong Un. The cyclical nature of the Korean geopolitical issue fuels an equaly cyclic media blaze, which fails to explian the deep dynamics of this situation, still unresolved on a political level. Indeed, in the armistice regime that frames since 1953 the inter-Korean relations, and which is neither peace nor war (or as much peace as war), the inter-Korean border displays a few major characteristics: il is the "non-border" of an "unifinished war" (B. Cumings), or a "meta-border" (M. Foucher 2007), and it is still in the making. Moreover, this "meta-frontière" determines a "meta-nation" (Gelézeau 2008, 2018), which includes today two nation-State (North & South Korea) and a diaspora beyond the peninsular space.Now, on the political level, this "meta-nation" is highly polarized and this polarization is articulated with a demonization of North Korea, in the media and expert discourse. The demonization of North Korea sets those discourse on a moral level, rather than that of scientific integrity, and it fails to produce a cirtical and problematize political and social analysis of such a State (non-democratic/totalitarian, in social crisi/developing, etc.).In the absence of a peace treaty, the cyclic nature of the nuclear/inter-Korean crisis will keep its dynamics, while the North Korean "problem" will stay unresolved as long as a radically different perspective to consider North Korea does not develop. ; Dans cet article, je propose de partir de mon analyse géographique de la question coréenne, pour répondre à deux questions simples : comment expliquer la nature cyclique et l'irrésolution de la crise coréenne? Pourquoi la Corée du Nord constitue-t-elle un tel problème sur le plan international ?Depuis les années 1990, la « dénucléarisation » de la péninsule coréenne et l'amélioration de la situation des droits de l'homme en Corée du Nord, par la transformation du régime, constituent des objectifs majeurs de la communauté internationale. En 2018, après plus de vingt-cinq ans de négociations et d'actions, aucun de ces deux objectifs n'ont été atteints. La Corée du Nord peut toujours être considérée comme un État totalitaire et elle possède l'arme nucléaire depuis 2006, date du premier essai (effectué le 9 octobre). Les années 2008-2018 ont même vu le développement d'une capacité déjà acquise, qui combine auto-défense et maintien du pouvoir en place. La nature cyclique de la question géopolitique alimente une flambée médiatique également cyclique, mais qui, finalement, échoue à expliquer les dynamiques profondes de cette situation toujours irrésolue aussi sur le plan politique. En effet, dans le régime d'armistice qui régit depuis 1953 les relations intercoréennes et qui n'est ni la paix ni la guerre (ou autant la paix que la guerre), la frontière coréenne a deux grandes caractéristiques qui déterminent profondément cette dynamique géopolitique : il s'agit de la « non-frontière » (Gelézeau 2010) d'une guerre inachevée ou d'une « méta-frontière » (M. Foucher 2007) et elle est toujours en construction. Bien plus, cette « méta-frontière » détermine aujourd'hui ce que je définis comme une « méta-nation » coréenne (Gelézeau 2008, 2018) constituée aujourd'hui de deux États-nations (Corée du Sud/Corée du Nord) et d'une diaspora, au-delà de l'espace péninsulaire. Or non seulement cette méta-nation coréenne est polarisée sur le plan politique, mais encore la polarisation est articulée à une diabolisation de la Corée du Nord dans les discours savants et médiatiques. Or la diabolisation de la Corée du Nord, qui place les discours sur le plan de la morale et non pas de l'intégrité scientifique, échoue à produire l'analyse critique et problématisée qu'il faudrait faire d'un tel état sur le plan politique et social (non-démocratique, totalitaire, en crise, en développement). En l'absence d'un traité de paix, la nature cyclique de la crise continue donc de se déployer, tandis que le « problème » nord-coréen ne trouvera aucune résolution sans un changement radical de perspective dans l'analyse-même de ce problème.