Suchergebnisse

The Age of Development is an ethnography that gives account of several young Shipibo people's lives, in the Ucayali basin, in the Peruvian Amazon rainforest. The memories of their own youth by the elders help us to recreate what was implicated in being young in the past, and allow tracing the evolution of being young since the decade of the 1940s. All the account is crossed by those "pro-development" processes that have been implemented in the Peruvian lowlands all along this period, and by the way they have brought about radical transformations in the people's ways of life. The Age of Development is also a practical exercise of criticism and reflection on ethnographic representation, by means of writing a piece that intends to communicate iii the complexity of Shipibo culture to a non-specialized reader, respecting scientific rigor and political relevance. To reach this goal, The Age of Development deploys several literary techniques of story-telling, chronicle and essay. This narrative strategy is designed from the review and analysis of classic ethnographic rhetoric, which are explained in the opening essay of this thesis: "Some ideas about ethnographic writing and its practical application in The Age of Development". This opening essay is followed by more than twenty interconnected short stories, based on a ten-month ethnographic fieldwork in two Shipibo villages. In the last section I demonstrate how my account of Shipibo life covers every single aspect of those usually referred by "traditional" ethnographies. Finally I explain all the bibliographic and secondary sources that I have used in the construction of this work. ; La Edad del Desarrollo es una etnografía que da cuenta de las actuales condiciones de vida de varios jóvenes shipibos de la cuenca del río Ucayali, en la selva peruana. Se establece como punto de referencia los recuerdos de juventud evocados por las personas mayores, mediante quienes se recrea lo que implicaba ser joven en el pasado y se traza una evolución desde los años cuarenta del siglo XX. El relato está atravesado por los procesos "pro-desarrollo" que se han implementado en la selva en ese lapso de tiempo, y cómo éstos han supuesto transformaciones radicales en la forma de vida. La Edad del Desarrollo es también un ejercicio práctico de crítica y reflexión sobre la representación etnográfica, mediante la construcción de un relato que busca comunicar la complejidad de una cultura a un lector no especializado, sin que esto suponga un menoscabo del rigor científico o la pertinencia política. Animada por este espíritu divulgativo, La Edad del Desarrollo se vale de técnicas propias del cuento, la crónica o el ensayo para transmitir la experiencia etnográfica. Esta estrategia narrativa está diseñada a partir de la revisión y análisis de la literatura etnográfica clásica, que se plasma en el ensayo que abre esta tesis: "Algunas ideas acerca de escritura etnográfica y su aplicación práctica en La Edad del Desarrollo". A este ensayo le suceden una veintena de relatos interconectados, construidos a partir de un trabajo de campo etnográfico de más de diez meses en dos comunidades shipibas. En la última sección de mi tesis demuestro cómo mi relato aborda todos los aspectos de los que suelen ocuparse las etnografías "tradicionales" y finalmente señalo pormenorizadamente las fuentes bibliográficas de las que me he valido en la construcción de los textos. ; Maestría

La ricerca affronta il tema del disegno dei baluardi nell'opera dei fratelli Palearo Fratino, ingegneri militari al servizio della Spagna nella seconda metà del XVI secolo e si struttura attraverso tre principali fasi: la prima analizza il disegno del fronte bastionato nel corso del Cinquecento, la seconda esamina l'attività progettuale di Jacopo e Giorgio Palearo nel Mediterraneo ed in particolare in Sardegna, mentre la terza si propone attraverso l'utilizzo dei risultati provenienti dalle prime due fasi di ricerca e con il supporto dei dati offerti dalle ricerche di archeologia postmedievale, di elaborare alcuni modelli digitali di opere progettate e non realizzate o non più esistenti della piazzaforte di Alghero. Il metodo di ricerca adottato trova nell'analisi grafica lo strumento di indagine conoscitiva, capace di fornire informazioni e rilevanti risultati a supporto dell'indagine storico-archeologica. L'analisi della trattatistica militare è rivolta in particolare al testo "Della fortificatione delle città" del Maggi e Castriotto, citato da Jacopo Palearo come testo di riferimento nella progettazione dei baluardi di Cagliari. Analizzati i progetti, eseguito il rilievo di alcuni tratti rappresentativi di opere realizzate, si è individuato un repertorio che ha evidenziato l'impiego (attraverso l'uso di soluzioni costruttive e modelli ricorrenti adattati in relazione alle preesistenze ed al sito) del trattato del Maggi e Castriotto a conferma di quanto dichiarato da El fratin. I dati provenienti dall'analisi della trattatistica e delle opere hanno infine costituito la base di riferimento per l'elaborazione dei modelli digitali relativi ai progetti redatti nel periodo 1552-1578 per la realizzazione delle fortificazioni di Alghero e consentito di approfondire la conoscenza del disegno degli ingegneri militari e dell'attività progettuale dei fratelli Palearo Fratino. --- The research analyzes the design of the bulwarks in the work of the Palearo Fratino brothers, military engineers in the service of Spain in the second half of the sixteenth century and is structured in three main phases: the first analyzes the design of the bastion during the sixteenth century, the second examines the design work of Jacopo and Giorgio Palearo in the Mediterranean and especially in Sardinia, while the third proposed (through the use of results from the first two phases of research and with the support of the data offered by the post-medieval archaeological research) digital models of projects planned and not completed or no longer exist structures in the fortified town of Alghero. The research method adopted in the analysis is graphical tool hearing, able to provide relevant information and results to support historical and archaeological investigation. The analysis of the military treatise is directed in particular to "Della fortificatione delle città" of Maggi and Castriotto, cited by Jacopo Palearo as a reference text in the design of the bulwarks of Cagliari. Projects analyzes, and the relief of some sections of representative works, has identified a repertoire that highlighted the use (through the use of constructive solutions and recurring patterns in relation to the existing and adapted to the site) of the treaty of Maggi and Castriotto to confirm what was stated by El fratin. The data obtained from the treatises and works have finally formed the basis for the development of digital models of the projects drawn up in the period 1552-1578 for the construction of the fortifications of Alghero and allowed a better understanding of the design of military engineers and of the project activity of the Palearo Fratino brothers.

In my study, I attempt to illuminate the connection between the creation of citizen-subjects and recent constructions of the Finnish nation through the designation of racialized, gendered non-citizen others, noting that the constriction of the boundaries of Finnish citizenship coincides with increasing global mobility and tightening immigration control in the West. In the context of the welfare state, this process is particularly articulated through the denial of welfare rights. In order to illustrate this, I focus on migration and sex work in Finland, and how these are entangled with race and nation-building when analyzed through citizenship; citizenship can be understood in terms of the rights we usually tie to formal citizenship, as well as being a multi-faceted concept referring to human rights necessary for agency. Citizenship is also critical for analysis here because if a nation is made up of its citizens, it stands to reason that nation-building is directly connected to who can or cannot be a citizen. My data set is two-part. First, I analyze tax laws as applied to sex workers, in particular to dancers in erotic bars in order to provide a more concrete example of how taxation regulates/denies access to welfare rights based on nation of origin. Here, I find that the illegitimacy of sex work makes payment of taxes so complicated that it may ultimately result in the denial of welfare, which then operates as denial of citizenship by depriving migrant sex workers of the social rights necessary for agency. Second, I analyze laws aimed at regulating sex work in the context of anti-trafficking and abolitionist discourse in order to demonstrate the ways in which restrictive policies hide behind humanitarian and egalitarian causes, thereby legitimizing the prevention of "illegal migration" and sex work, as well as the surveillance of migrant female sexuality. I find that these discourses not only justify the exercise of stricter migration policy but also that they make working conditions for sex workers (both Finnish and migrant) much more dangerous, in effect depriving them of autonomy and safety. The illegitimacy of sex work is thus useful to the state, facilitating conflations with illegality and international crime that enable the proliferation of state powers along with intimate regulatory interventions in the lives of migrants and ultimately citizens as well. My conclusion regarding the exclusion and exploitation as propagated by both policy bundles is that not only do they enable the imagining of a certain kind of nation, but they are also directly tied to materially building the (Finnish) nation itself, specifically by determining which bodies can or cannot constitute it. Sex work is thus a site where the Finnish nation is being constructed through the designation of non-citizens, in other words those who are not entitled to free agency, those who are other. This process follows gendered and racialized lines, belying an internal logic that seeks to belong to white privilege through having the power to legislate it. These policies and discourses furthermore intersect to control, marginalize, exploit, and surveil migrants and sex workers with especial damage to migrant sex workers, additionally giving the state the power to manage and surveil its own citizenry. What is immediately necessary on a concrete level is the full legalization and regulation of sex work as a legitimate form of labor, as well as a total re-thinking of citizenship beyond borders and in terms of human rights and freedom. Asiasanat:citizenship, nation, sex work, trafficking, Finland, race, racism, migration, welfare, white privilege, surveillance

Al escudriñar en el Plan Haussmann y la intervención urbanística desarrollada en París entre los años 1853-1869, se sitúan ante nosotros las numerosas reacciones sociales, políticas y económicas que se dieron en el escenario de una ciudad sometida a drásticas intervenciones urbanísticas para transformar definitivamente su fisonomía. A partir del encargo del emperador Napoleón III, París se abandona a las manos de un hombre innovador y absolutamente decidido a intervenir radicalmente en pos de una estructura urbana más fluida, limpia y agradable para el ciudadano. Esta locomotora del urbanismo esgrimía ideales que implicaban arrasar fuertes puntos centrales en la ciudad, traducidos en todo un dramático cambio vial y la rápida construcción de nuevas viviendas, así como la implantación de servicios públicos y complementarios que darían a París una imagen diferente a la de la otrora ciudad medieval: bulevares, plazas, espacios verdes, nuevas alturas, puntos referenciales en la ciudad, y posicionamientos estratégicos de las fuerzas públicas aparecen resueltamente en medio de rebeliones y sobresaltos. Nace entonces una nueva París, la que conocemos ahora y que ha si do modelo de inspiración para artistas, filósofos, estudiosos, políticos y, en general, hombres preocupados por el desarrollo urbano de sus ciudades natales. Todas estas transformaciones de la Ciudad Luz contagiaron a varios chilenos, entre ellos Benjamín Vicuña Mackena, testigo presencial de esa nueva tendencia urbanística que abriría un periodo caracterizado por un interés urbano en Santiago de Chile, desde las postrimerías del siglo XIX hasta la tercera década del siglo XX, en el cual se argumentan, se discuten y se ponen sobre la mesa varios planes, influenciados de alguna manera por Haussmann y la transformación urbana de París. Este artículo recopila en forma sucinta los principales apartes de este proceso con el fin de entender el origen de una pandemia de trasformación urbana que contagió a Santiago de Chile como a otras ciudades del planeta.ABSTRACTPeering into the Haussmann's Plan and the urban intervention in París, between the years 1853-1869, put us in front of many social, political and economic reactions occurred in the setting of a city that was submitted to drastic urban interventions to transform definitely their physiognomy. From the order of the Emperor Napoleon III, París was left in the hands of a man absolutely committed to innovative and radical changes towards a fluid, clean and enjoyable urban structure, more enjoyable for the citizen. This locomotive of urban planning expounded ideals that involved razing wielded strong focal points in the city, that implied a dramatic traffic shift and the rapid construction of housing and the deployment of public and complementary services that would give París a different image that the former medieval city: boulevards, squares, parks, new heights, reference points in the city, and strategic positioning for security forces appear strongly in the middle of rebellions and upheavals. A new París born then, the city that we know now and has been a model of inspiration for artists, philosophers, scholars, politicians and people in general concerned about the urban development of their hometowns. All these transformations of the City of Lights infected several Chileans, among them Benjamin Vicuña Mackenna, an eyewitness of the new urban trend that would open a period characterized by an urban interest in Santiago de Chile, from the late nineteenth century until the third decade of the twentieth century, in which were argued, discussed and put on the table several plan, somehow influenced by Haussmann's urban transformation of París. This article collects succinctly the main sections of this process in order to understand the origin of a pandemic of urban transformation that spread to Santiago de Chile and other cities on the planet.

A much debated issue within education in 2010 is; how children learn and what children should learn. Kress (2000) has argued that we need to educate children for instability and give them competences for the future rather than for yesterday. The question is what competences are needed in the future and how we are going to teach children of tomorrow. It is widely believed, also by policy makers, that technology can transform learning environments for both teachers and students. Over the past 10 years, the Danish government - like those in other countries - has been investing in interactive whiteboards (IWB) for schools. Besides investing in technology, teachers have been taught how to use technologies, more often that not without paying much attention to pedagogy. However, we see a tendency towards a change in focus, and gradually more attention is being paid to finding ways in which technology will transform the learning situation based on underlying learning principles such as dialogue, interaction and collaboration. Mercer et al (2010) describe what they call technical interactivity and dialogic interactivity and state that IWBs can change the interaction and participation patterns in the class depending on pedagogy. Mercer et al (2010) especially draw on Robin Alexander's (2008) ideas on dialogue inspired teaching. IWBs and a dialogue inspired learning approach can facilitate a space for co-construction of knowledge and meaning between the teacher and learners (Twiner et al., 2010; Mercer et al. 2010). However, such a learning design still requires a teacher to facilitate, manage and lead the participation and interaction patterns of the learners. In this paper, we present an empirical long term study of class room interaction in a setting where technology is introduced to enhance collaboration between peer learners. For one year, the authors have followed the development of a learning practice and a learning design based on use of interactive touch screens. Methodologically, this research is based on action research, dialogue design and ethnographic methods. More than 150 hours of video have been recorded, capturing children working together with various artefacts, materials and assignments. In this paper, we present a learning design where students aged 8-9 are at the centre of the learning activities. Hence the young learners are given the responsibility to facilitate and negotiate interaction and participation patterns, thereby guiding their own learning activities with reference to the materials designed by the teacher. It might seem that the students direct their learning solely with technology, but this is not the case – the teacher is very important in this setup. Not as a knowledge provider in a classical sense, rather in a new and fairly unexplored role, where most the teacher-student interaction takes its'point of departure in the physical and academic position of the learner. In this way, the children guide each other and are guided by the teacher, both in relation to collaborative and academic issues. In the paper, we bring forward perspectives on the creation of learning designs where students engage in dialogue and interaction in a shared workspace. Empirical studies show that children regulate their own learning processes and guide each other through activities in which they have shared objectives. Furthermore, this design requires active participation by the learners, thus giving each student a voice in class. Based on the empirical findings, it is further discussed how an interactive, learner centered approach can be supported by technology in teaching.

It is estimated that there are more than 550 million road vehicles in the world in everyday use. Annually, 1.3 billion used tyres are dismantled from these vehicles due to safety reasons. A small number of these tyres end up reused as second-hand tyres or, after being retreated, as new ones. The rest are end of life tyres, which are recycled or used as tire derived fuels under controlled combustion conditions. Modern vehicle tyres are a high-technological product containing, on the average, 85% hydrocarbon, 10-15% steel, as well as some other chemical materials. Tyres are high caloric materials, with a calorific value of a passenger car tyre of approximately 30.2 MJ/kg, which is more than of hard coal and comparable to the calorific value of petrol-coke. Having this in mind, many countries use end of life tyres as safe alternative fuel in cement works or power plants. Undeveloped countries dump end of life tyres on legal and illegal scrap stockpiles. End of life tyres, if disposed of correctly, do not endanger the environment because they are chemically inert. However, since they can easily be burnt, there is a real possibility of tyre dump fires, which in effect can lead to harmful products emission that extremely pollute the environment. End of life tyres represent a very important secondary material, which, when recycled, is transformed into a number of raw materials used in rubber industry, for road construction, sports facilities, residential and business buildings, artificial fish habitats in shallow seas, sea walls, steel production, etc. By the industrial procedures of controlled degradation, which have been uneconomical up until now, gaseous and liquid fuel can be obtained by natural rubber, steel and soot recycling. The countries of the EU, together with Norway and Switzerland, were the world leaders in the field of effective end of life tyre management in the year 2009. Out of 2.62 million tonnes of end of life tyres, 95% were restored or used as energents, and 5% settled on dumps. About 26.000 t of used tyres are collected in Serbia each year. In accordance with adopted legal legislations, up to 30% can be used as tire derived fuels while 70% are being recycled. Serbia belongs to the group of countries that have solved the problem of used tyres in a modern way, and in accordance with EU Legislation practice. ; U radu je razmatrano upravljanje korišćenim gumama u nekim od najrazvijenijih zemalja sveta i Srbiji, sa ciljem da se ukaže na očekivana kretanja u ovoj oblasti u budućnosti. U mnogim zemljama se sa korišćenim gumama nekontrolisano postupa; gume se odlažu na deponije, pa su česti požari sa ozbiljnim posledicama po životnu sredinu. U zemljama gde je pitanje korišćenih guma rešeno na bezbedan način, deo korišćenih guma se direktno ili posle obnavljanja ponovo koristi na vozilima, a ostatak (otpadne gume) prerađuje se u vredne sirovine i proizvode, ili se koristi kao energent. Ovakvim postupanjem rešava se problem odlaganja otpadnih guma i otklanjanju brojni rizici takve prakse. U svetu, u bezbednom upravljanju otpadnim gumama prednjači EU koja sa Norveškom i Švajcarskom zbrinjava 95% otpadnih guma, a slede Japan sa 91% i SAD sa 89%. U Srbiji korišćenim gumama se upravlja na bezbedan način, saobražen sa praksom kakva se primenjuje u razvijenim zemljama. Zbog ubrzanog globalnog iscrpljivanja sirovina, posebno nafte, očekuje se da će otpadne gume u budućnosti imati značaj dragocenog resursa.

[Resumen] En todas las economías avanzadas del planeta, estamos hablando de un solo tema: cómo detener la crisis financiera destructiva y reiniciar el ciclo de crecimiento económico. Nuestra propuesta es volver a considerar la cultura de trabajo significativo para explicar la estructura de la sociedad. Esto es porque el trabajo es la única actividad humana que da sentido a la existencia. En los últimos dos siglos los trabajadores para fortalecer sus derechos de ciudadanía se han discutido con el Estado-nación en forma histórica que se ha consolidado durante las revoluciones liberales del siglo XIX. Hoy en día este es el vínculo que ha entrado en una crisis irreversible y es incapaz de proporcionar resultados que son adecuados para las emergencias. Nacieron organismos supranacionales que ciertamente no son iguales a sus tareas, y las fuerzas sociales no pueden encontrar una manera de contribuir a su empoderamiento político. Pera no nació un movimiento europeo de los trabajadores, que lucha por nacer en la misma forma que una Europa política capaz de detener el creciente poder de la especulación financiera. Los mercados financieros están integrados globalmente, mientras que los empleados, como en el pasado, presente sus solicitudes a escala nacional Esta es la pregunta que ahora se ha convertido en urgente. Si queremos salir de la crisis económica, debemos pensar en términos de supra-nacional y europeo. Es importante que el movimiento de los trabajadores imponga sus propias exigencias a escala europea, a favor del fortalecimiento político de la Unión, y colocar allí el tema de los derechos sociales europeos. Sólo un movimiento obrero que trabaja para fortalecer la construcción de Europa, en lugar de debilitar abre los derechos de ciudadanía de los trabajadores ; [Abstract] In all advanced economies of the planet, right now you're talking about a single issue: how to stop the destructive financial crisis and restart the cycle of economic growth. Our proposal is to go back to seeing the work culture significant for explaining the structure of the society. This is because labor is the only human activity that gives meaning to existence. Over the last two centuries the workers to strengthen their rights of citizenship have discussed with the nation-state in historical form that has been consolidated during the nineteenth century liberal revolutions. Today this is the bond that has entered into an irreversible crisis and is unable to provide results that are adequate to emergencies. They were born supra-national bodies that are certainly not equal to their tasks, and social forces can not find a way to contribute to their political empowerment. So as not born a European movement of workers, struggling to be born in the same way a political Europe capable of stopping the growing power of financial speculation. Financial markets are integrated globally while the employed, as in the past, present their requests on a national scale. This is the question now has become urgent. If we want to get out of the economic crisis we must think in terms of supra-national and European. It is important that the movement of workers imposed its own demands on a European scale, becoming in favor of strengthening the Union's political, and placing the issue of the European social rights. Only a labor movement that works to strengthen the construction of Europe, rather than opens weakening, the citizenship rights of workers.

El presente artículo busca aportar elementos para un debate informado sobre las políticas de inserción a la Docencia en América Latina. Se parte del supuesto que el logro en los aprendizajes de los estudiantes, se relaciona entre otros, con la preparación que los docentes reciben a lo largo de su vida profesional y fundamentalmente en los primeros años de ejercicio laboral. Como primer acercamiento a la temática, se evalúan brevemente las políticas educativas implementadas en las últimas décadas en América Latina para la formación y preparación de docentes. Se destaca la incidencia que tiene la falta de continuidad en el tiempo de dichas políticas (por cambios en los Ministerios o en los Gobiernos) y las dificultades para impulsar estrategias a largo plazo que puedan generar transformaciones positivas en materia de inducción a la docencia. Este escrito continúa con un detallado análisis del "ser" y del "hacer" docente, primero desde la perspectiva de la construcción de una "identidad" docente y luego, desde la valoración que se hace de la profesión en la actualidad. Luego, se reflexiona en torno a las etapas de formación que deben transitar los docentes. El ejercicio docente y la realidad social en la que opera, presupone muchas veces, un distanciamiento entre las teorías a partir de las cuales son formados los maestros y las experiencias prácticas que ellos enfrentan al comienzo de su vida profesional. Esto trae frustración y desmotivación a los docentes nóveles lo que muchas veces redunda en un deterioro en la capacidad de enseñar. En este sentido, el artículo describe y analiza diferentes modelos de inserción docente que podrían servir como marco referencial para pensar estrategias y políticas que favorezcan y mejoren dicho proceso. Por último, se reflexiona sobre estas herramientas y la posibilidad de adecuarlas a la realidad de América Latina. ; This article seeks to make a contribution in the debate on policies for teacher insertion in Latin America. It is assumed that student learning success is related to, among other factor, the preparation teachers receive throughout their life but, fundamentally, in the early years of their practice. We begin by briefly assessing the educational policies implemented in Latin America for teacher training in recent decades. This paper highlights the detrimental impact of the discontinuity in the implementation of policies (due to changes in the ministries or governments) and the difficulties that arise in generating positive transformations in terms of induction of teachers. We continue with a detailed analysis of the implications of "being" a teacher and teaching, placing special emphasis on the construction of a teacher "identity" and the valorization of this profession in our current day society. We then consider the different training stages teachers undertake. Concrete teaching practices and the social reality in which they take place often presuppose a gap between the theories in which teachers are trained and the practical experiences they confront at the beginning of their careers. This causes frustration and lack of motivation of novel teachers that often lead to deterioration in the ability to teach. In this regard, the article describes and analyzes a variety of models for teacher integration that serve as a frame of reference for rethinking policies to enhance this process. Finally, we reflect upon these tools and the ability to adapt them to Latin American reality. ; Grupo FORCE (Formación Centrada en la Escuela) Universidad de Granada

Construccio?n de rutinas espaciales y sus efectos en las dina?micas de inclusio?n-exclusio?n del activismo LGBT de Córdoba, ArgentinaEl presente arti?culo explora la relacio?n entre espacialidad y accio?n poli?tica al inte- rior del movimiento LGTB de Co?rdoba, Argentina. Se focaliza en la construccio?n de rutinas espaciales como determinante de la estratificacio?n social en el activismo LGTB. Considerando la trayectoria de los diversos grupos en la militancia –activistas histo?ricos vs. recientes– se indagan usos diferenciales del espacio y sus representaciones, asi? como sus efectos sobre las dina?micas de inclusio?n-exclusio?n en una accio?n poli?tica concreta: la primera marcha local del Orgullo y la Diversidad realizada en noviembre de 2009. Los datos generados mediante registro de observaciones de campo y entrevistas revelan que la emergencia de nuevos grupos de activistas a finales de la presente de?cada implico? un desplazamiento de las rutinas espaciales desde la periferia al centro de la ciudad. Este proceso conlleva dina?micas de inclusio?n-exclusio?n que determinan la estructura social del activismo, condicionando el objetivo de lograr una convocatoria integrada por un amplio espectro social de participantes.Palabras claves: activismo LGTB; Marcha del Orgullo y la Diversidad; usos sociales del espacio; movimientos sociales; ciudadani?a sexual.Construc?a?o de rotinas espaciais e seus efeitos nas dina?micas de inclusa?o-exclusa?o do ativismo LGTB de Córdoba, ArgentinaO presente artigo explora a relac?a?o entre espacialidade e ac?a?o poli?tica no interior do movimento LGTB de Co?rdoba, Argentina. Focaliza-se na construc?a?o de rotinas espaciais como determinante da estratificac?a?o social no ativismo LGTB. Considerando a trajeto?ria dos diversos grupos na milita?ncia – ativistas histo?ricos vs. recentes – indagam-se usos diferenciais do espac?o e suas representac?o?es, assim como seus efeitos sobre as dina?micas de inclusa?o-exclusa?o em uma ac?a?o poli?tica concreta: a primeira marcha local do Orgulho e da Diversidade realizada em novembro de 2009. Os dados gerados mediante registro de observac?o?es de campo e entrevistas revelam que a emerge?ncia de novos grupos de ativistas, nos finais da presente de?cada, implicou um deslocamento das rotinas espaciais da periferia para o centro da cidade. Esse processo acarreta dina?micas de inclusa?o-exclusa?o que determinam a estrutura social do ativismo, condicionando o objetivo de se conseguir uma convocato?ria integrada por um amplo espectro social de participantes.Palavras-chave: ativismo LGTB; Marcha do Orgulho e da Diversidade; usos sociais do espac?o; movimentos sociais; cidadania sexualSpatial routines and inclusion/exclusion dynamics among LGBT activists in Co?rdoba, ArgentinaIn this paper we explore the relations between social space and political action, as present in the case of the LGTB movement in the province capital of Co?rdoba, Argentina. We focus on the construction of spatial routines as a determinant of social stratification among LGTB activists. By looking at the activist track of different groups, characterized as 'historical vs. recent', we analyze different uses and representations of space, and their effects on the inclusion-exclusion dynamics at play in a concrete instance political action: the first local "Pride and Sexual Diversity March", in November, 2009. Field observation records and interviews with activists show how the emergence of new activist groups in the late 1990's produced a displacement of spatial routines from the periphery to the downtown area. This process generated a dynamics of inclusion/exclusion which reproduces a social stratification of activism, compromising the goal of broadening the social spectrum of participants.Keywords: LGBT activism; LGBT Pride Parade; social uses of space; social movements; sexual citizenship

Рассматриваются современные кризисные явления, имеющие место в еврозоне и в ряде стран СНГ, а также в действующих еврорегионах. Основная цель анализ взаимозависимости качественного аспекта трансграничных связей европейских государств с их экономической устойчивостью в контексте региональных международных интеграционных процессов. Теоретическая значимость работы заключается в выявленном соответствии эффективности действующих по периметру границ государств еврорегионов дополнительным ресурсам, которые могут быть реализованы в рамках национальной экономической политики стран в условиях рецессии в мировой экономике. Практическая значимость состоит в определении концептуальных контуров формирования успешных трансграничных образований в современной Европе. В исследовании авторами используется историко-описательный подход и фактологическое рассмотрение трансграничного и макрорегионального уровня взаимодействия европейских стран. К основным результатам относятся следующие положения. Кризис в ряде стран ЕС связан с комплексом причин, разрушающих платформу многостороннего сотрудничества в Европе. В меньшей степени кризис затронул государства, которые активно вовлекаются в проекты трансграничного сотрудничества. Формирование еврорегионов тесно связано с высоким промышленным развитием входящих в них областей. Постсоветское пространство испытывает необходимость в перераспределении излишне централизованных властных полномочий. Обилие количества действующих еврорегионов по периметру отдельных государств может служить индикатором устойчивости экономики страны к возможным потрясениям. Сформулированные в статье положения способствуют углублению научного осмысления процессов, идущих в области политической регионалистики, и детализируют современные представления о международной системе до уровня трансграничных связей и институтов, образуя комплекс взаимосвязанных элементов макрорегионального и национального строительства. Практическое применение результатов работы видится в создании концептуально-правового поля построения трансграничных политических образований на постсоветском пространстве, в первую очередь в рамках Евразийского экономического сообщества, где уже формируется данное направление и появилось новое понятие «евразия-регион». ; This article focuses on the correlation between the contemporary crisis phenomena in the Eurozone and some CIS countries with the existing Euroregions. We attempt to analyze the interdependence of the qualitative aspect of cross-border relations of European countries with their economic sustainability in the context of regional international integration. The theoretical significance of this work lies in the revealed correlation between the efficiency of cross-border Euroregions and the additional resources that can be retrieved in the framework of national economic policy during global recession. The practical component consists in clarifying the conceptual framework for the formation of successful cross-border education in today's Europe. The authors employed the historical-descriptive approach and factual consideration of the cross-border and macro-regional level of interaction between European countries. The main results are as follows. The crisis in several EU countries is associated with a complex of causes that deplete the platform for multilateral cooperation in Europe. To a lesser extent, the crisis has affected the states that are actively involved in cross-border cooperation projects. The formation of European regions is closely related to the industrial development of their regions. The Post-Soviet space requires a redistribution of overcentralized power. The abundance of Euro-regions along the perimeter of certain states may be an indicator of economy's resilience to potential shocks. The provisions set forth in the article contribute to the improvement of scientific understanding of political regionalistics and takes the current understanding of international system to the level of cross-border relations and institutions creating a system of interrelated elements of macro-regional and national building. The results can be applied in the development of a conceptual and legal framework for the construction of cross-border political formations in the Post-Soviet space, especially, within the Eurasian Economic Community, which coined the concept of «eurasiaregion».

Рассматриваются проблемы развития православия в Северной Америке в конце XIX начале XX в. Произошедшее за это время укрепление положения православной церкви и распространение православия по всей территории США, а также в Канаде во многом явилось результатом деятельности архиепископа Тихона (Беллавина), возглавлявшего Алеутскую и Аляскинскую епархию с 1899 по 1906 г. Описываются наиболее значимые результаты его правления, позволившие православной общине Северной Америки пережить катаклизмы начала ХХ в. и сохраниться до сих пор. ; This article discusses issues related to the development and spread of Orthodox Christianity in North America in the late XIX early XX centuries. At this time, immigration from Eastern Europe is growing. Increases the number of people professes Orthodoxy and it starts of influence this denomination for the eastern United States and Canada. These developments have increased prestige of the Orthodox Church in North America before the need for reform to a new level of it activity. Initially, the Orthodox faith was should only apply in North America on the western territories (Alaska, Aleutians and some western states). After the sale (1867) the Alaska to the Government of U.S., Orthodoxy relationship and cultural and economic situation in the region are going down. Indigenous peoples have been deprived of custody of cultural and spiritual help. The new government was interested only in the development of the natural resources region. Rebirth of the Russian Orthodox Church in America began in 1890, the XIX century and it was associated with the activities of Bishop Nikolai (Ziorova). Despite significant increases in the Orthodox community and the territorial expansion of Bishop Nikolai was just a scheme of structural changes. From 1899 to 1906 diocese of the Aleutian Islands and Alaska was led by Bishop Tikhon Bellavin (Archbishop since 1905, Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church since 1917). That he managed to solve many problems of Orthodoxy in America to survive on the structural changes in the diocese, which in turn allows the Orthodox Church of America to survive in the disasters of the early twentieth century. In addition, this allowed the Orthodox Church in America to gain independence from government and religious structures of the United States (autocephalous) and persist to this day. After Bishop Tikhon was head of the diocese and it will quickly expand the territory and she gave a population growth of believers. However, challenges remained. These were: lack of money, poor structure, there were few priests, new churches were not there, there was need to build a monastery and seminary. In the seven years of Archbishop Tikhon position of the Russian Orthodox Church in North America is changing qualitatively. As a new leader, He greatly increased the growth of financial assets and activity of fraternities, parishes, and especially Orthodox society Mutual. As a result was done the creation of new and refurbishment of old temples, the construction of the Cathedral in New York, financial assistance to needy through charitable fund, the development of the Orthodox press, the opening of the seminary, the seminary scholarships, etc. Bishop Tikhon opened first America's Orthodox seminary in Minneapolis and school in Cleveland. All of it allowed the diocese prepare priestly personnel for diocese's needs. The number of clergy in leadership of Tikhon was two times greater than before. In 1905 the diocese was opened by an Orthodox monastery. It was the first Orthodox monastery in North America. In summary we can say that the implementation of Archbishop Tikhon transformation considerably strengthened the diocese. He created a cult with a developed infrastructure. For this reason, Orthodox Church in America in a position was to resist the break with Russia and save an independent organization.

El autor se interroga acerca de si el Consejo Nacional de Planeación, al igual que los consejos territoriales, son escenarios para el ejercicio de la democracia y si su participación, en la construcción de los planes de desarrollo, constituye un instrumento eficaz para su fortalecimiento o son, por el contrario, un espejismo en la praxis de la democracia en Colombia. En la primera parte se mencionan algunas versiones de democracia desde Lincoln, pasando por las versiones de Tocqueville, Shumpeter, Dahl, Bryce, Borón y Sartori. Se identifican en cada caso los elementos fundamentales para tenerlos como referente y soporte de análisis para dar cuenta, en la segunda parte, cuál o cuáles formas de esas democracias describen el modus operandi en el seno de los consejos de planeación en los niveles nacional o territorial. Igualmente se analiza el rol de los consejos de planeación, su legitimidad, la calidad y trascendencia de las intervenciones de sus miembros, así como la capacidad de incidir en el proyecto de ley del Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, para lo cual se recurre a entrevistar a miembros y ex miembros de los consejos Nacional y Distrital de planeación. El autor, además de responder algunos interrogantes que se plantea sobre el tema objeto de esta reflexión, deja planteados otros para la consideración de los lectores. ; O autor se questiona acerca de se o Conselho Nacional de Planejamento ao igual que os conselhos territoriais, são cenários para o exercício da democracia e se sua participação na construção dos planos de desenvolvimento constitui um instrumento eficaz para seu fortalecimento ou são, pelo contrario, uma miragem na práxis da democracia na Colômbia. Na primeira parte se mencionam algumas versões de democracia desde Lincoln, passando pelas versões de Tocqueville, Shumpeter, Dahl, Bryce, Borón e Sartori. Identificam-se em cada caso os elementos fundamentais para lhes ter como referentes e suporte de análise para dar conta, na segunda parte, qual ou quais formas dessas democracias descrevem o modus operandi no seio dos conselhos de planejamento nos níveis nacional ou territorial. Igualmente se analisa o rol dos conselhos de planejamento, sua legitimidade, a qualidade e transcendência das intervenções de seus membros, assim como a capacidade de incidir no projeto de lei do Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento, para o qual se recorre a entrevistar a membros e ex-membros dos Conselhos Nacional e Distrital de planejamento. O autor, além de responder alguns interrogantes que se apresentam sobre o tema objetivo desta reflexão deixa expostos outros para a consideração dos leitores. ; the author questions whether the National Planning Council, as well as the regional councils, are scenarios for the exercise of democracy and whether their participation in the construction of development plans is an effective strengthening tool, or if they are, instead, a mirage in the practice of democracy in Colombia. In the first part several versions of democracy are mentioned, from the exposed by Lincoln, Tocqueville, Schumpeter, Dahl, Bryce, Borón and Sartori. Identified in each case the key elements to keep as referents and analysis support to account, in the second part, which one of these democracies' forms describe the modus operandi within the planning councils in the national or the territorial level. Also discussed is the role of the planning councils, the legitimacy, quality and relevance of the activities of its members, as well as the capability to influence in the bill of the National Development Plan, by means of interviews of present and former members of the National and the district planing councils. The author, in addition to responding to questions concerning the subject matter of this reflection, let others issues open to the consideration of the readers.

Este artigo analisa o problema da produção do controle e da ordem em prisões brasileiras, utilizando as perspectivas histórica e sociológica, e levanta a hipóteses de que, no Brasil, convivem duas modalidades de construção da ordem e do controle nas prisões. Uma delas, minoritária, baseia-se na prerrogativa do Estado na gestão do dia a dia prisional. A outra é relativa à negociação da pacificação do presídio entre o Estado e as lideranças dos presos. Embora, no primeiro caso, a prerrogativa do Estado possa ser vinculada às condições institucionais adequadas e, no segundo (negociação entre o estado e as lideranças dos presos) às condições precárias dos presídios, como superlotação, número reduzido de agentes penitenciários, entre outros, a análise apontou que ambas as modalidades traduzem formas de relacionamentos e interações sociais historicamente produzidas entre o Estado e a sociedade, que remetem à fundação da República, recriadas através do habitus dos atores sociais, não se restringindo exclusivamente ao espaço social das prisões. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: prisões, Estado, agentes penitenciários, controle, ordem.STATE AND CONTROL IN THE PRISON SYSTEM Analía Soria Batista This paper analyzes the problem of the order and control production in Brazilian prisons, using the historical and sociological perspectives, and brings the hypotheses that, in Brazil, two modalities of construction of order and control in the prisons happen together. One of them, minoritary, is based on the State's prerogative of daily prisional administration. The other regards the negotiation of the prison pacification between the State and the prisoners' leaderships. Although, in the first case, the prerogative of the State can be linked to the appropriate institutional conditions and, in the second (negotiation between the State and the prisoners' leaderships) to such precarious conditions of the prisons, as overcrowding, reduced number of penitentiary agents, the analysis pointed out that both modalities translate forms of relationships and social interactions historically produced among the State and society, that go to the foundation of the Republic, recreated through the social actors' habitus, not limiting exclusively to the social space of the prisons. KEYWORDS: prisons, State, penitentiary agents, control, order.ETAT ET CONTROLE DANS LES PRISONS Analía Soria Batista Ce travail analyse le problème de la production du contrôle et de l'ordre dans les prisons brésiliennes en tenant compte des perspectives historique et sociologique et soulève l'hypothèse selon laquelle, au Brésil, il y a deux manières de construire l'ordre et le contrôle dans les prisons. L'une d'elles, minoritaire, est basée sur la prérogative de l'Etat pour la gestion quotidienne des prisons. L'autre est relative à la négociation de la pacification de la prison entre l'Etat et les leaders des prisonniers. Même si, dans le premier cas, la prérogative de l'Etat peut être liée aux conditions institutionnelles adéquates et, dans le deuxième cas (négociation entre l'état et les leaders des prisonniers), aux conditions précaires des prisons - telles que la surpopulation, le nombre réduit d'agents pénitentiaires, entre autres -, l'analyse montre que les deux modalités sont le reflet des formes de relations et d'interactions sociales historiquement produites entre l'Etat et la société qui remontent à la fondation de la République et qui sont recréées par l'intermédiaire de l'habitus des acteurs sociaux mais qui ne se limitent pas exclusivement à l'espace social des prisons. MOTS-CLÉS: prisons, Etat, agents pénitentiaires, contrôle, ordre. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

The objective of this work is to analyze the making of the discourse of social participation and of democratic governance in the sphere of public policies aimed at promoting regional development, implemented by the Federal Government of North-East Brazil. We seek, too, to verify in which measure this tool of public intervention has facilitated the creation of the socalled "green jobs", that is, those jobs related to sustainable activities ensuring economic efficiency, social justice, and ecological prudence. This study about social participation was made through interviews and surveys in a sample of participants from the "Fórum de Desenvolvimento Mesorregional", created in the context of the PROMESO in the Chapada do Araripe. In order to attain our second objective, this study used data provided by RAIS-MTE, verifying to which extent the employments created in the mezzo-region Chapada do Araripe, between 1997 and 2007, have facilitated the creation of new employments in the environmental sector, thus facilitating the birth of a new stage in the generation of a sustainable development in the Brazilian North-East. Our research shows that the change in the strategy of public intervention in the Brazilian North-East is not always accompanied by significant changes in the way that institutions act in the public policies sphere and the creation of green jobs. We conclude that, in spite of the existence of social capital in the region, the local society has not been completely mobilized in favor of the articulation of new way of public policies management in the region. And, in spite of the growing number of new jobs created during the period of our study, there is still no significant trend of using the environmental sector in the formulation of public policies for the combination of social and environmental strategies in the creation of green jobs. ; Ce travail a pour objectif d'analyser la réalisation du discours de la participation sociale et de la gouvernance démocratique dans les politiques publiques de développement durable régional, instrumentées par le Gouvernement Fédéral dans le Nord-Est du pays. On cherche, aussi, de vérifier dans quelle mesure ce format d'intervention publique a favorisé la création des "emplois verts" , c'est a dire, des postes de travail liés a des activités durables, qui garantisse l'efficience économique, la justice sociale et la prudence écologique. Pour la réalisation de l'étude sur la participation socialé, on a effectué des entretiens et on a appliqqué des questionnaires avec un échantillon des participants du "Fórum de Desenvolvimento Mesorregional", crée dans le cadre du PROMESO de la Chapada do Araripe. Pour atteindre notre deuxième objectif, on a utilisé les données fournies par la RAIS-MTE, en vérifiant dans quelle mesure les postes de travail crées dans la méso-region Chapada do Araripe, entre 1997 et 2007, on viabilise la génération d'emplois dans le secteur environnemental, en favorisant, de cette façon, la création d'une nouvelle étape dans la recherche d'une proposition de développement durable pour le Nord-Est brésilien. L'étude indique que le changement de strategie de l'intervention de l'Etat dans le Nord-Est brésilien n'est pas toujours accompagné d'une altération significative dans la forme d'actuation des institutions, concernant la gestion des politiques publiques et la création des emplois verts. On conclut que, malgré l'existence d'un certain capital social dans la région, la société locale n'a pas été pleinement mobilisée autour des articulations pour la construction d'une nouvelle proposition d'articulation participative dans ces territoires. Et que, malgré la croissance du nombre des emplois créés dans la Méso-Araripe dans la période de temps étudiée, on ne constate pas encore, dans le Brésil et dans le Nord-Est la tendance a utiliser le secteur environnementale dans la formulation des politiques publiques visées as questions sociales et environnementales de façon conjointe, tel que la création d'emplois verts.

The article analyses the transformations of the political speech about national identities throw out the history, taking as a reference the case of the Muslims in Colombia, with the purpose of enriching the discussion about the cultural diversity in the formation of Colombian national history, and the discussion about the concepts of identity and difference, to continue in the discernment of what it would mean the 'colombianity'. One first moment in the history of Muslims in Colombia is the discovery and the conquest of the Hispanic America, where first, the hegemonic speech about national identity was generated, coming from Spain and founded in the catholic religion, on the other hand, it produced the immigration of Moorish elements not only at the cultural level (language, arquitecture, traditions), but also at the institutional level (the town hall, the city hall, and the "alcabala"). This elements have taken roots at the same time of the religious exclusion, to the Colombian ethos. This article analyses this first moment, where the construction of the identity is based on the absolute deny of the religious minorities, but at the same time subordinated speeches are being made against the Catholic hegemony. ; El artículo analiza las transformaciones del discurso político sobre la identidad nacional a través de la historia y para ello toma como referencia el caso de los musulmanes en Colombia, con el propósito de alimentar la discusión sobre la diversidad cultural en la formación histórica de la nación colombiana y sobre los conceptos de identidad y diferencia, para avanzar en el discernimiento de lo que significaría la 'colombianidad'. Un primer momento en la historia de los musulmanes en Colombia es el del descubrimiento y conquista de la América hispánica, cuando, por una parte, se generó el discurso hegemónico de identidad nacional, proveniente de España y fundado en la religión católica, y, por otra, se produjo la inmigración de elementos moriscos no sólo en lo cultural (lengua, arquitectura y costumbres), sino también a en lo institucional (la alcaldía, el cabildo y la alcabala). Dichos elementos se arraigaron al ethos colombiano paralelamente con la exclusión religiosa. Este artículo analiza este primer momento, donde la construcción de la identidad está basada en la negación absoluta de las minorías religiosas, pero donde, al mismo tiempo, se construyen discursos subalternos de resistencia frente a la hegemonía católica. ; O artigo analisa as transformações do discurso político sobre a identidade nacional através da história e para isso toma como referência o caso dos muçulmanos na Colômbia, com o propósito de alimentar a discussão sobre a diversidade cultural na formação histórica da nação colombiana e sobre os conceitos de identidade e diferença, para avançar no discernimento do que significaria a "colombianidade". Um primeiro momento na história dos muçulmanos na Colômbia é do descobrimento e conquista da América hispânica, quando, por um lado, se gerou o discurso hegemônico de identidade nacional, proveniente da Espanha e fundado na religião católica, e, por outro, se produziu a imigração de elementos mourisco não só no cultural (língua, arquitetura e costumes), mas também no institucional (a prefeitura, o cabido e a alcavala). Ditos elementos se enraizaram ao ethos colombiano paralelamente com a exclusão religiosa. Este artigo analisa este primeiro momento, onde a construção da identidade está baseada na negação absoluta das minorias religiosas, mas onde, ao mesmo tempo, se constroem discursos subalternos de resistência frente à hegemonia católica.