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Was liberalism really an outdated ideology in post-1945 European political systems, as claimed by some scholars? The great success of socialism on one side and various forms of Christian Democracy on the other could make that claim appear reasonable. In fact a closer view shows how postwar constitutions in some countries (Italy, France and Germany) presented once again fundamental liberal values, reformulated in different words. One of the roots of that difference is the gap between the Anglo-Saxon approach to liberalism, which takes into account history and communities, and the continental tradition of liberalism, linked to an abstract philosophical approach and highly dependent on long-standing struggles between Churches and the body politic.

Liberal constitutionalism embodies an aspiration to public moral justification. The practice of liberal politics, on this view, is bound up with an ongoing effort to justify our political arrangements to one another, an effort that must not be collapsed into the mere affirmation of community standards or conventions. This ideal of public justification lends support to judicial review, an institution that helps make constitutional government a publicly principled enterprise. But it also suggests the value of drawing the "political" branches into the interpretive project: the Supreme Court is not the final interpreter of our Constitution's liberal public morality. The "political" branches of the national government, and citizens themselves play a crucial role in the interpretive process. Viewed in this way, the theory and practice of constitutionalism embody ideals of virtue, citizenship, and community that add up to positive rejoinders to liberalism's communitarian and republican critics.

AbstractOne of the main targets of Progressive constitutional critique was the system of separation of powers. Woodrow Wilson was especially critical of that feature of American constitutionalism. As has been noted by others, Wilson wanted to replace the separation of powers with the conceptual and institutional distinction between politics and administration. Wilson, however, had an extremely truncated and on the whole inaccurate view of the point and intended operation of separation of powers, as an examination of the doctrine in the philosophy of John Locke demonstrates.

This path-breaking collection analyses the dialectic between legal and constitutional innovations intended to inscribe corporate power and market disciplines in world order, and the potential for challenges and alternative frameworks of governance to emerge. It provides a comprehensive approach to neo-liberal constitutionalism and regulation and limits to policy autonomy of states, and how this disciplines populations according to the intensifying demands of corporations and market forces in global market civilization. Contributors examine global and local public policy challenges and consider if the ongoing crises of capitalism and world order offer states and societies opportunities to challenge this loss of policy autonomy and potentially to refashion world order. Integrating approaches to governance and world order from both leading and emerging scholars, this is an innovative, indispensable source for policy-makers, civil society organizations, professionals and students in law, politics, economics, sociology, philosophy and international relations

El objetivo de este Trabajo Fin de Máster consiste en analizar desde la perspectiva de los derechos sociales y fundamentales de la persona, la evolución histórica del constitucionalismo español, la transición del régimen franquista hasta llegar al sistema constitucional actual. Así como analizar la perspectiva filosófico- jurídica bajo la cual se ha llevado el planteamiento de estas materias. La proclamación en España de la Constitución de 1978 así como la apertura de sus fronteras a Europa y al resto de países del mundo ha conllevado, sin duda, una serie de cambios en los planos jurídico y político que han dado lugar a la regulación de los derechos sociales que han supuesto una modificación de la concepción de los valores humanos y de la organización social en España, en línea con los principios inspiradores de los Tratados Internacionales de los que España ha pasado a formar parte, tales como la Unión Europea (1986) y la Convención Europea de Derechos Humanos (1950). Sin embargo, dicha incorporación no sólo ha conllevado cambios en la regulación, contenido e interpretación de dichos derechos, sino que a todo ello se une un macroproyecto de integración económica de todos los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea con gran incidencia en la soberanía de los Estados, sus Constituciones internas y su autonomía para establecer políticas sociales. Con la llegada de la crisis económica mundial a partir de 2008 España se ha visto al igual que el resto de los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea seriamente comprometida para desarrollar sus políticas sociales conforme al mandato constitucional. En el presente trabajo se abordará de qué manera España ha dado respuesta a esta problemática social, así como la incidencia que ello ha tenido en la jurisprudencia tanto del Tribunal Constitucional como de la jurisdicción ordinaria a la hora de delimitar los poderes del estado e interpretar tanto derechos sociales como los derechos fundamentales de la persona. ; The objective of this Master's Thesis is to analyze from the ...

This book presents the case that liberal constitutionalism in the global South is a legacy of colonialism and is inappropriate as a means of securing effective peace in regions that have been subject to recurrent conflict. The work demonstrates the failure of liberal constitutionalism in guaranteeing peace in the postcolonial global South. It develops an alternative, more compelling constitutionalism for peacebuilding in conflicted regions. This is based on constitutionalism that recognises plurality as a major feature in the global South. Drawing on events in Nigeria, it develops a constitutional model, based on Cognitive Justice, which could deliver peace by addressing historic, conceptual, legal, institutional and structural issues that have created social inequality and injustice. The study also incorporates insights from the development of plurinational constitutions in South America. The book will be an invaluable resource for researchers, academics and policy-makers with an interest in constitutional legal theory, peacebuilding and postcolonial studies

Global south identities in "global" constitutional discourse -- The cognitive justice framework -- British colonialism and diversity in Nigeria's middle-belt -- Nigeria's sinister liberal constitutionalism and diverse identities -- Plurinational constitutionalism for a diverse global south -- Making a plurinational order from "Nigeria: -- Conclusion : sameness versus diversity in the future of world peace/order.

The Brexit vote has sparked renewed criticism of the United Kingdom's ad hoc constitutional arrangements, particularly in relation to the status of popular sovereignty. While the people is politically recognised as 'sovereign' through the apparent unassailability of its referendum verdict, this sovereignty has no legal foundation or form – thus giving it an elusive, indefinite character. In turn, legal commentators have argued that the lack of a clear conceptual framework for constitutional referendums aggravated the political crisis that followed the vote and that the uncertain nature and authority of referendums represents a distinct source of constitutional crisis in its own right. In this article, I consider how this 'constitutionalist critique' of the Brexit referendum, and its ad hoc constitutional framework, reflects a particular conception of liberal constitutionalism as a bulwark against the hazards and vicissitudes of unstructured popular sovereignty. I will argue that this perspective overestimates the capacity of constitutional law to regulate expressions of popular sovereignty via referendums, that it misconceives the character and claim of popular sovereignty more generally, and that it reflects certain characteristics of liberal legalism in its stance towards politics and political contingency.