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The apparently hostile attitude toward feminism dominant among both Hungarian women & men is traced to the turn of the century, when the debate revolved around harmful effects of education on women's moral behavior. In the 1949 constitution, women were granted equality with men in all spheres of life. Women's work opportunities were equalized, & basic welfare, child care, & health issues were addressed. Hungarian women soon found themselves in the trap of the double burden of work & home, without any social or public recognition, & deprived of any forum of legitimate protest, since on paper they saw themselves as equal. Political, economic, & social changes since 1989 have afflicted women with new hardships. Today Hungarian women are strained between an increasingly forceful public invitation to withdraw to the exclusive traditional female gender role, & an economic situation that does not allow average families to survive with only one wage earner. Modified AA

The development of the Czech feminist movement was inextricably linked with nationalism. Nationalist ideology recognised the power of women as mothers and their consequent claim to equality within the context of the nation. Having implicitly acknowledged the justice of feminism, nationalists then had to accommodate women's demands. As nationalism changed from a cultural to a political force, feminine patriotism slowly became a feminist movement. These links with nationalism stimulated the development and self-confidence of the Czech women's movement but they also engendered in feminists an unjustified belief in the instinctive feminism of Czech nationalists. The movement's development reflected that of feminist movements elsewhere. Demands for education led to attempts to obtain for women a place In social and political life, culminating in the demand for the vote. In the Czech case, however, such political demands produced tensions In the feminist movement. They raised the question of whether feminists' first allegiance should be to women, or whether they should merge their campaigns with those of the nationalist movement, as represented by the many political parties which had women's rights on their programmes. Much of the energy of the movement in the last ten years of this period was absorbed by this debate and the more general issues of what feminists wanted to achieve and how they should do it. Even the non-feminist women's movements attached to the Social Democratic and National Socialist parties had similar-difficulties. All these groups of women, feminist and non-feminist were concerned to define their place and establish themselves as an identifiable force. This led to an intense and fruitless preoccupation with organisation, which was only brought to an end when the First World-War changed the assumptions of Czech political life.

The article is devoted to the debates in American feminism on the problem of the policy of multiculturalism in the USA in 1990-ies. The author concludes that the main reason for feminist critique was the problem of compatibility of the policy of preserving traditional cultures with values of liberal democracy, personal autonomy, freedom and immigrant womens rights. ; В статье анализируются дискуссии в американском феминизме относительно идеологии и политики мультикультурализма в США 1990-х гг. Автор статьи приходит к выводу о том, что центральным тезисом феминистской критики стала проблема совместимости политики сохранения традиционных культур с ценностями либеральной демократии, личной автономии, свободы и прав женщин из иммигрантских общин.

Abstract any hundreds of years, women have strived for gaining equality with men. They have been held back and their opportunities taken away from them because of the fact that they were women. Feminism is the belief in social, political, and economic equality of the sexes. And it is the feminist movement that has been trying to give these rights to women who have been deprived of their equality and privileges that men have never given them. I believe that women have every right to be equal with men and feminism is what is slowly accomplishing this. Feminism is beneficial to men, women, and their families because it is allowing mothers, daughters, and sisters to have an equal opportunity in life to achieve all they can without any discrimination based on their sex. It is a human right to be equal to others around you and it does not matter if you are male or female. They should both receive the same opportunities and privileges given in life and feminism helps women accomplish this task of equality.

Achieving equality between women & men was 1 of the 10 commitments agreed to by the heads of state at the 1995 World Summit for Social Development, held in Copenhagen, Denmark, & is a main priority of the international women's movement. The progress made in improving women's status & reducing gender inequalities since the 1970s is reviewed, noting the challenges ahead. The situation of women in developing countries, where the gaps are the largest & the challenges the greatest, is emphasized. 2 Tables, 1 Photograph, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe Western feminist movement has been defined as an effort to separate biology from socialization in order to achieve equality between men and women. Muslim women's movements often reject this approach on the grounds that it devalues the family and reproduction. In this paper, historical comparisons between Christian and Muslim views of women demonstrate why East and West have reached this impasse, but also suggest how different cultural histories create different scenarios for achieving equality.

I look at the changes in higher education (HE) and women's lives over the last 50 years, drawing on my recent book Feminism, Gender & ; Universities: Politics, Passion & ; Pedagogies which is a life history of feminism entering academe. The Robbins Report (cmnd 2154 1963) on HE was published in the same year that I went to university. It inaugurated a process of change and educational expansion that was linked to other major social transformations, including feminism. Its effects have been widely felt such that women now participate in education and employment on unprecedented levels. Indeed, it has opened up opportunities for education and employment for women including individual and social mobility. From my study I show how it opened up opportunities for women from both middle class and working class backgrounds to be first-in-the-family to go to university. I will also argue that whilst there have been very welcome changes in education, and HE especially, such that there is a gender balance of undergraduate students in HE, this does not mean that gender equality has been achieved. Patriarchy or hegemonic masculinity in HE is still strongly felt and experienced despite women's and feminist involvements in academe over the last 50 years. The question remains about how to transform universities to achieve genuine gender equality across all students and academics in HE.

This study is located within debates about the impact of second wave feminism on European gender contracts. Its particular focus is the development of EU supra state feminism in the form of gender equality policy since the early 1970s. It argues that gender equality policy cannot be fully understood without consideration of its budgetary dimension. Based on Majone's theory (1993) that overall EU social policy com prises both social regulation and social redistribution, this study highlighted the fact that a redistributional aspect to EU gender equality policy had existed since 1971 but that this dimension had received scant attention in the literature. The thesis hypothesised that comprehensive study of redistributional equality policy would provide a new perspective on gender equality policy as a whole. It further argued that redistributional equality policy required new theorisation since it related to a key aspect of the reproduction of the gendered European labour market, namely training policy and provision. This study took an historical comparative approach, based on documentary sources. Its timeframe was 1971 to 1997, that is from the introduction of initiatives regarding women's training in the ESF in 1971 to agreement on the Amsterdam Treaty in 1997. The comparative element was provided principally through a detailed case study of EU redistributional equality policy in the Republic of Ireland. The study provides a comprehensive analysis of EU redistributional gender equality policy over these decades. The research findings confirm the hypothesis that full inclusion of the redistributional dimension modifies current theorisation of such policy. In particular the study found that the balance of explanation for such policy's weak effects needed to move further towards the EU gender contract as compared with the gender contracts of the member states. ; TARA (Trinity's Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie

It should be noted that in the parliaments of other countries in the world the share of women in the Israeli parliament is 27.5%, in Sweden 43.6%, Finland has 42%, Norway 41.4% and Iceland 38.1% can be seen.The main focus of gender issues is to ensure gender equality and a state aimed at improving the social conditions of women ensuring their active participation in the implementation of the policy purposeful.

The nineeteenth-century women's movement was actually three movements with different foci: one of industrial Wc women seeking economic equality, one of black women seeking racial equality, & one of white Mc women seeking legal equality between men & women within the existing class system. Textile mill workers were the first to undertake collective action, starting with the first factory strike in 1824, while Mc women were seeking rights connected with property & inheritance. Both movements supported the abolition of slavery, but after the Civil War the white Mc movement excluded both black & Wc women, as its members came to occupy many professional or semiprofessional occupations. Eventually this movement became primarily a suffrage movement. When the AFL became dominant in the labor movement, it adopted racist & sexist policies, leading to the formation of the National Women's Trade Union League, as an independent movement, which sometimes worked with & sometimes opposed both the AFL & the suffrage movement. Black women organized separately through clubs concerned mainly with black interests. Black women typically had the hardest & worst-paid jobs. In recent years, these three groups of women have begun to develop a basis for common organization through involvement in labor unions. W. H. Stoddard.