Suchergebnisse

THE AUTHOR EXPLORES POSSIBLE ANSWERS TO TWO HISTORICAL PROBLEMS ARISING FROM THE TERMINATION OF BRITISH RULE IN INDIA IN 1947: A) WHY WAS THERE A TRANSFER OF POWER IN THE FIRST PLACE?; B) WHY DID INDEPENDENCE FROM GREAT BRITAIN INVOLVE PARTITION OF THE SUBCONTINENT? DEFINITIONS OF "TRANSFER OF POWER" ARE PROPOSED AND REASONS FOR CREATION OF TWO SUCCESSOR STATES AS A CONSEQUENT OF IT ARE DISCUSSED.

Der Verfasser untersucht den Zusammenhang von traditionellem Wahlverhalten und Parteienstruktur in den Bezirken Aurich und Oldenburg im nordwestlichen Niedersachsen. Im Mittelpunkt des Interesses steht besonders die Frage, warum in protestantischen und bäuerlichen Gebieten die traditionellen Wähler liberaler Parteien in der Endphase der Weimarer Republik zur NSDAP überwechselten, um dann von 1947 bis Ende der sechziger Jahre wiederum liberal zu wählen. Er kommt zu dem Ergebnis, daß das untersuchte Datenmaterial signifikante Unterschiede im Zusammenwirken von Sozialstruktur und Wahlverhalten in städtischen und ländlichen Gebieten ersichtlich macht, wobei insbesondere für größere, weiterentwickelte Regionen das Zusammenwirken von lokalen und regionalen Besonderheiten, regionalen politischen Traditionen und lokalen Kandidaten von Bedeutung ist. (RS)

The new word is fluxophobic, meaning fearful of change. It describes those who want the world to stay as it is now, and who think every change is to be opposed and avoided. This is for people who think every habitat should be preserved as it is now, or perhaps even restored to what it was when they were younger, with any changes reversed.Every species must be preserved as it exists now, with no space left for new species to evolve and replace existing ones. High Streets must remain crowded with small shops specializing in different things. Places where bats nest must be kept as is, rather than encouraging the bats to nest elsewhere. New building is opposed because it involves change. The demolition of transformation of old buildings is similarly opposed for the same reason. Agriculture must be carried out in traditional ways, and innovations are to be deplored, especially those that involve "interfering with nature."Are fluxophobes conservative? They are conservative with a small "c," denoting the character trait that wants things to stay the same. But they are not in the Conservative political tradition that accepts change, but wants it to be spontaneous, rather than imposed from some preconceived plan of what some people think society ought to be like. Conservatism (with a capital "C") wants change to come from below, rather than being imposed from above.The real world is characterized by change. It changes from moment to moment as well as from year to year. We step and do not step into the same river, said Heraclitus, for new waters flow ever about us. The world is in flux, not in stasis, no matter how much those fearful of change deplore this. Most people welcome economic growth because it increases the prosperity that will enable us to do more of the things we want to do. Yet economic growth necessarily involves change. It comes about as new products and processes increase productivity. It necessarily involves displacement, as some established companies are elbowed aside by newcomers. It involves employment churn as some job are lost and new ones take their place.The fluxophobe is distressed by the changes that economic growth entails. Indeed, some of them oppose it, urging us to seek instead a more settled world in which people are content with their lot. Adam Smith did not agree with them. He spoke of "the uniform, constant, and uninterrupted effort of every man to better his condition," believing aspiration to be part of what it is to be human. It seems to be human nature to seek a better life, and change is essential to that.Fluxophobia is less common among young people than it is in the elderly. The young are generally more flexible and more adaptable to change, and they welcome the opportunities it brings with it. Many of the elderly are more set in their ways, and unsettled by the loss of tranquility that changes involve.The Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions unleashed the idea of improvement into the world, and set in motion a period of rapid change that still continues. They set humanity on an uphill course in which change brought betterment, both in living standards and in life's opportunities. Fluxophobia has its hold on some people, but ultimately it means stagnation rather than improvement.

The aim of the research is to elucidate the reflections of the parish priest Mizetskyi Serhiy Andriyovych, who lived in the countryside of Katerynoslav, according to the social and political transformations in Ukraine during the 1920-ies, based on the analysis of his epistolary heritage. The research methodology is based on the methodological techniques of the priest's external and internal letters' criticism; the biographical method has been applied in order to study the life path and determine the influence of events in his life on the reflections' formulation; the comparative and historical method has been used for the comparison of the clergyman's assessments presented in the letters with the scientific interpretations of the social and political transformations during the 1920-ies; the combination of macro- and microhistorical approaches for the priest's assessments of the clergy place reconstruction in the Soviet society. The scientific novelty of the article is to reproduce the reflections of priest S. Mizetskyi on the social and political transformations in the Soviet Ukraine during the post-revolutionary decade, based on the analysis of the priest's private correspondence first introduced into the scientific circulation. S. Mizetskyi's assessments of the clergy place in the Soviet society have been characterized, and his strategies for survival have been outlined. The Conclusions. The coverage of the priest's reflections on the socio-political and economic transformations in Ukraine during the 1920-ies suggests that centuries-old cultural and ideological stereotypes of the clergy collided with the Soviet experiments. The people with high social status faced with the new challenges became part of the world of "non-labor elements", were deprived of the right to vote. As a result, those changes happened quite rapid for the priest, morally and physically painful. S. Mizetskyi carried on keeping to the pre-revolutionary times' ethical norms, which did not correspond to the ideas of vulgar materialism, the new government's policy of double standards. Hence, the ethical norms' conflict manifested itself at various levels of communication between the priest and the authorities – from reading the monopoly press to defending their interests in the village council. Due to the letters' analysis, which provides pieces of evidence and gives the opportunity to claim that there was a huge ideological gap between the authorities and S. Mizetskyi, a typical representative of the clergy in the south of Ukraine. It was felt more acutely than that of the former nobles and peasants, as the latter were free to perform their duties (as farmers) or, as former nobles, to adapt and seek their place in the new social structure. Because of the aloofness in the circle of people close to the church, conducting a "monologue of the heart" in letters to brother and father became almost the only strategies for survival, consolation in the new socio-political environment. In his reflections, he indirectly predicted the usurpation of power by the Bolshevik Party, the establishment of its monopoly in the socio-political life and control over human thought, pointed to the transformation of the educated intelligentsia into laborers, noting that experiments in the countryside did not meet healthy agricultural pragmatism and productivity. The priest's reflections on the Ukrainian Orthodox Churches activities development depicted the church Ukrainianization issue, which was too harsh and uncompromising. It showed a high degree of conservatism and Russification of the clergy in southern Ukraine

This dissertation analyzes, by means of a bibliographic, documentary and testimonial study, the characterization of the Presbyterian Church, its actors, institutions, and practices, the processes of formation of its imaginaries and representations with an emphasis on the period of 1956-1993. It includes, in the first place, a description of the historical background that allowed it to be established in the country, through an exploration of the way in which the liberal project for the new Republic allowed for the arrival of Protestant missionaries, who made contributions in the religious, political, social and educational arenas. The tensions that existed between this denomination, the Catholic Church and a sector of conservatism in the second half of the 19th century are considered. It also presents an analysis of the influence of the main theological movements, the international political reality of the 20th century and the Colombian political instability from the arrival of the liberal governments (1930-1946) to the political restructuring enshrined in the 1991 Constitution, upon the consolidation process of the Church in Colombia. Secondly, it includes an analysis of the processes of political, theological and social change, both endogenous and exogenous to the Presbyterian Church, which forged its identity as a Colombian church through a conscious process of theological reflection to consolidate an authentic identity without denying its Reformed heritage, with the purpose of responding in a way relevant to its context. The formation processes of its leadership with distinctive characteristics based on a deep experience of conversion and an active commitment to society are also analyzed. Finally, the theological, sociocultural and administrative transformations of the Presbyterian Church that led to its division in 1993 are addressed. ; Esta investigación analiza, mediante un estudio bibliográfico, documental y testimonial, la caracterización de la Iglesia Presbiteriana, sus actores, instituciones, y prácticas, los procesos de formación de sus imaginarios y representaciones con énfasis en el periodo comprendido entre 1956-1993. Incluye, en primer lugar, una descripción de los antecedentes históricos que permitieron su establecimiento en país, mediante una exploración de la manera en que el proyecto liberal para la nueva República permitió la llegada de misioneros protestantes, quienes realizaron aportes en lo religioso, político, social y educativo. Se consideran las tensiones que se vivieron entre esta denominación, la Iglesia Católica y un sector del conservatismo en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Y se presenta un análisis de la influencia en el proceso de consolidación de la Iglesia en Colombia de los principales movimientos teológicos, la realidad política internacional del siglo XX y la inestabilidad política colombiana desde la llegada de los gobiernos liberales (1930-1946) hasta la reestructuración política consagrada en la Constitución de 1991. En segundo lugar, se analizan los procesos de cambios políticos, teológicos y sociales, endógenos y exógenos a la Iglesia Presbiteriana, que forjaron su identidad como iglesia colombiana mediante un proceso consciente de reflexión teológica para consolidar una identidad autóctona sin negar su herencia reformada, con el propósito de responder de manera relevante a su contexto. También se analizan los procesos de formación de su liderazgo con características distintivas fundamentado en una experiencia profunda de conversión y en un compromiso activo con la sociedad. Por último, se abordan las transformaciones teológicas, socioculturales y administrativas de la Iglesia Presbiteriana que llevaron a su división en 1993. ; Doctorado

In this paper I examine the way in which violence, human rights and indigenous heritage were being stressed and accommodated in the "intercultural" policies implemented in Argentina between 2016 and 2019. In order to do this, rather than analyzing how heritage is built or what it is, I approach the heritage instituted as a human right in a double aspect. On the one hand, relieving its metacultural character, that is, the reflections it puts into play about culture. The evaluative and affective accentuation of certain values, knowledge, stories and experiences as heritage is based on and, in parallel, delimits a vision of the world that defines the culture itself at all times. On the other hand, on its performative faculty; in what heritage does in the framework of governance patterns of an oligarchy that combined neoliberalism and conservatism in Argentina. The ultimate purpose of these considerations is to highlight some edges of the indigenist policy of recent years that was not taken into account and contribute to the discussion of heritage and human rights policies as modalities of intercultural coexistence. ; En este trabajo examino la manera en que violencia, derechos humanos y patrimonio indígena fueron tensionándose y acomodándose en las políticas "interculturales" implementadas en Argentina entre los años 2016 a 2019. Para ello, más que analizar cómo se construye o qué es el patrimonio, abordo al patrimonio instituido como derecho humano en un doble aspecto. Por un lado, en su carácter metacultural; esto es, como campo de reflexión acerca de la cultura misma. La acentuación evaluativa y afectiva de ciertos valores, conocimientos, historias y experiencias como patrimoniales se funda en y, paralelamente, delimita una visión del mundo que dirime la cultura propiamente dicha en cada momento. Por otro lado, lo examino a partir de su facultad performativa; de aquello que el patrimonio hace en el marco de patrones de gobernanza de una oligarquía que combinó neoliberalismo y conservadurismo en Argentina. El propósito último de estas consideraciones es poner de manifiesto ciertas aristas de la política indigenista de estos últimos años que fueron soslayadas y contribuir a la discusión sobre las políticas patrimoniales y de derechos humanos como modalidades de convivencia intercultural. ; Neste artigo, examino a forma como a violência, os direitos humanos e o patrimônio indígena foram sendo enfatizados e acomodados nas políticas "interculturais" implementadas na Argentina entre 2016 e 2019. Para isso, mais do que analisar como o patrimônio é construído ou o que é, Abordo o patrimônio instituído como direito humano em um duplo aspecto. Por um lado, em seu caráter metacultural; isto é, como um campo de reflexão sobre a própria cultura. A acentuação avaliativa e afetiva de determinados valores, saberes, histórias e experiências como patrimoniais assenta e, paralelamente, delimita uma visão de mundo que determina a cultura própria em todos os momentos. Por outro lado, eu o examino de sua faculdade performativa; do que o patrimônio faz no marco dos padrões de governança de uma oligarquia que combinava neoliberalismo e conservadorismo na Argentina. O objetivo final dessas considerações é destacar alguns aspectos da política indígena nos últimos anos que foram ignorados e contribuir para a discussão sobre o patrimônio e as políticas de direitos humanos como modalidades de coexistência intercultural.

The purpose of this article is to provide an analysis of history textbooks by identifying the educational transformations that took place after the 1972 educational reform. The Educational Reform of 1972, within the framework of the military-reformist government of Juan Velasco Alvarado (1968-1975), represented the most profound attempt to transform Peruvian education and guide it towards the production of "new men". Peruvian historiography on education has focused on the analysis of its plans and ideas, but there is little knowledge about how it was translated into the classroom. The central argument of this paper is that, by moving out from the realm of lesson planning and into the study of educational materials, it was possible to convey how the reform was partial and failed to translate into books in keeping with the spirit and concepts of the Educational Reform. The conservatism that surrounded the military government, the lack of budget to produce state books and train teachers in their use, and the rapid dismantling that was carried out by the regime that replaced Velasco Alvarado, all were hallmarks that limited the Educational Reform. ; El objetivo de este artículo es proporcionar un análisis de los libros de texto de historia identificando las transformaciones educativas dadas a partir de la Reforma de 1972. La Reforma Educativa de 1972, en el marco del gobierno militar-reformista de Juan Velasco Alvarado (1968-1975), representó el más profundo intento de transformar la educación peruana y orientarla hacia la producción de "hombres nuevos". La historiografía peruana sobre educación se ha centrado en el análisis de sus planes y sus ideas, pero aún se sabe poco sobre cómo se trasladó a las aulas. El argumento central de este trabajo es que, al salir del ámbito de la planificación y pasar al estudio de los materiales educativos, se muestra cómo la reforma fue parcial y no consiguió traducirse en libros acordes al espíritu y los conceptos de la Reforma Educativa. El conservadurismo que rodeaba al gobierno militar, la falta de presupuesto para producir libros estatales y capacitar a los maestros en su uso y el rápido desmontaje que llevó al cabo el régimen que reemplazó a Velasco Alvarado signan los límites de la Reforma Educativa. ; O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar uma análise dos livros didáticos de história identificando as transformações educacionais ocorridas desde a Reforma de 1972. A Reforma Educacional de 1972, no âmbito do governo militar-reformista de Juan Velasco Alvarado (1968-1975), representou a tentativa mais profunda de transformar a educação peruana e orientá-la para a produção de "novos homens". A historiografia peruana da educação tem se concentrado na análise de seus planos e ideias, mas pouco se sabe sobre como isso foi transferido para a sala de aula. O argumento central deste trabalho é que, ao sair do campo do planejamento e passar ao estudo dos materiais educacionais, mostra-se como a reforma foi parcial e não se traduziu em livros de acordo com o espírito e os conceitos da Reforma Educacional. O conservadorismo que cercou o governo militar, a falta de orçamento para a produção de livros do Estado e a formação de professores para seu uso e o rápido desmantelamento realizado pelo regime que substituiu Velasco Alvarado marcam os limites da Reforma Educacional.

The aim of the research is to elucidate the reflections of the parish priest Mizetskyi Serhiy Andriyovych, who lived in the countryside of Katerynoslav, according to the social and political transformations in Ukraine during the 1920-ies, based on the analysis of his epistolary heritage. The research methodology is based on the methodological techniques of the priest's external and internal letters' criticism; the biographical method has been applied in order to study the life path and determine the influence of events in his life on the reflections' formulation; the comparative and historical method has been used for the comparison of the clergyman's assessments presented in the letters with the scientific interpretations of the social and political transformations during the 1920-ies; the combination of macro- and microhistorical approaches for the priest's assessments of the clergy place reconstruction in the Soviet society. The scientific novelty of the article is to reproduce the reflections of priest S. Mizetskyi on the social and political transformations in the Soviet Ukraine during the post-revolutionary decade, based on the analysis of the priest's private correspondence first introduced into the scientific circulation. S. Mizetskyi's assessments of the clergy place in the Soviet society have been characterized, and his strategies for survival have been outlined. The Conclusions. The coverage of the priest's reflections on the socio-political and economic transformations in Ukraine during the 1920-ies suggests that centuries-old cultural and ideological stereotypes of the clergy collided with the Soviet experiments. The people with high social status faced with the new challenges became part of the world of "non-labor elements", were deprived of the right to vote. As a result, those changes happened quite rapid for the priest, morally and physically painful. S. Mizetskyi carried on keeping to the pre-revolutionary times' ethical norms, which did not correspond to the ideas of vulgar materialism, the new government's policy of double standards. Hence, the ethical norms' conflict manifested itself at various levels of communication between the priest and the authorities – from reading the monopoly press to defending their interests in the village council. Due to the letters' analysis, which provides pieces of evidence and gives the opportunity to claim that there was a huge ideological gap between the authorities and S. Mizetskyi, a typical representative of the clergy in the south of Ukraine. It was felt more acutely than that of the former nobles and peasants, as the latter were free to perform their duties (as farmers) or, as former nobles, to adapt and seek their place in the new social structure. Because of the aloofness in the circle of people close to the church, conducting a "monologue of the heart" in letters to brother and father became almost the only strategies for survival, consolation in the new socio-political environment. In his reflections, he indirectly predicted the usurpation of power by the Bolshevik Party, the establishment of its monopoly in the socio-political life and control over human thought, pointed to the transformation of the educated intelligentsia into laborers, noting that experiments in the countryside did not meet healthy agricultural pragmatism and productivity. The priest's reflections on the Ukrainian Orthodox Churches activities development depicted the church Ukrainianization issue, which was too harsh and uncompromising. It showed a high degree of conservatism and Russification of the clergy in southern Ukraine

The aim of the research is to elucidate the reflections of the parish priest Mizetskyi Serhiy Andriyovych, who lived in the countryside of Katerynoslav, according to the social and political transformations in Ukraine during the 1920-ies, based on the analysis of his epistolary heritage. The research methodology is based on the methodological techniques of the priest's external and internal letters' criticism; the biographical method has been applied in order to study the life path and determine the influence of events in his life on the reflections' formulation; the comparative and historical method has been used for the comparison of the clergyman's assessments presented in the letters with the scientific interpretations of the social and political transformations during the 1920-ies; the combination of macro- and microhistorical approaches for the priest's assessments of the clergy place reconstruction in the Soviet society. The scientific novelty of the article is to reproduce the reflections of priest S. Mizetskyi on the social and political transformations in the Soviet Ukraine during the post-revolutionary decade, based on the analysis of the priest's private correspondence first introduced into the scientific circulation. S. Mizetskyi's assessments of the clergy place in the Soviet society have been characterized, and his strategies for survival have been outlined. The Conclusions. The coverage of the priest's reflections on the socio-political and economic transformations in Ukraine during the 1920-ies suggests that centuries-old cultural and ideological stereotypes of the clergy collided with the Soviet experiments. The people with high social status faced with the new challenges became part of the world of "non-labor elements", were deprived of the right to vote. As a result, those changes happened quite rapid for the priest, morally and physically painful. S. Mizetskyi carried on keeping to the pre-revolutionary times' ethical norms, which did not correspond to the ideas of vulgar materialism, the new government's policy of double standards. Hence, the ethical norms' conflict manifested itself at various levels of communication between the priest and the authorities – from reading the monopoly press to defending their interests in the village council. Due to the letters' analysis, which provides pieces of evidence and gives the opportunity to claim that there was a huge ideological gap between the authorities and S. Mizetskyi, a typical representative of the clergy in the south of Ukraine. It was felt more acutely than that of the former nobles and peasants, as the latter were free to perform their duties (as farmers) or, as former nobles, to adapt and seek their place in the new social structure. Because of the aloofness in the circle of people close to the church, conducting a "monologue of the heart" in letters to brother and father became almost the only strategies for survival, consolation in the new socio-political environment. In his reflections, he indirectly predicted the usurpation of power by the Bolshevik Party, the establishment of its monopoly in the socio-political life and control over human thought, pointed to the transformation of the educated intelligentsia into laborers, noting that experiments in the countryside did not meet healthy agricultural pragmatism and productivity. The priest's reflections on the Ukrainian Orthodox Churches activities development depicted the church Ukrainianization issue, which was too harsh and uncompromising. It showed a high degree of conservatism and Russification of the clergy in southern Ukraine

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey's policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism».Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values».The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with "Western democracies", which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism»and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values».Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture».Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect».In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».

La integración de la perspectiva de género en las políticas es fundamental para alcanzar objetivos de desarrollo nacionales y abordar retos como el cambio climático (CC) y la seguridad alimentaria y la nutrición (SAN). Dentro del proyecto CCAFS FP1 LAM, analizamos en qué medida el género está incluido en las políticas de CC y SAN de Guatemala. Utilizamos la metodología desarrollada en el informe "Gender integration in agriculture, food security and climate change policy: a framework proposal" (Integración de la perspectiva de género en laagricultura, la seguridad alimentaria y las políticas sobre el cambio climático: una propuesta marco); la cual incluye análisis de narrativas y de documentos. Resultados muestran que a pesar de que Guatemala ha firmado múltiples compromisos internacionales en temas de género, son poco mencionado en documentes de políticas. A nivel de gobierno, se han creado unidades sectoriales, así como una secretaria presidencial de género que tienen pocas capacidades. Existen políticas de género, pero poco se incluye del tema dentro de las políticas sectoriales. A nivel de ciclo de política (de la elaboración al monitoreo y evaluación), si las mujeres con reconocidas como una población más vulnerable, son poco incluida en políticas de SAN y CC. Existen múltiples barreras, ubicadas a diferentes niveles que explica a la falta de integración de género en el ciclo de políticas. Actores entrevistados identificaron más barreras que soluciones frente a esta situación. Las barreras que logran más consenso entre los actores entrevistados se relacionan con (1) racismo, machismo, conservatismo, (2) la falta de presupuesto público y (3) la falta de sensibilización. Contra narrativas permiten ver motivaciones de actores que no tienen interés en hacer avanzar el tema de género en el país. ; The integration of the gender perspective into policies is essential to achieve national development goals and address challenges such as climate change (CC) and food security and nutrition (SAN). Within the CCAFS FP1 LAM project, we analyze to what extent gender is included in the CC and SAN policies of Guatemala. We use the methodology developed in the report "Gender integration in agriculture, food security and climate change policy: a framework proposal"; which includes analysis of narratives and documents. Results show that although Guatemala has signed multiple international commitments on gender issues, they are little mentioned in policy documents. At the government level, sectoral units have been created, as well as a gender presidential secretary who has few capacities. There are gender policies, but little is included in the topic within sectoral policies. At the policy cycle level (from development to monitoring and evaluation), if women were recognized as a more vulnerable population, are little included in SAN and CC policies. There are multiple barriers, located at different levels that explain the lack of gender integration in the policy cycle. The actors interviewed identified more barriers than solutions to this situation. The barriers that achieve the most consensus among the interviewed actors are related to (1) racism, sexism, conservatism, (2) lack of public budget and (3) lack of awareness. Against narratives, they allow seeing motivations of actors who have no interest in advancing the gender issue in the country.