Suchergebnisse

[spa] El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los impuestos como instrumento para el control de la contaminación y medir sus efectos sobre la actividad industrial. La investigación se centra en un ámbito de contaminación concreto, el de las aguas residuales, poniendo el énfasis en el estudio de la respuesta del sector industrial a la aplicación de tributos con intencionalidad ambiental en dicho ámbito.La tesis doctoral se organiza en seis capítulos. El capítulo 1 del trabajo, titulado "La fiscalidad como instrumento para el control de la contaminación" consta de tres partes. En primer lugar, se sitúa el problema de la contaminación desde la perspectiva económica y, en particular, desde dos enfoques interrelacionados: el de la teoría de las externalidades y un enfoque institucional basado en la teoría de los derechos de propiedad.En la segunda parte de este primer capítulo se repasan los argumentos teóricos que se utilizan para la comparación de los efectos previsibles de diversos mecanismos de intervención en el comportamiento de los contaminadores así como las principales conclusiones sobre sus ventajas e inconvenientes relativos. En concreto, se compara la utilización de los impuestos ambientales -como instrumentos económicos o de mercado- con la alternativa reguladora; la aplicación de impuestos frente a la opción de los subsidios; finalmente, se compara la actuación impositiva con, el establecimiento de un sistema de permisos negociables. El capítulo se completa con una revisión del papel que la fiscalidad ambiental juega actualmente en los países europeos.El capítulo 2, titulado "Aspectos de eficiencia y de equidad en el diseño de tributos ambientales", plantea la creación de impuestos con finalidad ambiental como un procedimiento que debe tener en cuenta las recomendaciones derivadas tanto del criterio de eficiencia como de equidad que habitualmente se utilizan para valorar un sistema impositivo. Se realiza, por tanto, en la primera y segunda parte de este capítulo, un análisis teórico de lo que cada uno de estos criterios supone en el diseño específico de tributos ambientales.Asimismo, también es importante considerar, a nivel teórico, el grado en que el argumento ambiental puede encajar en el sistema impositivo general. No hay que olvidar que los tributos ambientales se introducen en cada país, en un contexto fiscal concreto, con unas características de centralización/descentralización de tareas entre niveles de gobierno. La tercera parte del capítulo estudia la influencia de estas cuestiones sobre el diseño de los tributos ambientales.El capítulo 3, titulado "La tributación ambiental sobre el agua en España y en el resto de Europa", pretende mostrar cuál es la práctica de imposición ambiental en España y en otros países, en tomo al recurso agua. Se inicia el capítulo con una exposición de las particularidades del agua como objeto de gravamen, para continuar con una visión global de la experiencia española en cuanto a fiscalidad de las aguas. A continuación, se realiza un análisis exhaustivo del Tributo de Saneamiento sobre las aguas residuales aplicado en Cataluña, se revisa su estructura y se valora su intencionalidad ambiental. El análisis anterior se completa con el estudio comparativo de los cánones de saneamiento existentes en otras Comunidades Autónomas, poniendo el énfasis en las distintas formas de considerar las emisiones contaminantes en la estructura del tributo. Finalmente, se presentan las características de la fiscalidad ambiental sobre el agua en otros países europeos. El capítulo 4, titulado "Los tributos ambientales sobre el agua y su relación con la oferta y la tarificación del recurso", pretende ser un nexo entre el estudio de los impuestos ambientales sobre el agua y su relación con la tarifa exigida por el servicio de suministro, de competencia local. Ello es necesario ya que tanto los impuestos ambientales como la propia tarifa de suministro terminan formando parte de lo que podría denominarse "precio global del agua". En consecuencia, el diseño de estas figuras no debería ser completamente independiente. A menudo, el diseño de la política de tarifas sobre el agua se justifica a partir de los rasgos de monopolio natural que se atribuyen a la oferta del recurso. Por ello, se discuten las características del servicio de abastecimiento de agua como monopolio natural y se analizan las consecuencias sobre las pautas de fijación de precios del recurso. Finalmente se estudia la estructura de la oferta municipal de agua en España, a modo de ejemplo de los conceptos teóricos revisados en primer lugar. El capítulo 5, titulado "La demanda de agua de uso industrial: modelos empíricos", es un repaso de parte de la literatura que se ha dedicado al análisis empírico de la demanda de agua bajo distintos enfoques. En la selección de los modelos comentados, se ha seguido especialmente la línea de investigación desarrollada en los trabajos de De Rooy (1974), Renzetti (varios años), Rees (1969) y Williams y Suh (1986). Conocer los principales trabajos dedicados a este tema de estudio nos parece fundamental para plantear de un modo coherente el análisis empírico realizado en el capítulo siguiente. En el capítulo 6, titulado "Análisis empírico de los efectos del Tributo de Saneamiento de Cataluña sobre la industria", se desarrolla el trabajo aplicado de esta investigación que trata dos cuestiones diferenciadas. En primer lugar, se estima una función simple de demanda de agua a partir de una muestra de observaciones, a nivel de establecimiento industrial, referidas a 1997. La presentación de los resultados de la estimación permite aportar información sobre la elasticidad-precio de la demanda por sectores industriales y, en particular, la contribución del Tributo de Saneamiento a dicha elasticidad. En segundo lugar, se analiza el papel del Tributo de Saneamiento como incentivo a la reducción de la contaminación a través de dos aproximaciones. La primera plantea un análisis comparativo del comportamiento del sector industrial en cuanto a la contaminación en 1994 y 1999. La segunda analiza la correlación parcial entre la reducción de la contaminación y la magnitud del Tributo de Saneamiento, para los casos en los que esta reducción ha tenido lugar. Finalmente, se presenta un apartado de conclusiones en el que se incluyen las posibles líneas de mejora y extensión del trabajo realizado. ; [eng] This Thesis has a double aim: first, to analyse the taxes as a control instrument of water pollution and, second, to assess their effects on industrial sector. Initially, environmental pollution is set in the economic analysis. Special reference is made to externalities and the theory of property rights. Additionally, taxes are compared with alternative environmental policy instruments, such as traditional regulatory policies, subsidies o marketable permit systems. Moreover, the design of environmental taxes is described as a choice: emission taxes versus indirect taxes, earmarking versus "double dividend" and degree of green tax reform. Spanish water taxes are outlined. Specially, sewerage tax (emission tax) created by regional government of Catalonia is analysed and judged as an environmental tax. This is useful to the following empirical analysis of the Catalan sewerage tax. The Thesis contains a survey of water demand models, especially industrial water demands. Two kinds of models are identified depending on assumption about the water rates information (perfect o imperfect) and their consequences on consumer's behaviour analysed. A model of industrial water demand is estimated for the Catalan case. The estimation of water demand is based on a cross-sectional survey of establishment level observations on water prices, quantities and other complementary information referred to 1997. The estimation results indicate that industrial water use is sensitive to economic factors and the contribution of sewerage tax on global price is not irrelevant. On the other hand, incentive of sewerage tax to cut water industrial pollution is analysed. First, a description of pollution industrial behaviour is presented through comparing situation between 1994 and 1999. Second, a partial correlation analysis between reduction of pollution and the amount of sewerage tax is measured. Positive correlation is found for the following industries: chemical, food and beverage, paper and metallurgist-mechanic. These results provide an econometric support to emphasize the significance of water prices on industrial sector and the influence of environmental taxes design on these prices.

1International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Provisional measures of protection — Circumstances in which Court will indicate provisional measures — Whether necessary to determine that prima facie basis for jurisdiction exists — Nature of provisional measures in case involving continuing armed conflictInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Removal of case from list — Circumstances in which request for removal will be granted — Necessary that there must be no prima facie basis for jurisdictionInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Intervention — Application by State to intervene to contest jurisdiction and admissibility — Whether any basis for such intervention in Statute — Whether appropriate to hold hearing — Refusal of request to intervene not a bar to intervention at merits phase of proceedingsInternational Court of Justice — Organization of the Court — Judges — Standards of behaviour — Press conference — Reference by State party to case to nationality of certain judges — Suggestion that secret information could not be disclosed to court containing judges from certain countriesInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — Declaration of acceptance — Declarations made under Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice — When transferred to International Court of Justice — Statute of the International Court of Justice, Article 36(5) — Whether necessary for declaration to have been binding in respect of Permanent Court in order to be transferred under Article 36(5) — Declaration made by Nicaragua on signing Protocol of Signature to the Statute of the Permanent Court — Never completed by ratification — Whether possessing any legal effect — Whether constituting a binding acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court by virtue of Article 36(5)International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — State listed in Court publications as having accepted compulsory jurisdiction — Whether inclusion in list legally significant — Conduct of States — Whether capable of curing defect in State's acceptance of compulsory jurisdiction — Whether conduct must be consistent and unequivocal — Whether State's conduct amounting to an estoppel2International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — Withdrawal or amendment of declaration accepting compulsory jurisdiction — Declaration stating that notice required — Whether States within Optional Clause system possessing extra-statutory right to withdraw declarations with immediate effect — State practice under Optional Clause — Reciprocity — Whether applicable to notice provisions of declarationsInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — Reservations — Reservation excluding jurisdiction of the Court in relation to disputes arising under a multilateral treaty if the other parties to the treaty who would be affected by the decision not before the Court — Interpretation — Whether reservation capable of being applied in proceedings relating to jurisdiction — Whether more appropriate for application at merits phase — Reservation precluding Court from adjudicating upon claims based on treaty provisions on the use of force and intervention — Whether also precluding application of customary law principles with content similar or identical to treaty provisionsInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Under bilateral treaty — Nicaragua-United States Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation, 1956 — Disputes regarding interpretation and application of Treaty — Extent of jurisdiction conferred upon CourtInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Admissibility of application — Legal dispute — Definition — Whether excluding dispute involving continuing armed conflict — Whether such disputes reserved for Security Council — Whether State required to exhaust regional political machinery for settlement of disputes before referring matter to Court — Absence of other States involved in regional dispute — Whether international law includes indispensable parties rule — Whether admissibility to be considered at jurisdiction or merits phase of proceedingsInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Fact-finding — Rules of evidence — Procedure for determining facts — Relevant period — Press information and matters of public knowledge — Statements by representatives of States — Oral evidence of witnesses — Material not presented in accordance with Rules of CourtInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Absence of respondent State from part of proceedings — Statute of the International Court, Article 533International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Power to award damages — Whether including power to make interim award of damagesSources of international law — Treaties — Customary international law — Relationship between treaties and custom — Development of customary international law through the conclusion of treaties — Whether treaty completely supplants identical rules of customary international law as between parties to the treaty — United Nations Charter — Charter of the Organization of American States — Provisions relating to intervention and the use of force — Whether codificatory of existing customary law at the date of their conclusion — Whether customary law has subsequently developed to take the same form as Charter provisionsSources of international law — Customary international law — Constituent elements — Practice — Whether absolute consistency required — Opinio iuris — Evidence of — Treaties as evidence of opinio iuris — Resolutions of international organizations as evidence of opinio iuris — Significance of concordant views of parties to case as evidence of content of customary lawState responsibility — For acts of armed groups supported by State — Rebel groups operating in one State financed and equipped by other State — Whether acts of rebel groups imputable to the State which supports them — Degree of control necessary for acts to be imputable to StateWar and armed conflict — Use of force — Definition — Whether supplying rebel groups operating in another State a use of force against that State — Whether an armed attack — Provision of funds and supply of arms — Logistical and organizational support — Training — Covert operations — Sending armed bands — Whether an armed attack — United Nations Charter, Articles 2(4) and 51 — Customary international lawWar and armed conflict — Use of force — Self-defence — Limitations on the right of self-defence — Requirement of an armed attack — Necessity and proportionality — Motive of State using force in alleged self-defence — Collective self-defence — Requirements — Whether State which has been the victim of an armed attack must request assistance — Whether third State coming to assistance of victim State must itself be under threat — Duty to report measures taken to Security Council under United Nations 4Charter, Article 51 — Whether also a requirement of customary international law — Evidential significance of failure to report measuresWar and armed conflict — Use of force — Self-defence — Whether State entitled to use force in response to unlawful intervention not amounting to an armed attackWar and armed conflict — Humanitarian law and the laws of armed conflict — Geneva Conventions, 1949 — Whether an expression or a development of fundamental principles of humanity — Common Article 3 — Fundamental principles applicable to non-international conflicts — Minimum yardstick also applicable to international conflicts — Conflict in Nicaragua — Whether international — Common Article 1 — Duty to ensure respect for Conventions in all circumstances — Publication of manual advocating the commission of acts contrary to humanitarian law — Whether publication a violation of humanitarian lawWar and armed conflict — Humanitarian law and the laws of armed conflict — Naval warfare — Mines — Hague Convention No. VIII, Relative to the Laying of Automatic Submarine Contact Mines, 1907 — Duty to notify international shipping of the existence and location of minefieldsStates — Sovereignty — Duty of non-intervention — Scope and extent of duty at customary international law — Support for rebel groups in another State — Right of each State to determine political system and foreign policy for itself — Whether this freedom curtailed by announcement to regional organization of political programme — Whether announcement constituting binding undertaking — Regional organization and some States within region recognizing new government on strength of undertakingStates — Sovereignty — Mining approaches to State's ports — Unauthorized intrusion into State's airspace — Whether violations of State's sovereigntyGovernments — Recognition — Conditions of recognition — Nicaragua — Junta for National Reconstruction offering certain undertakings about future direction of Nicaragua — Organization of American States withdrawing recognition from previous "Somoza" Government — Whether undertakings binding5Governments — Succession — Successful rebellion — New government responsible for acts of rebelsHuman rights — Enforcement — Whether States have a right to use force against State which is violating human rights — Alleged violations of human rights in Nicaragua — Whether justifying use of force by the United StatesAir — Airspace — Unauthorized intrusion into State's airspace — Whether a violation of State sovereigntySea — Territorial Sea — Internal waters — Freedom of passage — Mines — State laying mines in territorial sea and internal waters of other State — Access to other State's ports impeded — Whether a violation of freedom of navigationEconomics, trade and finance — Economic sanctions — Trade embargo — State blocking loans in international organizations — United States sanctions against Nicaragua — Whether contrary to general international law — Whether contrary to Nicaragua-United States Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation, 1956 — Whether defeating object and purpose of treatyDamages — Basis for award of damages — Reparation for unlawful use of force and intervention — Declaration that Respondent State under a duty to make reparation — Form and amount of reparation to be settled in later proceedingsTreaties — Form — Informal undertakings — Plan for political development of State issued by government in exile to regional organization — Whether intended to have legal effect

Özet121 SOTMAir A1B @m&IMSBMS Housing which can "be defined as a composite product resolving and reconciling all the diverse needs of its occupant differs from other commodities in many ways. First of all, it is both a capital good and a consumer product. It is bulky, immobile and fairly durable.lt requires heavy capital outlays in each production run. unlike, many other products, it is a heterogenous good. Its market represents a collection of sub-markets -which are composed of various income groups having different patterns of consumption. Fearfchermore, the market for housisg necessarily has local character because its product is fixed. la terms of demand, the most significant characteristic of housing is the difference between the need for housing and the demand for housing. f he demand for housing implies the amount of homsimg which the society can af f ord bfet the need. for housing; embraces the total requirement for shelter without consideration of wfeether or not families can pay for it. In a socie^r the need for housing is directly related to the122 siz© of population and average family size.lhe demand, for housing, on the other hand, along with the size of population ana. average family, is determined by the levels and distribution of income ana prices of housing. !Ehe basic unit of: demand for housing is the family, fhe principal factors shaping a family * a demand for hqusing are family size and. household income »However, housing demand, of the family is als© affected Isj income expectations, cost and availability of financing, the distance of the dwelling to main employment areas, the quality of enviroment,and the cost and availability ©f public utilities in the neighborhood!. Housing supply, on the other side, is composed of existing housing stock and new housing construction. As it is difficult to acquire a higher level of housing supply in a short period of time due to the specific nature of housing, existing housing stock eompsoses a great proportion of housing supply. Since new housing construction makes marginal changes on housing stock every year, the ©efcivities of housing market often occur m thin the existing housing stoek.fhe aggregate supply of housing is related to the prices and quantities of land and. construction materials. In terms of supply, the most significant characteristic of housing is the high level of expenses Tihich should be repeated in each run of production. In the case of housing, as for other commodities, the market largely governs the quality, quantity, cost, price, and distribution of the product. Although there is usually a close relationship between prices of housing and costs of product! «pou price in housing market is a direct reflection of the interactions between demand andysupply.Eheoretically,a well- functioning market might be expected ta create ana maintain a123 state of equilibrium which provides the sellers with cost, nıinimizatioa and profit maximization and the buyers mth utility maximization. However, the acfetel. functioning of the market falls short ©f this expectation because some imperfections which prevent the realization of perfect competition. Actually, perfect competition can not be realized in the ease of housing market because none of the basie assumptions of this model can be achieved. Firstly, housing; is not a homogenous commodity. Housing supply is very diverse in terms of size, quality, location, architectural type and design. Ivery unit of a country's housing stock may be suggested to be unique. likewise, the assumption of perfect knowledge of the sellers and buyers is missing in housing market because of the high cost of perfect knowledge. Si&ee the entire market for housing consists of a number of sub-markets and since it has local character due to the immobility of its commodity, for* a potential purchaser to explore the prices and equalities of all possible houses for sale at any time, even within a given area, involves him an impossibly large expenditure of time and money. Qfe the other side, a potential seller would also suffer if only chanoe could lead &$a&gmir to him. Furthermore, large volumes of capital outlays which have to be repeated in every production rum make the entry of new firms to the market quite difficult.For this reason, neither the assumption of freedom ©f entry nor the assumption of numerous telleo?® can be achieved in housing markets All of these factors prevent; the market for housing from reaching a competitive state and result in housing, defieit which is a common question of urban world, Developed and less developed countries, though they are worlds apart in wealth and technology, are both facing an urban housing problem.124 problem is not particular to a few countries because entrepreneurs usually prom unable to shelter the population almost everywhere. Housing deficit gives rise to important economic and social problems. She deficit strongly influences the family budget because housing expend! tuiies are its second largest item.Housing deficit may alsa affect the success of economic policies of the governments adversely. fhe unsanitary and substandard living, conditions of squatters and slums,which are the results of Jhousing deficit, reduce the economic activity of their occupants. In addition, the s& settlements cause an increase in public expenditures. Squatters and slums, in general, lead to violence, increasing alienation, crime, air and water pollution. The main properties of these settlements are unemployment, poverty, venereal di©ease,high population m density and high rate of juvenile delinquency. As the deficit is inevitable due to the imperfections of housing market and as it opens way to> overwhelming econmic and social problems, government interference with the market is of vital importance. The main objective of government intervention is to> satisfy the housing requirements of the people. Howe ver, the methods of intervention might, differ according to the specific circumstances of the country. In Turkey, housing industry is very ijsp©:HWi£, Bousing occupies 80% of construction sector. The volume of employment of housing sector was estimated as 550.OOQ.The share of housing sector m&.s supposed to be 3.6# i® GHP and the share of housing investments in total investments was supposed to be 20% in the Bevel opment Plans. The existing housing stock in the country is estimated to be 4-5 million units including squatters -and other substandard dwellings. The existence of squatters, overcrowded, and substandard dwellings indicate the housing deficit,125 Actually, housing deficit has been an important question for many decades in Turkey. There has always been a considerable difference between housing: supply and housing, need. T he inadequacy of annual housing supply in Turkey does not s%e® from tare insufficient level of resources allocated in this field.But it stems from some imperfections which are caused loj the sovereignty of private enterprise in housing sector. the adverse «f feet s created by the sovereignty of private enterprise meire accompanied by a set of additional factors such as high costs of urban land and construction materials, lopsided distribution of income, and high costs of" credit. Consequently, the gap between housing production and housing need has reached to a striking si ze. Hie authorities gave emphasis to housing problem in the Bevelopment Plans and Gonsitutions.But until the early 1980» s a serious housing policy could not be observed. The first Mass Housing Code was put into- effect in 1981 but it could, not be: appliedi because of financial reasons. The second Mass Housing Code mas proclaimed in 1984» This law: aimM to stimulate the recovery in construction sector and promised, financial support to> lower and middle income groups. However, in a period of three years the code did. not reaeh to the predicted targets because it ignored, some of the causes of housing problem and it included some? imperfect ions. The activities of th© fundi eouldt not embrace the target income groups beoamse credit ratios were not determined realistically. Hevertheless,Mass Housing Code can be interpreted as the initial step of a comprehensive housing poliey.fhe authorities should, improve an,d apply some other policies i»hieh should be -synchronized, mth housing policy. These policies should offer12& efficient solutions to> the problems which are related to housing. Housing p&licy should be accompanied by the policies which can reduce the inequality in distribution of income, increase the amount of urban land available for housing production, and decrease the high costs of construction materials. In sum, housing problem can not be solved with piecemal attempt s.îhe solution of the problem invokes a rational housing policy which is based on a broader setting and which is designed, as a part of a mder social ana economic policy.anyway, the eradication of housing deficit seems to require consistent approaches and considerable efforts.

IMPORTANCE: Generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) is poorly understood compared with other anxiety disorders, and debates persist about the seriousness of this disorder. Few data exist on GAD outside a small number of affluent, industrialized nations. No population-based data exist on GAD as it is currently defined in DSM-5. OBJECTIVE: To provide the first epidemiologic data on DSM-5 GAD and explore cross-national differences in its prevalence, course, correlates, and impact. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS: Data come from the World Health Organization World Mental Health Survey Initiative. Cross-sectional general population surveys were carried out in 26 countries using a consistent research protocol and assessment instrument. A total of 147 261 adults from representative household samples were interviewed face-to-face in the community. The surveys were conducted between 2001 and 2012. Data analysis was performed from July 22, 2015, to December 12, 2016. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES: The Composite International Diagnostic Interview was used to assess GAD along with comorbid disorders, role impairment, and help seeking. RESULTS: Respondents were 147 261 adults aged 18 to 99 years. The surveys had a weighted mean response rate of 69.5%. Across surveys, DSM-5 GAD had a combined lifetime prevalence (SE) of 3.7% (0.1%), 12-month prevalence of 1.8% (0.1%), and 30-day prevalence of 0.8% (0). Prevalence estimates varied widely across countries, with lifetime prevalence highest in high-income countries (5.0% [0.1%]), lower in middle-income countries (2.8% [0.1%]), and lowest in low-income countries (1.6% [0.1%]). Generalized anxiety disorder typically begins in adulthood and persists over time, although onset is later and clinical course is more persistent in lower-income countries. Lifetime comorbidity is high (81.9% [0.7%]), particularly with mood (63.0% [0.9%]) and other anxiety (51.7% [0.9%]) disorders. Severe role impairment is common across life domains (50.6% [1.2%]), particularly in high-income countries. Treatment is sought by approximately half of affected individuals (49.2% [1.2%]), especially those with severe role impairment (59.4% [1.8%]) or comorbid disorders (55.8% [1.4%]) and those living in high-income countries (59.0% [1.3%]). CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE: The findings of this study show that DSM-5 GAD is more prevalent than DSM-IV GAD and is associated with substantial role impairment. The disorder is especially common and impairing in high-income countries despite a negative association between GAD and socioeconomic status within countries. These results underscore the public health significance of GAD across the globe while uncovering cross-national differences in prevalence, course, and impairment that require further investigation. ; The WHO WMH Survey Initiative is supported by National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) grant R01 MH070884; the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation; the Pfizer Foundation; US Public Health Service grants R13-MH066849, R01-MH069864, and R01 DA016558; Fogarty International Center grant FIRCA R03-TW006481; the Pan American Health Organization; Eli Lilly and Company; Ortho-McNeil Pharmaceutical, Inc; GlaxoSmithKline; and Bristol-Myers Squibb. The 2007 Australian National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing is funded by the Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing. The São Paulo Megacity Mental Health Survey is supported by the State of São Paulo Research Foundation Thematic Project grant 03/00204-3. The Bulgarian Epidemiological Study of common mental disorders Epidemiology and Bulgaria is supported by the Ministry of Health and the National Center for Public Health Protection. The Chinese WMH Survey Initiative is supported by the Pfizer Foundation. The Shenzhen Mental Health Survey is supported by the Shenzhen Bureau of Health and the Shenzhen Bureau of Science, Technology, and Information. The Colombian National Study of Mental Health is supported by the Ministry of Social Protection. The Mental Health Study Medellín–Colombia was carried out and supported jointly by the Center for Excellence on Research in Mental Health (CES University) and the Secretary of Health of Medellín. The European Study of the Epidemiology of Mental Disorders project is funded by European Commission contracts QLG5-1999-01042, SANCO 2004123, and EAHC 20081308 (the Piedmont Region [Italy]); Fondo de Investigación Sanitaria; Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Spain grant FIS 00/0028; Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología, Spain, grant SAF 2000-158-CE; Departament de Salut, Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain; Instituto de Salud Carlos III grants CIBER CB06/02/0046 and RETICS RD06/0011 REM-TAP; and other local agencies and by an unrestricted educational grant from GlaxoSmithKline. Implementation of the Iraq Mental Health Survey (IMHS) and data entry were carried out by the staff of the Iraqi Ministry of Health and Ministry of Planning with direct support from the Iraqi IMHS team, with funding from both the Japanese and European Funds through United Nations Development Group Iraq Trust Fund. The Israel National Health Survey is funded by the Ministry of Health with support from the Israel National Institute for Health Policy and Health Services Research and the National Insurance Institute of Israel. The WMH Japan Survey is supported by grants H13-SHOGAI-023, H14-TOKUBETSU-026, and H16-KOKORO-013 for Research on Psychiatric and Neurological Diseases and Mental Health from the Japan Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. The Lebanese Evaluation of the Burden of Ailments and Needs of the Nation is supported by the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health, the WHO (Lebanon), National Institute of Health/Fogarty International Center grant R03 TW006481-01, anonymous private donations to Institute for Development Research Advocacy and Applied Care, Lebanon, and unrestricted grants from Algorithm, AstraZeneca, Benta, Bella Pharma, Eli Lilly, GlaxoSmithKline, Lundbeck, Novartis, Servier, Phenicia, and Union Pharmaceutique d'Orient SAL. The Mexican National Comorbidity Survey is supported by The National Institute of Psychiatry Ramon de la Fuente grant INPRFMDIES 4280 and by the National Council on Science and Technology grant CONACyT-G30544-H, with supplemental support from the Pan American Health Organization. Te Rau Hinengaro: The New Zealand Mental Health Survey is supported by the New Zealand Ministry of Health, Alcohol Advisory Council, and the Health Research Council. The Nigerian Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing is supported by the WHO (Geneva), the WHO (Nigeria), and the Federal Ministry of Health, Abuja, Nigeria. The Northern Ireland Study of Mental Health was funded by the Health & Social Care Research & Development Division of the Public Health Agency. The Peruvian WMH Study was funded by the National Institute of Health of the Ministry of Health of Peru. The Polish project Epidemiology of Mental Health and Access to Care–EZOP Project grant PL 0256 was supported by Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway through funding from the European Economic Area Financial Mechanism and the Norwegian Financial Mechanism; the EZOP Project was cofinanced by the Polish Ministry of Health. The Portuguese Mental Health Study was carried out by the Department of Mental Health, Faculty of Medical Sciences, NOVA University of Lisbon, with collaboration of the Portuguese Catholic University, and was funded by Champalimaud Foundation, Gulbenkian Foundation, Foundation for Science and Technology and Ministry of Health. The Romania WMH Survey Initiative study projects Policies in Mental Health Area and National Study Regarding Mental Health and Services Use were carried out by the National School of Public Health & Health Services Management (formerly the National Institute for Research & Development in Health), with technical support of Metro Media Transilvania, the National Institute of Statistics–National Centre for Training in Statistics, Societatea Comerciala Cheyenne Services SRL, and Statistics Netherlands and were funded by the Ministry of Public Health (formerly the Ministry of Health) with supplemental support from Eli Lilly Romania SRL. The South Africa Stress and Health Study is supported by US NIMH grant R01-MH059575 and the National Institute of Drug Abuse, with supplemental funding from the South African Department of Health and the University of Michigan. The Psychiatric Enquiry to General Population in Southeast Spain–Murcia Project has been financed by the Regional Health Authorities of Murcia (Servicio Murciano de Salud and Consejería de Sanidad y Política Social) and Fundación para la Formación e Investigación Sanitarias of Murcia. The Ukraine Comorbid Mental Disorders During Periods of Social Disruption study is funded by US NIMH grant R01-MH61905. The US National Comorbidity Survey Replication is supported by NIMH grant U01-MH60220 with supplemental support from the National Institute of Drug Abuse, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Robert Wood Johnson Foundation grant 044708, and the John W. Alden Trust. Preparation of this manuscript was supported by grant R01 MH094425 from the NIMH (Dr Ruscio).

Frank Yannacone, July 22, 2013 ; Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. ; The following is an oral history interview with Frank Yannacone. The interview was conducted on July 22, 2013, by Lorrie Rands. Frank discusses his memories of life on 25th Street. ; 75p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 videodisc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Frank Yannacone Interviewed by Lorrie Rands 22 July 2013 Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Frank Yannacone Interviewed by Lorrie Rands 22 July 2013 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. After World War II, the railroad business declined. Some government agencies and businesses related to the defense industry continued to gravitate to Ogden after the war—including the Internal Revenue Regional Center, the Marquardt Corporation, Boeing Corporation, Volvo-White Truck Corporation, Morton-Thiokol, and several other smaller operations. However, the economy became more service oriented, with small businesses developing that appealed to changing demographics, including the growing Hispanic population. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management Special Collections All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Yannacone, Frank, an oral history by Lorrie Rands, 22 July 2013 , WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, Special Collections, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Frank Yannacone July 22, 2013 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Frank Yannacone. The interview was conducted on July 22, 2013, by Lorrie Rands. Frank discusses his memories of life on 25th Street. LR: Okay it's July 22, 2013. We are in the home of Mr. Frank Yannacone doing an oral history about 25th street and his memories of the buildings and the his memories of the life on that street. So Mr. Yannacone thank you so much for letting us be in your home today. I'm sorry, I'm Lorrie Rands doing the interview, Melissa Johnson is here with me as well as your daughter in law. FY: Marva LR: Marva? FY: Well Yannacone LR: Yannacone, well of course. I told you when I walked in my blonde is showing. MY: That's okay LR: I'm having my day. So Mr. Yannacone I would love for you just to start—go ahead and start at the Broom Hotel and make your way up and down the street. FY: Okay the Broom Hotel. I remember it in the 1950s, it was in kind of a state of disrepair. When it was built it was supposed to have been the best between Denver and San Francisco—of course I heard the same claim for the Hotel Utah when that was built. But anyhow going west was, as I recall, Ross and Jack's Restaurant, which at that time it had a nice art deco façade and a lot of neon. The story was that Ross and Jack had a café and they got into some 1 disagreement so they put a wall down the middle and had Ross's Café and Jack's Café. It went on like that for many years and then they decided maybe that was pretty stupid so they took the wall out and put the nice façade and it was Ross and Jack's Café instead of Ross's Café and Jack's Café. Early history says that Jack Dempsey washed dishes there before he became a big time boxer. I just heard that, I don't know. Next I believe was Morris Men Shop, which was a men's Habersasher, but he was also a clearing house for Basque sheep herders. They'd come in from Elko, check—if they needed a job or looking for someone or mail drop, he was the clearing house for the Basques. Next I think that little bar on Kiesel and across the street where the Federal Building is now, on Kiesel, there was a little café, little diner. Next was Hemingway and Moser had a cigar factory there at least for a while. I can remember standing in the street watching them roll cigars and their brand had something to do with a blue whale or a blue point or something nautical. Next was Ogden Blue, a new business, just a little hole in the wall and now what, 60 years later they're still around and thriving I guess. There are a lot of assorted shops, restaurants, bars, I don't remember the rest of the block, but I remember a Hotel which was on Grant, still there. Next door was the Friendly Tavern, and Saturday nights my wife and I would go to hear the Salvation Army band play about 7:00 every Saturday night. Had a little brass band, I don't know 5/6 members and Sally's would go hit all the bars with their tambourines, collecting change. Starting in that block you had a lot of little restaurants and bars, a lot of Japanese. The whore houses were upstairs still 2 operating. I guess they operated until I don't know, close to 1960 and they— when they closed them up of course all that upstairs room turned into housing in the door to the upstairs started appearing little notices that upstairs was a private dwelling, no trespassing and as I recall there was a shooting down there. Some drunk insisted that it was a whore house and wouldn't take no for an answer and I think he got gunned down, that's my memory. I can't say for certainty, but for some reason it's in my mind. There was a little Japanese restaurant, little ma and pa place. Old wooden booths, hole in the wall, dark—somebody took us there and it had the best damn shrimp, even better than the Utah Noodle, they were great. All that block was mixed housing, bars, stores, shops, and whore houses. Down on the Lincoln end about the 3rd place from the corner there was a grocery store and a hotel upstairs. The name Howard comes into mind and as I mentioned last week I never talked to the guy, but I bought a Medal D'oro which is an Italian espresso coffee. He had it; he also had Luzianne coffee which was a chicory Cajun coffee and Sorgaum syrup. The only thing I can figure, I never asked, but the only thing that I can figure is the black population, a lot of them working on the railroad and they were on Wall Avenue. LR: Was the black population at this time allowed to come into the store or was it after? FY: Now that store, 25th street was different see, kind of. LR: I know the North side was for the whites and the south side was for the Negro population. 3 FY: No, no, no, no, no. The citizens, the residents lived on Wall, close to the railroad. Then they started moving up to Lincoln, but they were segregated. That was our ghetto misnomer of course cause I don't know where that started. A ghetto was a walled area in Europe and old Europe. Somehow or other now—we used to call them slums or something. Now they're ghettos, I don't know. Anyhow, there were a lot of Winos I mean it was kind of like skid row, 25th street. After they closed the whore houses it really went downhill. It was a pretty reasonable place, you never went out on a Saturday night without—you went to the Star Noodle or the China Temple, that ended your evening. It was quite civilized. They had—I can't remember the hotel on the corner it's gone now on the northeast corner of Wall and 25th street. MJ: Was it the Healy? FY: Might have been. I remember when they tore it down, nobody then wanted to put in sprinklers or fix it or something and they tore it down. Next door was the China Temple and next door was the Depot Drug and they had a sign out, "prescription filled." It was a regular drug store and a lot of bars. There was a time, it was before my time when you could do anything on 25th street. You could do banking, you could transact business, you could eat, buy clothing and they had hotels of course because the railroad was right there. There were—I saw it in the paper just recently, the Kokomo Club doing some repairs and they found some old artifacts. Kokomo Club was going strong when I came to Ogden, and there's a bar probably been running for geez anyhow 70/75 years, maybe longer and still going. 4 MJ: Yeah we are going to be interviewing the owners of it. FY: There was another one called I think Pagano's. Well anyhow we'll go across the street. That corner building is still there. It was a stone building and next to it were some small shops including a souvenir shop, had a big sign up, one cent postcards. You probably can remember that. That sign was there when postcards were a nickel or more. MJ: Now is this off of Wall down on that end? FY: We're coming back from Wall now. We're now on that big stone building, I don't know I don't remember what it was, could've been a bank when it was built, but it's still there. Then coming up, there were frame buildings, shops, big front windows painted red as I recall many of them, especially that one with the one cent postcards. You've got a picture somewhere I'm sure of it. MJ: That block right there, just off of Wall, we have very few pictures of. I think that first building is the Murphy Block and we've been talking to the family that owned that building, trying to get photos. FY: Well there's a picture in what did I tell ya? UtahHikes.com. Old Ogden, there's a picture from the terminal and it was taken after the hotel was torn down. But the building on the other side is still there and I imagine if you look close with a glass you can see that sign out there with the one cent. Then you came to the what did I say the name was? That hotel? LR: The Broom? No. FY: Where is that book? 5 MJ: Oh the Royal Hotel? FY: Royal! That was Weeklys'. That was where the black train people stayed. That was all segregated you know, until 64. It was the Royal Hotel and downstairs was the bar, the Porter's and Waiter's Club, which was a nightclub for all the blacks and stories about big bands coming and that's where Annabelle married Weekly. Then after he died she opened Annabelle's, which was a fried chicken place. I wasn't into fried chicken, my wife was, but I could eat her chicken and I told you the story why I could eat her chicken. She said it was cooked by Mexicans in lard, and I checked, all her cooks were Mexican and they had big, cast iron skillets and Dutch ovens and you could smell the lard if you got close to the pass out window. Then last I heard about her, she took a degree in sociology and was working for the state. Now there's a guy around town and he comes here occasionally, he's 93 years old and he's a musician and his name is Joe… MJ: Joe McQueen? FY: Eastman? No Joe, MJ: Joe McQueen? FY: McQueen. MJ: The saxophone player. FY: Yeah, he used to play there. I understand he still—he's 93 years old and he still comes up here and takes people shopping and runs errands and stuff. I never had the chance to meet him yet, but I understand he and Annabelle were coming 6 back from Wendover and he was driving, had a wreck somewhere west of Tooele and she got killed. MJ: Yeah that was— FY: Can't be too many years ago. MJ: Four years ago? Five? LR: I thought it was a while ago. MJ: No it wasn't all that long ago. MY: Yeah, I remember something about that. FY: It was fairly recent, fairly recent. MJ: It was shortly after the document that Isaac Goeckeritz did. He filmed both Joe McQueen and Annabelle and it was about a year or so after that. FY: Now, story is she was the highest price call girl in Ogden. MJ: Oh really? FY: That was the story, she was a looker. When she was young, I mean she was a looker. Now we're talking about nice—a date, civility of 25th street. We had the whore houses all the doctors were in the First Security Bank building, maybe a few across at the Eccles building, but once a month those girls would go for their physical. I knew someone who worked at one of the dress shops and there were several of them in that block from 25th to 24th. There was Clifton's, they're still around. There was Hughes, I think Mode O' Day or something. Anyhow, the girls liked when the, I mean the clerks liked when the girls went for their physicals 7 because they shopped on the way home and spent money. These sales clerks worked on a base plus commission so they were happy to see them. The ladies they walked down the street you know it was civilized; you could go down and not worry about getting shot up or something. After they closed up these places then it got tough. That's when it became skid row. There were winos and drunks, it was tough. That's what happened to that Howard Hotel or grocery store or whatever it was. It was a yellow brick building. Some wino got hallucinations one night and he was cold and lit a fire under the sink and burned the whole damn place down. Yeah there were panhandlers, it was tough. The only time you went there, you went to the China Temple or the Star Noodle. MY: That was it. FY: Okay then we get up on that corner. There was a stack yard. A stack yard's an electrical place where they got transformers and I think that's still there, I'm not sure. MJ: I'm not sure either. FY: On Lincoln, Lincoln and Wall, or Lincoln and 25th. LR: I thought that was the building, wasn't that where Rose Davies building was? FY: No that's on the other side. We're still between Wall and Lincoln. LR: Hmm I thought we were on Lincoln now. MJ: So right on the corner there of Lincoln? 8 FY: There was I think a stack yard. Maybe on the wrong block, but it's a stack yard. I call it a stack yard, it's a place where the power company has transformers and wires coming in and going out. A substation I guess they call them. LR: There's one I seem to recall when we were at that Karen's Café. There was something behind it that reminded me of a substation so maybe that's it. FY: Well see I haven't been down that part of town—I've been here a year and haven't been down there. I figure it's not interesting anymore. LR: It actually is, it might be worth your while to go down and look at it again. FY: Well I hear they got a lot of overpriced restaurants. MJ: Yeah there's a few of those. FY: A lot of glitz and stuff like that and I don't walk well. It's of no historical interest to me anymore. Okay let's cross the street and go to El Boracho. MY: My class wanted to have our picture taken in front of it, but the nuns at St. Joseph's High School didn't think that would be good. LR: I can't imagine why. FY: Now across the street where the El Boracho is now I understand there was a restaurant called Patricia's or something or Poncho's, Mexican, Mexican place. My sister was over visiting from Cheyenne and she was going to take the bus back. I don't remember, hell I think that was the only—by then that was the only way to go back. I think the trains had quit running. Anyhow she wanted some authentic Mexican food and we took her in there. The food was delicious and I 9 don't think she enjoyed a bite because she was worried about if it was safe to be in there. MY: I could see Betty doing that. FY: Anyhow, the Rose Rooms were on top of El Boracho and I worked with a young fellow at the packing house. There was a garage across Ogden Avenue from the Hotel Ben Lomond and it was a parking garage, typical downtown parking garage that they had in those days. Hotel guests parked their cars there and business people, dropped their cars off for oil changes, there was no 15 minute Jiffy Lube back then. Anyhow he had a part time job while he was in high school and Rose had a big four door Sedan, I can't remember. He described, would tell us about it and she'd call—she'd want her car to go for a drive. He would have to deliver it, he was the gopher. He'd park the car and then he'd go upstairs and have to go back in the kitchen to give her the keys and usually he said some of the girls were in there having coffee and talking. It was afternoon, slow time of day I guess and he can remember hustling them. He could also remember they'd laugh at him you know, just a kid. He kept talking about it when he was older and I guess hey that was an experience. I worked with another guy whose aunt and uncle owned the Montana Hotel, next door which was a three story building. He spent a summer or so with them one time. He would talk about in the summer he'd go up on the third floor up on the roof and look over at the second floor roof next door and watch the girls sunbathing. Hey that's pretty thrilling stuff for high school kids I tell ya. MY: They didn't have the internet. 10 FY: Then it came up the street there to the Star Noodle. Now the Star Noodle—that fellow I don't remember his name, but I used to know it. He built Dai Enkotai out there on Highway 89, out in South Ogden. Dai Enkotai, Wayside Inn is the translation. When he built that there was no water up there on that part of the bench. 500 bucks would buy you an acre of land—I even had 500 bucks. He would go up there with his pickup loaded with 50 gallon drums and hand water all that planting he did. Last I saw it I was out there geez I don't know, 20/30 years ago had dinner there and everything has mature and I don't know if you've ever been in. It's a Japanese Tea House, you know the nice roof and the shoji doors, shoji doors you know are the wood and parchment, beautiful place. Anyhow he's planted all that stuff, everyone thought he was nuts. Then they built I think a Rockport dam and suddenly there was water, you couldn't buy 500 dollar an acre anymore. The place started booming. Anyhow I understand that sign is somewhere around. MJ: The Star Noodle? Yeah, the last I heard about it the city is holding onto it because they want it preserved and they want it actually put back up on the building as kind of a historic piece. FY: I'll tell you how that works. Up in Rexburg there was a theatre built in 1932 or 3. It was art deco. A big neon sign outside, and the company who owned that decided to abandon it and they built these stadium theatres. Somehow the city caught wind of it, they were dismantling everything, and the city was able to buy it. The stipulation, you can't show movies in there. Anyhow it took 10 or 15 years—we had an enlightened councilman up there. There was a problem with parking on 11 the main street and he says instead of the city spending money trying to restore that, let's tear it down and build a parking lot. Typical American thinking, it's 50 years old, get rid of it. Anyhow between the college, which did a lot of the engineering and design work free and a lot of student help and volunteers, they restored that building and they rebuilt the marquee. All neon and arrows and beautiful things. The only difference now instead of posting letters it's digital. It's on all day and most of the night, well until midnight every day. They post the weather and civic happenings and announcements like that, beautiful. Could've been lost you know? LR: So can you see them doing that with the Star Noodle, with that property? FY: I can see them with the sign yeah and the façade. MJ: I think that's the goal. Right now the building is empty and the owner is—the city has told him that he has to restore it. He can't tear it down, he has to restore it so he's working on that and right now the city is holding onto the sign for safe keeping so it will get restored. FY: See when they built the—in Salt Lake City, I can't remember, what was the shopping mall they built right across from the temple? LR: Crosswords, Crosswords Mall. MJ: Yeah FY: Then they went across the street and rebuilt the ZCMI block. That façade is the original, the old cast iron and they've done that in a lot of places. The inside, god only know what it is, but the outside is still there. Yeah they can do that with the 12 Star Noodle. Then up from that there were some assorted businesses, bars, I can't remember until you hit the Greyhound Terminal and I remember when they built that. I don't know what was there, but I remember when they built that. I think, and I'm not sure there, because reminds me of an art deco building, you know with that curved front. I can't be sure and next door was the big old home, the Elks Lodge. See the bakery, the bakery bought that—now if you're on Lincoln Avenue going south from El Boracho there was a red brick two story apartment building there. Had 6 or 8 apartments in there and I knew a guy, he was a colored fellow, worked with him. Lacey Jones and I can't remember his wife's name, but she was quite a character. Anyhow Lacey lived there and I remember when he bought it, now that's part of the bakery property too. Had to be in the 70s, it was still there, an apartment house. MJ: The Elks Lodge you mean? FY: No behind El Boracho. Then of course you went up 25th street to the Ben Lomond and that corner office used to be a Union Pacific Ticket office, so you didn't have to go to the depot. In those days you had 64 trains a day come through Ogden, you could've gone anywhere. Then the numbnuts guys, typical, what did they do? They went in and tore down all that cast iron canopies except for one. Filled in the subway, now they want to restore it and got no money. It was there! LR: So you're not an Ogden native? FY: No I came here in 1950. 13 LR: You're originally from? FY: Pennsylvania. LR: What brought you to Ogden, your job? FY: Work, yeah. I came out to school, married and then came to work for Swift. I worked there until they closed. There's another—the viaduct, used to walk across the viaduct, it was old and wooden. See you people wouldn't remember it because they rebuilt it before you were probably even alive. MY: It seems like there wasn't the one that's there now that I remember. FY: Well then you remember the old one. MY: I remember the old one. FY: You're older than these gals, yeah. It was iron with framed deco. It was 2 by, I don't know, 2 inch lumber on edge with black top on it. You walked up and then when you got across the yard before you hit the river there was a stairway, and I walked it many times like all other people to go to work. You'd walk down and it'd dump you off right there where there was a ramp that went down and the stairs took you down under the ramp right there to the packing house. West Ogden was Bertagnoli's Motel, Mountain View Motel, I think it was Bertagnoli. Used to be a motel, course we had stock shows and stock yards and Ogden was a booming town. Anyhow I noticed it's now an apartment, Mountain View apartments, but its story was he made his money as a bootlegger and then built the motel. They had the big stock shows, my father-in-law worked for, as a young fellow, he worked for Covey of Covey Bagley and Dayton, sheep people, 14 and the old man he's the one that built Little American over by Granger, I met him. My father-in-law came down from Logan to go to the stock show and we went down there one time and it's in November, cold weather you know. I don't know if you've ever been to a stock show, but they have the pavilion and they give parts of it to different exhibitors and they use straw or hay to kind of fence it off. There's no heat and we went down and that's the year I won a little leather suitcase from Read Brothers, when they were still on 24th street in the leather business. We had had a judging contest and they called me at home, you know you went in and gave your name and phone number. They called says you won the prize for the judging and I had that suitcase for years. Then somebody spilled something in it and I gave it to the DI. I wish I hadn't cause it had their plate on it you know. Anyhow we're walking down through there and you can see they all have big banners these places and you could see Covey Bagley and Dayton Herefords. We're walking down the aisle and my father-in-law says, "My god there's Anson," or Anselm, Ansom, A-N- I think S-C-L-M, or A-N-S-C-M, anyhow that was his name, Covey. Here's this old guy in a black overcoat and gray hair sitting on a bale of hay and we walked up to him and he got up and he says, "By god Tommy how the hell are you?" It had to have been WWI when he quit so it had to be like 40 or 50 years and he still remembered him. I thought that was just great. There's a guy see I wished I had recorded, there were real tape recorders when he was living. After his wife died he moved in with his son and he would tell stories about herding sheep out of Cokeville, Wyoming. There were so many 15 sheep and he said there were so many sage hens and in the spring when they started moving the sheep the ground would be yellow from sage hen eggs that the sheep trampled. Now you know they're endangered. MY: I've never heard of a sage hen. FY: Sage hen is a quail, some kind of a quail. There's a half a dozen kind of them. MY: They're cute FY: Anyhow you went up 25th street and I don't remember what was there before they built the Ramada Inn, but the Ramada Inn. God that had to be around 1970. MY: Yeah I'm trying to think what was there and I can't remember either. The church, I'd go to the church there FY: Then across the street was a church and they sold it and it was the American Legion Hall for many years. I don't know what it is now. MY: It used to be Kamikaze's. MJ: Yeah, it still is. FY: Oh, a club? MY: It's a bar. MJ: Yeah. MY: Then a Presbyterian church. FY: Then across the street you had Larkin's Mortuary and wasn't that the street where they had the White, the dance hall? 16 MY: That was on 25th and Adams. LR: White City. FY: White City, yeah. MY: Cool place, I remember. FY: Hell that was a big dance hall. It had a roof like the Salt Lake Tabernacle. Big dance hall and they tore that down. You had the Berthana and the White City LR: They were happening spots back in the day. MY: We used to roller-skate at the Berthana up into the 70s. LR: They were happening spots back in the day. They were the place to go. FY: They were dance halls. The Berthana then became a roller rink, but that White City was a dance hall. Yeah it had live music and bands and everybody danced and then you came down the hill. First was Jimmie's Floral, later years you had a little restaurant there called the Canton Low, next to it was a Beauty Shop Supply and next was—Kathy Faunce had a dress top shop, what the hell did she call that? Some fancy name, and then on the corner was Farr's Jewelry. The Canton on the base, on the first floor of the old Masonic Temple on, across from the courthouse. On the main floor was a Chinese restaurant called the Canton. The guy that owned that, and I think Rose who owned half of the Canton Low a little later, she was maybe his wife or his partner. Anyhow it was a big Chinese restaurant and he was going home one night and on the corner there of Adams and 25th there was a wreck, he got hit or whatever. No seatbelts in those days, he ran his car into the curb in front of St. Joe's church, got thrown 17 out, hit his head on the curb and got killed. That was the end of the Canton Café, now I don't recall the sequence of when the Canton closed and the other little place opened, but you had the Ben Lomond Hotel and Royal Shoe Store was next door. Guy sold Red Wings. I bought a pair, 5 bucks. LR: A pair of Red Wings for 5 bucks. FY: 6 inch shoes made in the USA of course, and a guy named Saccamano was his name. Oh and then you had the Orpheum, the Orpheum theater. You know how these theatres had long entries and businesses. Dokas's Greek Restaurant, it was just a lunch counter. It wasn't fancy, but it was Dokas's restaurant and candy store, hand dipped chocolates. You could get a blue plate lunch in there for like 45 cents or something. Then they moved down on Grant, somewhere between I think 24th and 23rd and they still had the candy. They were a wholesaler for tobacco and cigarettes and sundress. God that was a heyday. LR: You mentioned last time about the Bamberger that ran up 25th street. FY: It's in that book, the Bamberger was the interurban. When I grew up they were called Interurban Railroads. They were trolley cars and they went 60/70 miles an hour and I mean they were electric trains, but they were actually high powered trolley cars. You had them between cities and the Bamberger, okay let's go back. Bamberger was the first—he was a Jewish business man. He was a governor I think the only Jewish governor in the state of Utah. He had this railroad between Ogden and Salt Lake, well he started it. He started Lagoon cause he got to Lagoon and they couldn't go further so he started Lagoon and he 18 made some money and then he was able to finish down into Salt Lake. Their terminal, they came in from Logan. I think that was the U & I Railroad. Those railroads would go right down the main street and you could've gone from Franklin to Ogden to Salt Lake, I don't recall past that. They came in on Lincoln, had railroad tracks on Lincoln cause Becker's Brewery was on Lincoln about 21st street. The old Becker Mansion was across on the east side of Lincoln and beautiful old building with columns, sure you got pictures. I was disappointed after coming back after 25 years. Utah still has that 3.2 law. Becker was making 3.2 beer, but he had a place up in Evanston called the Uintah Club beer where he made full strength beer. Every brewery has a bar, bar room. I don't remember what year it was, but they put radios in the switch engines. Now Ogden was big you know, big yards and lots of traffic. Lots of switch engines and they put in radios and they just almost had a riot with the railroad employees because at any given time just about you could find a switch engine parked by the brewery. They'd take turns going up there to have a cool beer, free on the house of course. Then they'd put radios and that kind of put the kibosh, cause they couldn't hide out anymore. The Bamberger came in, you could—see one story leads to another. My wife during the war lived in Logan and her mother played the piano. Rachel could play the piano from 9 years old she was playing in dance bands, bought her own piano. Well in Brigham City at Bushnell Hospital they used to take—my wife and her mother would take the train, the Bamberger over the mountain to Brigham City. She'd entertain, my wife would sing and they'd entertain these guys who 19 were all shot up and god only knows. Anyhow you could take the train all the way to Salt Lake and when it came to Ogden the depot was behind the old post office, 24th street. You'd go north, Pete Vlahos bought that for his office, but then next there was a knitting mill there. Was it Ogden Knitting Mill? MY: Oh yeah. FY: Then the city bought that, the city school district bought that a part of that building or there's a space there. That was the terminal for the Bamberger. They'd come down Lincoln and swing in and unload and then start out. You had a Y right there on Lincoln just north of 24th street. They'd come in then back out and go to Salt Lake. They stayed on Lincoln until St. Joe's School was what? 28th? 29th? MY: Between 27th and 28th on Lincoln. FY: Now did the trolley run past St. Joes? MY: I'm trying to think if there were tracks down that way and I don't think there were. FY: Anyway somewhere down there they cut across, the cut across the Weber River where you take the 31st freeway. Somewhere in that freeway now is where they used to cross the thing and go down and ended up in Hill field. See most of that right away is under I-15, but that interchange on 31st by the freeway coming down from the airport, that was city dump. On the west side of the river was the city dump. MY: Cause there wasn't anything else out there. FY: No, nothing. Oh just sand hills and that was the city dump. 20 LR: So do you recall when the Bamberger stopped running? I wonder if that affected, if that was as big of an impact as when the trains stopped coming in. FY: Well no because see back, during WWII there was about 130 million people in this country. Now you got 330 million, not everybody had a telephone, not everybody had a car. Gas was 15 cents and a car was 500 bucks during the depression. Who the hell had 500 bucks? By the time the Bamberger quit freeways started, Eisenhower started that in the 50s and in the 60s you had pieces of it between here and Salt Lake. Transportation I don't think, was that big a problem because you had Trailways and you had Greyhound, but more people had cars in the 50s. Hell almost everybody had a car. See that puts a different light on it. When Bamberger started, that was in the depression days, public transportation had trolley cars in Ogden. My father-in-law drove a trolley car in Ogden and the yard was—I can remember when they started building houses in there. 27th or 28th above Adams under the hill there was about a half a block or maybe a little more was kind of flat. That was the yards for the trolley cars. They ran up and down Washington Boulevard and when I came to Ogden they had bus service, but there was a big strike. But they had buses running up and down Washington and I think they had one would go up to Harrison and another one would go to West Ogden. It was pretty rudimentary, but people used the bus. Hell I used the bus and Ogden then was like 40,000 people. You had—Wilson Lane was out in the country, but you had Pete's Café which is still there. You had I think taxi service then, but it was pretty limited. Then the trains quit see—I don't 21 know about 67 or 8—those railroads really went at it with a vengeance. Passenger service cost them money, they couldn't make money on people, service got bad. I'll tell you a little story about my mother. She liked taking the trains and she'd stop in Cheyenne to see my sister and then she'd take the train over to see me and then she had an old childhood chum living in California, Colusa, California. She would call from my house to talk to this lady and set up. They'd pick up my mother in Sacramento and she would ride the bus. She liked the bus cause it took you downtown and she liked the trains cause you went into town and you saw the backyards. I enjoyed the trains too for that reason. Anyhow my sister, I had a niece that died and she was nine. The only way my mother could get to the funeral from Pennsylvania to Cheyenne was fly. She was petrified, but she had to do it. After the funeral she came over and visited for a while and she said—now this was, god this had to be in early 60s I guess. Anyhow she said she was on the, at the airport, and she said people would take her by the arm and call her by name and say, "Now you come on, you stand here and if we can get you on this flight," she was flying stand by. She said, "Now you stand here and if there's a place on this plane you know we'll get you on there and if not we'll see about the next flight." She said everybody was so nice, they were friendly. She said every time somebody did that at the airport I thought about the conductors on the trains. "Are we on time," and they'd snarl at ya. 22 "When's the dining car open," and they'd snarl at ya. She started flying after that. She gave up on the railroad. I took a train in 1964 where I had to go through four cars to find a car where I could plug in an electric razor they were that decrepit. Plugged them in and nothing happened. LR: So it's not surprising that they just, it became— FY: I mean they were deliberately doing that. See of course what happened, coincidental with all that was the US Post Office started air mailing mail instead of using the railway mail cars. LR: That was one of the huge reasons why they stopped. FY: Well they had revenue see and the passengers they would put up with, but when the post office cut them out they figured hell these people are costing us money and they went after them. That mail was all sorted by hand and they ran regular runs. I left a message for Charles Trentelman, I didn't leave it in his voicemail because I got somebody at a gift shop. Got a voicemail at the gift shop at the depot and I said, "Tell Trentelman that there's a fellow working at the Ogden post office who started out as a railway mail clerk." So there's still some guy, and when I heard the guy said he's old he must be at least 70. Well yeah he would be. So the Bamberger I don't know when they quit, but they were probably losing money and glad they quit. LR: Something else you mentioned last time that I found fascinating was talking about drinking coffee with Marshall White. I can't remember the whole story anymore, but you talked about drinking coffee with Marshall White. 23 FY: Yeah he came to my house one day and we were visiting about something or other, I don't recall, but we had coffee. You know he was— LR: A decent fellow? FY: See we talked about, I told you about that story about being in the China Temple. LR: You said it was your one regret. FY: See in the context of time—at the time there was two of us. We had an early thing going at the packing house and this guy came in from Portland and I picked him up at the Ben Lomond and said, "Let's stop and have some breakfast." The only place open at 4:00 in the morning was the China Temple. We went in there and sat down and while we were waiting for our order these three colored fellows came in and sat down at the end of the counter, way down by the kitchen. The guy comes out and tells them we can't' serve you and they left. I didn't pay any attention and I told Lorrie my regret was that I didn't walk out, but at the time didn't think anything of it. It didn't take me, only like a couple hours or next day or something I got thinking, "Geez there I sit—some Chinese guy telling a black guy he can't serve him. MY: But it was the time. FY: You heard me talk about Lacey Jones you know, when your boy died who was there? Lacey MY: I have pictures of him holding Tommy. He came to—Tommy was probably a month old and I have— FY: What was her name? 24 MY: I know, ever since you said his name, Lacy and anyway, I have pictures of him in my living room holding my baby. Beautiful pictures. LR: When was this? MY: Oh, 1982. FY: My kids were raised—my wife, I'll tell you she had an occasion, I'm not going to go into much detail, but she had an occasion to be in a position where she was catering to the public. Couple of colored folks came in and sat down and my wife was—hey I can tell you she can attest to this—we're walking down Washington Boulevard and we're standing in front of Froerer Place on 26th for real estate, 26th and? MY: Washington. FY: Washington. I said, "Wait a minute I got to go in and talk to Fred about something," and when I come out she's visiting with some woman on the sidewalk. The lady left and I said, "Who was that?" She says, "I don't know." I could hear so I asked, "Well what was she telling you about her son-in-law or something?" She says, "I don't know, she just came up and started talking." Anyhow wife's very pleasant to these people and somebody said you're a nigger lover. She got the guy by the shoulder and threw him out. MY: I was surprised that's all she did. 25 FY: So see my kids were raised, we had no animus. That's why it bothered me later when I—hey that's, god that's 60 years ago nearly. LR: And it still bothers you? FY: And it bothers me. MY: I can see that. FY: See and then when I heard about Marshall White. They're chasing some kid, got out of reform school and they chased him into this house and the kid comes up out of the basement with a gun and shoots the guy right at the top of the stairs. MY: Well remember when the hi-fi shop thing all happened and you made Robert go pick Lacey up. LR: Now was that on 25th street? FY: No that was on? MY: About 23rd and Washington, but it was right next to Karamel Korn. My husband was working with his dad and this Lacey Jones we've been talking about, he worked there and because of the hi-fi shop thing and the blacks and stuff. Frank was afraid for Lacey because you know some people just— FY: What was her name? Camilia? Camilla? MY: I'm trying to think of Robert saying it. Lacey and. FY: She was quite the character. MY: They were great people. 26 FY: Well you know life, I look at it differently than when I was her age. When I was 18, a boy. MY: Well and there again I think it's the time. My dad grew up in the South. I was raised with a little different perspective, but I never understood why my dad was prejudice. I didn't get it. I'm like why? I don't get it. I still don't understand it, why? Just because somebody has different colored skin. I see it with my grandchildren. In fact my little grandson he'll be telling me about a friend or something and he'll say he's brown, but you know there's no ethnic type, he's black, he's Mexican, he's this. So is your mother when she's out in the sun. FY: We lived in Hawaii for a couple of years and favorite story, oh that picture there. I found your husband's face in there. MY: Oh did you find him? Cause he's the only little haole. FY: As a matter of fact we had Japanese neighbors. See this country is becoming like Hawaii, there's no majority. See even back when we were there whites were not a majority. Had some neighbor kids, my kids were like 7 or 8, 6 or 7, somewhere around there. They're watching a war movie on television and my wife told me this story. I don't remember what the movie was, but Robert can tell you. He's probably seen it a million times. Anyhow it was a Japanese soldier sneaking up on this American GI and one of the little Japanese neighbor boy says watch out for that Jap! That's become a family story because that's the way it was. The kids, my kids were raised and her kids I'm sure raised that's—but back 60 years ago it was different. 27 Now I went to school with black kids, back then we called them Negros or colored. I can remember I spent a summer—I was in New York 1945—I was in Time Square on VJ Day. I was in that mass of about a million people, never forget it. I used to take a train 2:00 in the morning through Harlem. I'd be the only white guy, but there was nobody on the train, only half a dozen people on the whole damn three car train. Going through Harlem never had any fears. I Went to school with folks from hell, all over. Now coming from the South I worked with a guy in Idaho, turned out good friends, he's dead now. Jimmy Mitchell was born in Nashville and I didn't find that out until several years after I knew him. I never heard the N word more than I did in Rexburg. In the first month I heard probably more than in my whole life before that. I told him I don't like it and he was good enough that he watched his tongue when he was around me and hopefully he improved on it with other people. He was born in Nashville, he came to Idaho as a boy, but his dad, for like all the time Jimmy was growing up until he got married, every summer they'd go back to Nashville. Second nature with him, like your dad. MY: It has to do with where you grow up. My mother grew up in Colorado. Her and her friend were the only white girls in their class, most of them were Mexican. So my mom was more open to you know, culture. FY: Pass that picture over LR: So moving on to a little more happy things, I was wondering if you had any more stories about 25th street you'd like to share? Cause I mean you've done a good job and you've been talking for almost two hours. 28 FY: I have? LR: I don't know if you realize that. FY: No, but I get wound up. See we've digressed. LR: And that's okay. So I was just wondering if you had any other stories or memories of 25th street you'd like to share? FY: Well I told you about my wife and the egg foo yung. LR: When she was pregnant? FY: Now those were the days when they made real egg foo yung, not this crap they're making now. It's like some kind of a mush. MY: I don't know what it is FY: Anyway I was telling Lorrie, many a morning at 1 or 2:00, the only place open, go to the China Temple. I'd take a sauce pan cause you didn't have takeout boxes like you do now. I'd go get egg foo yung. Well my kid was like I don't know a year old, just starting to talk, I don't know how old they are when they start. Anyhow I had some business at the Greyhound Depot where they had the bus. The buses used to have express and I had some business there and I parked and it was diagonal parking. She was there in the front seat with the kid and I said, "I'll be right out." When I come out she's laughing. Now she could laugh, she turned me the wrong way on a one way street once and a cop pulled me over MY: All she could do was laugh. 29 FY: All she could do. All I could say, "She told me to turn," that's another family story. She knows what's coming. Well anyhow I come out and she's laughing and I said, "What happened?" She said, "See that Chinese fellow going by?" "The Chinese guy?" "Yeah. Well when he went by he said dada." Anyhow now you've heard the story of my life maybe. I don't know about 25th street, spent many a night down there after partying I can tell you that. Sober up at the China Temple. LR: That seemed to be the, well it was always open so that was the spot. FY: Well I can tell you about 24th street. MJ: What was on 24th street? FY: Well I'll tell you about getting from 25th to 24th. On Lincoln, 25th and Lincoln, there's a hotel, used to be a stop on the Bamberger. They had a sign up, but in there Harry the Tailor had a tailor shop in one of those little stores. Harry was from Armenia or some Middle Eastern country and he was a hell of a good, old bachelor. He had a barber shop, I mean a tailor shop. Anyhow we'd go up to Grant and you went past the hotel and in the middle of the block was Johnny Marsh's, the bug man, he was a pest control guy. John Marsh, and he had a sign, bughouse with a caterpillar on the top. I wonder what ever happened to that sign. Wonder if someone has it in their basement or out in a barn? 30 Then there seems to me like there was a big green building, concrete or masonry or something. Was like a wholesale, it was a pale green. Anyhow there was also a place in there, we all thought it was the Chinese lottery. It was a store front and they had like teller windows in there. It was Chinese and I don't know, might have been some kind of a thrift club or business. We all thought it was a Chinese lottery where you went in, but every time I went by the door was open, but I never saw anyone in there. That was the story that it was a Chinese lottery. Over on 24th street and there's an empty lot now next to the Berthana, used to be the Dinner Horn, was a grocery store. Then going west there was a gas station and when that folded it turned into a locksmith and Lester Pelton learned his business. MY: Wasn't it Vicks? FY: Was it Vicks? MY: I think it was Vicks. FY: It was a—they had a locksmith in there and this kid we know learned his trade in there. Next was the Grant Hotel and Grant Tap Room. Japanese, lot of Japanese in there. Then next was Minnie, don't know her last name, she was a barber. She came and interned during the war and she was a Buddhist. She played a mean poker game and she made a mean stir fry. She used to invite us out to the Buddhist festival every year. Next was Sakarada Fish Market. Then there was HJ Bonnie, turkey broker, and he raised turkeys. Now in those days where Wal-Mart is on 21st, 20th, there was a turkey processor there. Bonnie had an interest in that or maybe it was his. Then they turned it into a cold storage and then tore it down 31 for Wal-Mart. Then there was Richard's Sheet Metal—had apartments. We had one and the reason we had one well we had a little dog, little Corgi. Familiar with a Corgi? LR: No. FY: Queen Elizabeth raises Corgies, little. That nice place on 24th and Monroe that's supposed to be a Frank Lloyd Wright house, that was an apartment house. They wouldn't rent us an apartment cause we had a little dog. We lived at Richard's until we could find a place and parked in the back 50 bucks a month, everything but lights. Hot water, heat. LR: Wow, all for 50 bucks a month. FY: Then across the street the motel is still there. Now they call it the Westward Ho or something. Down on the corner where the old shaver mart is, Bob Hinds, H-I-N- D-S had a Conoco Station. Next to Richard's there was a lumber yard, don't remember the name, but I think it began with a B. MY: Burton, was it Burton's? FY: Could be. MY: Burton had a lumber place. FY: I can't remember what was next down to the corner. But Crittenden Paint still there, that building's still there. That restaurant I guess that's been a restaurant for a million years. Then you came up 24th street you had the Dinner Horn, you had the Berthana, there was a bar in there. MY: The Lighthouse Lounge. 32 FY: That was it, The Lighthouse huh? Okay. Good timing for your visit here. Then you hit Kiesel and the Kiesel Building, there were two dentists in there. I knew—I mean there might have been more but there were two dentists and they would cover each other. So I knew both, one was Reuben Clark who was kind of a milk toast type guy. You know milktoast? Well see years ago there was a comic strip called Milquetoast, also at that time was Maggie and Jiggs and the Toonerville Trolley, see that dates me. What you gals got to do is start looking up some of this stuff because Toonerville Trolley had a guy on there, they called it Terrible Temper Mr. Bang and he was always mad. I have a son who we referred to occasionally as "Terrible Temper Mr. Bang," cause he can talk himself into a mad and we'd say, "Terrible Temper Mr. Bang," he has no idea what we are talking about. Anyhow the other guy was something Turner. Anyhow he used to be an engineer and then decided he wanted to be a dentist and as much as Reuben Clark was a milktoast he was the macho. I mean he'd cuss a blue streak if he had to, you know, something went wrong. He told a story once about—he was hunting and he'd go working up this sidehill and he gets to the top, and there's some guy there laying on the ground and looking over at things. He says, "I told him that was a hell of a climb." He says, "Yeah, I noticed you had a little bit of a problem here and there. I had you in my scope all the time." He said, "You had me in your scope?" "Yeah," he said. 33 "Is that gun loaded?" He says, "Yeah," He said, "I beat the crap out of him." That's the kind— LR: Well I can understand that. FY: Reuben Clark to quote my wife, "he wouldn't say it if he had a mouthful." Then across the street was the Finer Foods Café and next to it was the Finer Tap Room. If you went down the café, they were narrow. They went down toward the kitchen, there was a door that took you into the Tap Room. Then at the Eccles Building up on the corner was a Walgreen's. MY: Cause the door you went in on the corner. FY: See Walgreen's. MY: They had a little lunch counter. LR: Is this on Grant then? FY: Well every drug store had a counter. MY: No it'd be on Washington. FY: Washington, under the Eccles Building. There's a hotel there now. Walgreen's always had a corner. They had a place across from that Crossroads Mall. First night in Salt Lake I had a cup of coffee right across the street from the temple. I flew out, stewardess is telling me all about the Salt Lake and the Mormons and they don't drink and they don't smoke. I spent the night in Salt Lake so I'd catch the bus the next day to Logan cause I was going to school up there. I walk 34 around, first thing I stay at that little hotel, it's on South Temple between Main and State and it's still there. Just little cozy, I don't know 8 or 10 rooms, it's probably a fancy apartment house now. Anyhow I walked in, walked around, typical Walgreen's. They sold cigarettes and cigars and pipe tobacco and coffee and they had a lunch counter and people sitting there smoking and drinking coffee. Then I walked around and ran into two cigar stores within a couple of blocks and I'm wondering what is she talking about? Anyhow I had her phone number and I called her. Tried to set up a date. MJ: No luck? FY: No, you know why? I wasn't Mormon. Well I sort of learned how it worked. It took me a while, but anyhow that was my introduction to Utah. It was a DC 3 and one of the two roughest places to fly in the country is Denver to Salt Lake and the other one is from Washington D.C. somewhere over the Appalachians I can't remember. Anyhow D.C. 3 21 passengers, it was full, served us a nice meal and then we hit the turbulence. The stewardess comes by, got plenty of food if you want it. God I could smell this puke. God that was a rough trip. MY: Now what did you start up at? FY: 46. So anyhow let's see we were on 24th street. You had the First Security Bank and across the street was W.T. Grant, pink sandstone, a red sandstone. My father-in-law helped build that and he said they poured concrete with wheelbarrows and they went up wheelbarrow at a time. Then that became ZCMI. 35 LR: There was a ZCMI in Ogden? MY: Right where the Weber place is. FY: They had a walkway over to the mall over Nordstrom's. LR: When was the ZCMI in Ogden? FY: Well I'm looking at that Ogden Hikes thing and the J.C. Penney building was ZCMI and then they, I guess shut down and left. Then came back after W.T. Grant. See 24th, Washington Boulevard between 25th and 24th street you had— MY: L.R. Samuel's. FY: Aurbach's. MY: Well L.R. Samuels to begin with. FY: Yeah, then Aurbach's. MY: Then Freddy Aurbach married the Samuels girl. FY: Then you had there was a men's store next to the— MY: Fred M. Nye? FY: No I'm talking on the west side. There was—I got a suit hanging in the closet I think came from them. Next to the bank, next between the bank and the Egyptian or the other side of the Egyptian, anyhow you had Keeley's Restaurant. MY: Smalley's Jewelry was right by the bank. FY: The men's store was probably on the north side of the bank. Anyhow you had restaurants and on the other side you had Nye's and when they closed I think 36 that's when Buehler Dunn, and Branz opened. You had Blocks in there, Blocks was an Idaho, small Idaho chain. Very upscale and kind of a department store, mostly men. Then when you went over to J.C. Penney you had Payless Drug and you could get in from Kiesel. Then you had in a row you had Newberry's, Woolworth and Grant, no W.T. Grant was across the street. Woolworth, Kresge three 5 and dimes, then there were assorted businesses. MY: Skagg's was downtown. FY: Well that was Payless. Ensign Drug was along in there. Every drug store had a lunch counter. MJ: Oh we are just about, the battery is just about out. FY: You want to plug in? MJ: Yeah. FY: There's a plug in. Marva, MY: Is it in the bedroom? FY: Yeah, one in the bedroom there. MJ: Most of the time I just plug it in automatically, but I thought we'd be okay with the battery cause it was just charged. FY: Then you went down the end of the block was Sear's. They had on the Kiesel Avenue side an auto, 3 bay auto. They changed oil and stuff like that. They moved and that was the end of the downtown. Cross from Sear's you had Firestone, had a big store, I think it's a bank now. 37 MY: It's Zion's Bank. FY: Then across the street was Reliable Furniture. Was it Reliable? MY: There was a Reliable. You know who owned Reliable? Herscowitz, Sam Herscowitz because my mom worked for his wife when he and his brother owned Reliable Furniture. FY: Well it became then Wolfe Sporting Goods and next to the Firestone store that would be on the east side between 23rd and 24th coming south, was Madsen Furniture. That dinet set came from Madsen Furniture when we were living up on Binford. My kids were in high school, that has to be over 40 years and I refuse to buy a new one. My sister has for years said, "Why don't you know it's wearing out." She insisted my mother buy a new coat and she died. She insisted her husband buy a new suit, he says no way Jose. He said, "Looked what happened to your mother," and that's why I won't buy a new dinette, cause the odds—the longer I wait the odds get better, but yeah that was Madsen Furniture. MY: Sav On was down there, Sav On Sporting Goods. FY: Well on 24th now, let's go. MY: But it was between 22nd and 23rd. FY: Let's go down 24th street now from W. T. Grant, cross the street J. C. Penney. Next door was I think Klenke, K-L-E-N-K-E Hardware. MJ: Were they connected to Klenke Floral? FY: I don't know. 38 MY: I have no idea. FY: But this old guy and his daughter ran that store. I think when they wrecked that they probably destroyed it. What a store, they had a ladder on a truck. Bins all the way to the ceiling and if you went in there for like a number 10 flathead screw they—everything came bulk in those days. If you went in and asked for whatever, they could go get it and they knew where it was, they'd move the ladder, climb up, open the drawer. Great. Then there was a Haberdasher open on the corner later. Can't remember his name, but then cross the street was Read Brothers, big place, but with a horse on top. Now I'm going to tell you, I don't know if you know about the horse. Some guy one night climbed up there somehow painted that black horse brown. That horse was black, it was patterned or supposed to have been a replica of a famous Ogden horse called Old Nig. Does that tell you anything? It's a black horse, Old Nig. Then next to that was, there was—later on it became Sunset Sporting Goods, but next to that was Kammeyer's, had the big old wooden gun out front. Remember that? No pictures of that? They had a big rifle made out of wood it was about, god, had to be 6 or 8 feet. Kammeyer's Sporting Goods and then next was the church. Kammeyer's, I think one of those boys became an obstetrician/gynecologist here in Ogden, working. Dr. Kammeyer. Then there was the church, then across the street was the post office. Now it you went south from the Dinner Horn there was the Bamboo Noodle, good place. Then you came to Dokas's, and then there was a building there, old brick building that had tile. 39 Had a garage door and tile, blue and white, but I used to call bathroom tile. It was that little hex and in the middle of that white, Browning. LR: So that's on, I actually know where this building is. That's the one on Grant. MY: So the Federal Building— LR: In between 24th? FY: 24th/23rd. Well it's on the east side of 24th or the east side of Grant and north of 24th. See we started at the Dinner Horn which was on 24th, now wait a minute. MY: Wasn't that Browning next to where the Federal Building is? FY: Yeah MY: The Federal Building's here and then you go north on Grant and Browning's was right there. LR: Well there were two Browning buildings. They kind of faced—their backs were to each other. One was on Kiesel and one was on Grant. So the one you're talking about? FY: Has to be on 24th then, between 24th and 23rd MY: No it was 24th and 25th. FY: It has to be 24th/25th because the church is on 24th going to 23rd. Dokas was in there somewhere and there was— MY: It was Browning and then Dokas. FY: There was a commercial building with a garage door. 40 LR: That's the one on Grant. FY: Yeah and it had, in front of the door, it had an apron. Blue trim, it was oblong and it had blue edging and a white—in the white it said Browning and it was that tile, that little 6 sided tile. LR: You'll be happy to know that they actually restored that building and that's still there, that tile. FY: It is? I have to go down and somehow, but hell you know I can't walk anymore. MY: We'll have to get you a chair. LR: The one on Kiesel it's long gone. FY: Yeah that's where Pete found the Browning workshop and gave it to the Depot. Now I was in Nauvoo and I saw the old original Browning workshop, had a personal tour of that building. They've done great work with it, with Nauvoo. I stopped there, I was on this spot and I had some neighbors who were doing a mission there. I found them, funny I'm living in Rexburg and I pull in to Nauvoo, and that's way before the temple was restored and all that, and I'm looking around and there's a few buildings here and there. I see a couple of people raking leaves in front of this brick building and it turns out to be their headquarters or office or something. I pulled up and I hollered out the window, "Hello there!" The lady comes over I say, "I'm looking for the Cazier, would you know where they are?" She says, "I don't know where they are, but wait a minute," and she walked in and come out with a binder, everybody's schedule. "Well he's down at 41 the blacksmith shop and she's over at the tinkers place." So she directs me and I got down to the blacksmith shop and I walked in on a presentation. Anyway after the presentation they handed out horseshoe nail rings to the kids and I said to Gale, "Geez, can I have one of those? I had one when I was a kid," and I got that somewhere. I looked at it not too long ago here. Anyhow I said, "I used to have one," so he gave it to me and I wore and I stopped on that trip, I stopped in Cheyenne and my brother was there. I was telling him, I said, "Here's what I brought." Bill looks at it, says, "Gee I had one of them when I was a kid." Every kid had one of them cause they had blacksmith and they still had some horses around. Anyhow they just bent a nail around a pipe, but anyhow I have that ring somewhere and it's been 15 years ago since I got that. I visit with Gale and I said, "Where's Yvonne?" He says, "She's over at the tinkers I'll take you," so we go over to the tinkers. She says she's embarrassed standing there with cue cards, 3 by 5 cards. "I just got assigned here yesterday, this is my first day. Up until now I was over at the Browning workshop." She was nervous as all get out. I said, "Well I'll tell you what Yvonne, I'm alone nothing to worry about you know me, be comfortable, make your pitch." She went through it, had to make a few references and she says, "Well that wasn't so hard." Anyhow then she took me over to the Browning place, just 42 the two of us, and they got us in there and out in the garden—a lot of these places they'd planted gardens. Tomato plants, lettuce, eggplant you know and they feed themselves. I mean they had these gardens and they keeps the weeds down and all these missionaries have fresh produce all through the summer. Then they took me—I had a little personal tour, saw a few things that most visitors don't get to see, but doing a bang up job. They have a land office and I didn't understand the land office until I left. I had another neighbor, who was a day behind me and when he came back we got comparing notes. The land office has the original plans of Nauvoo, and if you tell them who you're interested in—My wife's great grandfather, I got a deed or not a deed but a copy of a deed and a location on the town plat of where he lived and he lived about two blocks from Joseph Smith. Now it's right downtown, Nauvoo. A lot of motels and souvenir shops, but the rest of it, they're doing a bang up job. What's not there anymore, right across the street on the corner from the old temple, was the headquarters of the reorganized church. The church finally bought them out a few years ago, but they had a nice modern brick building and they were on one corner. This office I stopped at was just up on the other block on another corner and they've restored the temple. I was able to see where the fount was, they had a well in there and some of those sunstones were still laying around. Anyhow I don't know if we got off subject. LR: It's okay. I hate to be the one to say put the brakes out, but you've worn me out. I was worried about wearing you out and you've done the exact opposite. I haven't had lunch yet. 43 FY: Well I'll tell you what. I've got a pot of lentils and I'll be glad to share them because I hate leftovers. LR: Ok. For not being an Ogden native you sure know a lot about the buildings, why is that? FY: Cause I like history. See I took a course at Weber State one time on Utah history and it was taught by this Hispanic fellow. I don't remember his name now. Anyhow I can tell you about places wherever I've gone see. I can tell you things. I lived in Star Valley for a while. I know where the old Oregon Trail passed through the valley. I can take you there, I'm sure it's still there. I think if they widened the road they went that a way see. I followed Louis and Clark from St. Louis to Fort Clatsop, except where you had to go on a boat. Through Nebraska and that country there, there's not much to see, but from Fort Mandin all over, pretty much all of it. I've been to Lemhi Pass, I got the journals here, I read it and copied the original journals, I've seen them. God they're great big I don't know how many. I have my brother, one brother, he found some old 16 mm movies that we had when we were kids and he gave them to a guy and he was able to salvage about 15 or 20 minutes. Some are home movies, some are old movies that we used to buy. You know we had no TV and I had a crank that you could buy things. Saw Felix the Cat and few things. Got all of that on DVD. Wherever I've gone, I know the history from where I was born. I know see I grew up in Pennsylvania, Philadelphia was 90 miles away. When I moved to California for a couple of years, I'd been on most every mission from San Diego to Sonoma. Some of them weren't much but wrecks when I saw them and now 44 most of them have been restored, but I went to that mission in Carmel. I'm shocked, got a big sign about Father Serra saying mass on the 4th of July, 1776. That was an enlightenment, I knew July 4th Philadelphia, the Liberty Bell you know. Same time the Spanish were out there, they're planting gardens and converting the natives. So I can tell you a lot about California and I can tell you about the Civil War. What I should have been is a historian. Start of Part II, July 23, 2013. FY: I'd like to start. We were on 24th street, we talked about Kammeyer's and the big gun out front, the sign? LR: Yes we did. FY: Smith and Edward's bought Kammeyer's. If you got in touch with Bert Smith I bet you could find that gun. LR: Is he still alive? FY: Oh yeah. 93 years old and he's alive. In fact he gave a presentation on the avenging Angel, what's his name? Porter Rockwell, to a group it was in the paper like I don't know month, six weeks ago. So he's alive and well. He bought Kammeyer's and he owned it when they shut it down. Bet that sign is out there at Smith and Edward's or maybe at his home or somewhere. I'm sure—not Bert he wouldn't throw it away. You know he bought the old Swift building. LR: Where you used to work? 45 FY: 60,000 bucks he paid for that old place and he told me he said, "I feel good. When I feel good about a deal it means I made a good deal." Hell he probably got his 60,000 bucks back just in the salvage on the first month or so. Cause he opened it, he rented different parts, he put holes in the wall and gave access. He rented out the garage and he punched a hole in the wall and the curing cellars became—the last I saw it a guy was selling boats in there. I don't know if he sold them or maintained them or he had a dealership or something. He sold two new boilers. They'd brought in the newest boiler was probably a year old, the other one probably two or three years old. Probably got 60 grand right there. LR: So where was the Swift building? FY: Just across the yards on 24th. Hey there's some great pictures in here and we're going to go through these pictures. FY: Anyhow here's a picture of 25th street [Frank is looking at pictures from Ogden City: It's Government Legacy]. See in the 20s there were trolley cars. LR: But that's not the Bamberger? FY: No that's a trolley car, that's a city system and I read in here what I didn't know. They had six routes. You know I told you my father-in-law used to drive one of them. That's how come my wife was born at the Cobble Cottage in 1927 cause he was down here, He was down here driving. Anyhow they had six routes, 24 miles. I didn't knowhit was that extensive, but there's the Healy Hotel and here's that building that's still here. Anyhow the Royal Hotel used to be the Arcadia. 46 LR: So here's a question for you and maybe you know. I've always thought that Porter's and Waiter's wasn't its own individual building. That it was underneath— FY: It was the downstairs. It was a bar and it was an afterhours club and there was like a shooting or knifing about twice a week in there. Now I never went in the place when it was that, but you know the guy that went up on the roof to look over at the sunbathers, he used to go in there frequently. The upstairs was the hotel and they catered to the black employees from the railroad which were mostly porters and waiters. See the dining cars—all the waiters were black, stewards were white. So when you gave an order in the dining car you wrote it out from the menu and they filled the order then they brought you the bill and you gave them the money and the steward handled all the money. Now those people—Ogden was a junction see between [audio missing]. LR: Hopefully it will be in business now. FY: Okay we were talking about the porters and waiters. Ogden was the—I don't remember what they used to call it. It was the end of the run, see they changed crews and these guys had to have a place to stay. We talked about the situation and there's a picture in here of Read's with the horse up on top. I was told by someone that horse is out on west 12th street in front of some veterinary's place. Anyhow they called the place the porters and waiters club and in fact in those days 25th street—this tells after it got cleaned up it went downhill fast just like I was telling you. Lot of transients moved in and there's a picture in here of the old Shupe Williams candy factory. I'd forgotten about that, it's on 26th and Wall. Big four story, they were a big candy company and they shut down I don't know. 47 They were running when I came and then some transients got in there as usually happens, burned the damn place down. Directly north now we're talking on the west side of Wall Avenue, directly north across 26th street was the old Union Pacific Laundry. Well when the trains quit running they didn't need the laundry anymore. Then next to that was railway express agency. You remember the railway express wagons with the great big wheels? I'm sure they have one or two at the depot. They were baggage carts. They met the trains and they'd off load baggage and freight. They were huge wheels, and you know guys would pull them by hand or push them. Those buildings are gone and then on the other side was the freight station, that's gone too. Now across the street we got the Healy Hotel identified and well we'll go around the corner. There was a place called Ketchum Builder's Supply and a big one story low building. I can remember driving down there for something on a Saturday when the Teton Dam broke cause I listened to it on the radio. I had no idea about where it was or what it was, but geez you know that was 1976. What is that now? Pushing 50 years, 45/40. LR: Yeah 45. FY: So how time flies. That buildings gone. Next to this was Goddard's. Goddard was an industrial supply. The brick building is still there. Next was Scowcroft's on Wall Avenue. LR: heading towards 26th? 48 FY: Heading towards 24th. We're going around the corner from the Healy. It was Ketchum, then Goddard, then Scowcroft. Scowcroft was a big whole sale—dry goods and food wholesaler. I think they've saved that building, I think it's on the national historic register. What I remember about it last time I saw it, they had that you could still see the advertising on the outside. They made overalls, now you've heard of Osh Kosh B'Gosh? Well they had Can't Bust 'em, that was their brand. One of the Scowcroft's if he's still alive, the General Scowcroft used to be an intelligence guy for George, first George Bush. Brent Scowcroft he was born here. He's a Scowcroft from that family and that building I think has been restored. Now it's cross the street from the Transit you know. The railroad, frontrunner, depot the travel. What do they call it? LR: The park and ride FY: You know and they have the buses. Then you come up 24th street and I think Anderson Lumber was in there. See now you're under the viaduct and you're now coming up the south side of 24th street to Wall Avenue. Now we're at Lincoln and we're going backwards up from that lumber company, Richard's, the turkey guy, the fish market, the Grant tap, and then the Dinner Horn. Now go across the street to the church and start going east, that's where you ran into Kammeyer's, next to the church. Then Sunset Sporting Goods was in there but there was something before that I don't recall. Then you ran into Read, leather people. Then you crossed Kiesel and it was a couple of businesses and the hardware store I told you about and J.C. Penney's, which according to this book, used to be ZCMI before 1900. Now cross Washington 49 Boulevard there was the W. T. Grant and you went up the hill to St. Joseph's Church and look at this picture. This I think is 24th street, there's the bend on 24th, freeway is out here and see here's a spur. That's the one that goes up to the elevators. There's packing house, there's the big livestock pavilion and here's the stock yards. LR: So this is where they would do the auctions? FY: Yeah, and that's where they had the stock show. See and here's the viaduct. LR: So this would be Union Station? FY: No the Union Station would be over here. LR: Oh this is 24th okay. FY: It'd be around here, 25th would be up here. That's 24th, that's got to be stairs to the station. LR: Well if the freeway is over here 25th has to be right here. FY: Oh no, the other way, okay you're right. LR: You can actually see where it ends right there. FY: I was going the wrong direction. LR: This is Wall and that's 25th and that looks like the Ben Lomond. FY: And the depot would be over here. I don't know when they viaduct was built but there's an interesting picture in here that has a Grandview Acres. This was war housing. They were two story duplexes, still around I think. They were at about 38th and Quincy or somewhere and there was a lady lived downstairs, her 50 grandfather used to manage that place. We were talking one time and I said I probably knew him because my wife and I looked out there to buy one of those duplexes. I guess it's still there, but there's another small world story see. Now see here's this, here's another picture. Like on the cover, here's 24th street, there's that big bend and here's where Del Monte was. LR: The Cannery? FY: The elevators were here. The packing house and the yards. Now in this picture the viaduct was there. Now there's the Broom Hotel which was built about 1880 something and this was 1920, a war parade. But you look at it you notice all the window blinds are even. You know it was in great shape. Well when they finally tore it down, had to be around 1960 or late 50s it was pretty decrepit. LR: It didn't look nearly as good? FY: It was kind of just abandoned and they built the bank. Oh here, here's one. Here's Washington boulevard, you remember I told you, see this is before the Ben Lomond, but there's the Orpheum theater. LR: See I thought the Orpheum was on 25th street. FY: No, the Orpheum was right there next to Ben Lomond. It's a state office building now. This was the old city hall, I don't remember that but anyhow remember I told you about the shoe store, right there. And these two little buildings between were there in the 70s. LR: now it's a parking lot. 51 FY: Yeah, next to the hotel. But there's visual evidence and you can—St. Joseph back in the 20s, that's also on the historic register. LR: Well it sounds like you enjoyed skimming through that. FY: Oh here, Sacred Heart Academy. I mentioned the girls school, 25th and Quincy. The nuns ran this and really some of these details I picked—they had 600 boarding students, all girls and every prominent Mormon pretty much sent their girls to St. Anne's for their education. It was the place, but what I found interesting in here is these nuns were from St. Mary's in South Bend, Indiana. There was a college there, St. Mary's College. You see now I got to look this up. Is Notre Dame what used to be St. Mary's College? I'm talking back 1878 when the nuns first came here see. That's how things build. They came out—St. Joseph's Catholic School, oldest school continuing in the whole state—started 1878 by these nuns on the corner. Now according to this, Utah Bank, Bank of Utah, southwest corner of 26th and Washington, anyhow they tore that down and we talked about this yesterday. Remember we talked about all the doctors who were downtown, mostly in the First Security Building. Well when they abandoned the school somebody got in there and turned it into a professional mall and that's when the doctors started leaving and getting spread around town. Which was another stake in the heart of downtown because that had to be, it's in here somewhere, 1960 or something like that. So those are some of the details. Here's Weber College, when the church gave it to the state. I understand they tore that building down. Now why the hell would they tear that down? 52 LR: It's the American mentality unfortunately. FY: Now stands an empty lot there. The city school district, Ogden City School District got this property and their offices there; it's on, what is it, Adams and 26th or something? I think it's across from the forest service. Anyhow the building on the corner is still there, but this was next and it's gone. LR: But the one with the WC on the façade? FY: I think. LR: I've driven past it a couple of times, they're doing some work on it right now. FY: Well anyhow there's the Shupe Williams Candy Company. LR: And this is the one on Wall and? FY: 26th. Now see that was on the southwest corner, now you're coming this way on Wall. You cross the street here and you ran into the Union Pacific Laundry and now that's where they have some of those old cars. Now transients burned this thing down. Now they're doing the same thing, I see in the paper they had a couple of fires this winter. They have a couple of old wooden railroad cars down there they got for restoration and they've run transients out because they've set them on fire trying to keep warm. That's what burned down that grocery store and I think the name was Nicholas, the grocer. Nicholas Grocer. LR: That actually makes sense, I recall that name. FY: During that period when 25th street was skid row, lot of those upstairs, you know they were a lot of hotels and rooming houses and stuff. Some old wino got cold in the middle of the night and lit a fire under the sink and burned the damn place 53 down. What I'm trying to find is that picture of the bridges across the Weber River down by the packing house. In here they mentioned Clix. LR: Is that a gas station? FY: Well Clix, his name was Clarence Swanner and he had a gas station on 26th and Grant I think it was. Northeast corner, Clicks Service. How come you're familiar with Clix Service? LR: I interviewed a gentleman whose grandfather owned it originally and sold it to the Swanners. FY: Well Clicks died at a 103 and he's mentioned in here playing cards or playing marbles on 25th street when he was a kid. Well see when he was a kid, he was probably born1895 or something, and so when he was playing marbles down there it was probably pretty much like the rest of Ogden, just rough frontier town. Here's a picture of the yards. I'll tell you what I did. I called my kid up last night and I went through this with him. LR: Would that be Marva's husband? FY: Yeah, cause we talked about these places. See there's the viaduct, don't know when that was built. This is 29th street, here's the elevators on 29th. You know where you go around them when you get on the freeway you go down 30th. These are the elevators see. That's 29th street LR: So this would be the station here? FY: No this is the Ice House and this here is where they, used to ice the reefers. LR: So where's the station? 54 FY: I can remember when they used to do that. LR: Ice the reefers? FY: Refrigerated cars had ice. Both ends had bunkers with hatches on the top and they'd run these refrigerated cars down there and they'd put ice out of the Ice House and they had a belt would run the ice. Guys would walk along the train, lift the hatch if they needed ice, they'd throw in a couple of 100 pound blocks and they iced every refrigerated train that went through here. Then they went to mechanical refrigeration and they tore this out, but the Ice House is still there. Here's 24th street, so the depot has got to be over and around here somewhere, but look at all the trackage. There was a Y out here. Train coming in from the east would pull into the station and then when it was leaving for the west it would back out and that Y is gone long time ago. See when I first came this was all active, there's the Southern Pacific Roundhouse. I had a neighbor, was a Southern Pacific engineer, and oh there's the old Bamberger train, probably at Lagoon. Here's the stock yards. Now see there's the packing house, just started out as American, as Ogden Packing, then went to American Packing and Provision then Swift bought them in 1949. LR: So that's where you worked? FY: Yeah and this was the ramp where they drove the livestock and here's these two bridges and I'm trying to find the picture. We were talking about Clix, he remembered when they put that bridge in and the bridge is still there and it's got a plaque on it, who built it, who installed it, when they installed it, all that information. Here it is, see. Now this was taken—there's no viaduct and the 55 packing house was probably in there somewhere maybe at this time it was probably pretty small. Here's the railroad bridge, this is the bridge Clix remembers when they installed it. It's over the Weber River and on this side of it there's a plague and you can still see it. Here's the road bridge that goes out Wilson Lane, that took you—see on this picture 24th street see came across and there's Wilson Lane and here's that spur that comes up to the elevators. So I don't know when they built the viaduct, but prior to that you had to cross the tracks and I imagine like on most railroad crossing back in those days that they'd have a guy come out with a sign, stop traffic while the trains went by. LR: Getting back to 24th street, did we finish 24th street then? FY: Yeah I think we did. Now we could go around the corner on 24th and Lincoln and go to the Iron Works, Ogden Iron Works is now where the ballpark is. The Ogden Iron Works was big, now I didn't notice anything in there, I could've missed it. By then it got pretty extensive. But I think they had something to do with the Golden Gate bridge, it was fabricated, all types of steel and stuff. That was going and the can company was going and Del Monte was going and the packing houses, we had three of them and they were all going. The railroads, you know things were booming. This was a going town and it distresses me to go downtown, I drive down 24th street. The First Security Banks empty, the Wells Fargo cross the street big signs space to let, and you go down where the church tore down and the old Travelodge hotel/motel all that's empty space. Then you go over here by Rite Aid down on 24th street, well kiddy-corner to Rite Aid is old Wheelwright Lumber, all abandoned. See it used to be 56 lumberyards were downtown, Anderson Lumber was down there and Wheelwright was there just on Adams or Monroe, somewhere in there. That place we talked about, I can't remember what Marva called it. LR: Burton. FY: Burton, that was downtown. The town I come from up in Rexburg, Boise, Cascade, still right downtown. Anderson Lumber left, but that's the way it was. All this space, there's urban blight, we got it. Now what they're starting to do, I read it and I see it, they've done some preliminary work. The city is going to open Fowler Avenue between 24th and 23rd and they're going to put 28 homes in the middle of that block. They've already cut down all the trees and I think the power company's run a couple of lines in. Then you know they have historic districts now and I can remember, that was probably 20 years ago, when they were selling homes to somebody for a buck or 100 bucks, for very little money if you'd restore them. Some of those neighborhoods are starting to come back, but lots of empty places. You go down on Washington Boulevard, lot of places they got business, strip malls. You know they got some of these big buildings, you see them advertising like stock broker, 24 or something suite 8. Well those were all big stores and businesses and there's a picture in here of 25th and Washington. LR: While you're looking let me ask you a question. So with the railroad stopping in the 70s, you talked about how it just kind of died. What do you think is bringing it back? Is helping it kind of become more of the city, the industrial, not industrial. You know what I'm trying to ask? I don't think I'm doing a very good job. 57 FY: I don't think it's coming back that fast. See it was diverse, Riverdale was all farms. You had, like everybody else you had urban sprawl. Everybody wanted to move out. Well that's bad but then when the businesses start moving out which is what happened with the Newgate Mall. When Stephen Dirks—he was talking about a mall before the Newgate Mall. They all downplayed it in the council chamber I guess. When they started Sear's was already gone, Woolworth's was already gone and probably several other places were gone. See you had there on one block, these were all like five and dime stores: W. T. Grant, you had Woolworth, Kresge, Newberry, I'm missing one. They were all there between 24th and 23rd on Washington. Then down—you know it had all kinds of stores. Cross's Western Wear was down there, we mentioned Reliable Furniture which later became Wolf. LR: You mentioned Reliable Furniture, yes. Isn't that where you got your— FY: No that's Madsen. Now Madsen is gone, they're gone but they're still in Salt Lake. I see them advertised on TV, Madsen Furniture. We were talking about that dinette set, over 40 years old and I'm still here and that's still here and Madsen's gone. Then, just come to mind. I think it was right next to the Episcopal Church. J.W. Brewer, tire company. I think he was on Grant. LR: He had a brief stint in the Browning Building, the one on Kiesel. It was only for a year and it was— FY: He sold appliances in there and I knew the guy who ran it, Sandy. Anyhow he ended up he was managing the Ben Lomond Hotel for a while and Cal Rampton was governor. When Cal Rampton would come to Ogden they'd take a room for 58 him there and Sandy what the hell was his name? He stocked it with a corncob pipe and some tobacco for the governor. It will come to me about 1:00 in the morning, but then he ran J. W. Brewer's I think, before he managed the hotel. He was on—I remember the store, it was a big store, J. W. Brewer tire. For a while he was like, not Les Schwab cause he's too big, but like Jack's Tire out of Logan. See Jack's Tire started in Logan, got a big place here and I don't know, they probably got a few others. J. W. Brewer had a couple, 3 locations and he was starting to build—I don't know whatever happened, but he was on Kiesel or Grant north of 24th I think. I remember the big store, big glass front. That was way before Big O, but there was a Firestone Store, that was his competitor. They were on 23rd and Washington, across from Reliable. Then I think Dar Larsen and a bunch of guys started a bank and their office was just up the hill from Washington on 23rd or 22nd and I can't remember the name of the bank, but they went defunct. Dar Larsen was Pepsi Cola. LR: That plant was on? FY: 17th and Washington. LR: I thought they had one on 25th street, the PepsiCo plant. I could be wrong. FY: Well they're going to tear that place down. It's now—I don't know what it is now— but it was a disco. It's right there by the river and they're going to tear it down. City is going to sell it to 7-11, they're going to put a 7-11 store there. Anyhow he and a bunch of guys started a bank and I can't remember what they called it, but it fizzled. I didn't recall seeing that in here, course I did a lot of skipping when it 59 looked familiar. Their office was just up the hill from Washington, somewhere on the north side of 23rd or 22nd, probably 23rd street. Standard Examiner was up on Adams and I think 23rd, that's where it was when Abe Glassman was running it. He had a farm that's now Smith's out on 41st and Harrison, that was the Glassman farm. For years they held out, they were developing all around and Glassman, I don't know he had about 40 acres in there, all gone. LR: I guess I should mention that I wanted you to talk about Kramer's, Kramer's Hot Dogs. I've heard a lot about it and would love to get your take. FY: It was, I don't know maybe the front end of a private home, but you walked up on the sidewalk and there was a window, Kramer's Hot Dogs and Hamburgers. The synagogue's in there, they must still have a synagogue in town, on 27th something Grant. Well that was about next door to Kramer's. Yeah they served— then further down was Utah Bottling where when they quit bottling they served beer and now I think there's apartments back in there. I can remember when they served schooners. Yeah I had more than one in there, nice cool plenty of parking. Kramer's was just a walk up storefront, it was—I mean there's the sidewalks and there's all the buildings, the fronts. It was Kramer's and it had a big window and you bought a hot dog or a hamburger and they were good. LR: Would you call them the best in town? FY: Well I don't recall, but there weren't many place to eat hamburgers as hamburger joints until about late 60s. They opened a place between 24th and 25th on the 60 east side, I think they called it the Burger Chalet. It wasn't like all those—narrow deep and you walked in, they had a telephone at each booth. You'd pick up the phone and place your order to the kitchen and that was there for several years. I remember when the first McDonald's opened, it was out across from Weber High School which was on about 11th and Washington Boulevard. It had the golden arches and hamburgers were 15 cents. Swift's supplied the burgers and I can remember when—guy's name was Frank Fidel who ran that part of the operation. He did the hotel and restaurant part of the business. Many a Saturday or Sunday he had to go down to the packing house and get hamburgers cause they, you know they didn't buy enough or something. Business was that great. Anyhow then I think they opened another place further down, south Washington Boulevard, but they gave it up when I remember it was big news. They gave it up because McDonald's then started to enclose it and they didn't think it was worth the effort or the expense. LR: So they closed the Kramer's? FY: So they sold McDonald's. Boy I bet that was a mistake. On that corner of 12th street about that time Mound Fort was on 12th and Washington, Mound Fort Junior High. Across the street there was an ice cream place and I think next door was a butcher shop. That turned into the Food Town, they tore all that out and put Food Town which is a big market which is gone now. There was a guy named Dover, owned the ice cream shop and they sold hamburgers and sandwiches. Got a lot of school trade at noon, but it had a false front, the façade, and they called it the White Cliffs of Dover and he had a picture painted on there 61 of the white cliffs of Dover. I think his name was Otto. Anyhow he built a house, he was one of those first houses going up east 12th that are kind of built up into the side hill? Anyhow he either built there or out on Harrison Boulevard where, I don't know how far out it is, maybe 4800 or 46 where there's a field and there's homes built kind of down in a gulley. They ran Harrison—they filled it in and ran Harrison through there. He served good ice cream sodas. Then on the other corner was a motel. LR: We have gotten off track a little bit, and I don't mind I'm enjoying what you're talking about. Getting back to 24th and 25th, I mean visually I can't tell where we're at, but do you think we've covered? FY: Well we've gone from Adams to Wall and across the yards. We went on 24th street all the way out to the freeway, out by Del Monte and the stock yards and the elevators. Out there— LR: So how many of these places did you have personal interaction with do you think? FY: Personal reactions? LR: Interactions, where you actually go and visit. You think most of them, a third? FY: Oh first, you know we've been talking about the Marion Hotel. Marion Hotel is on Lincoln, now what I don't know is what the hell was that hotel on 25th and Grant where I told you that the Friendly Tavern was next door and the Salvation Army Band would play. Now that was a hotel, I thought that was—I had in my mind that 62 that was the Marion until I saw a picture and Marion Hotel is still there with the sign and it's on Lincoln. LR: I don't know, I'd have to ask. Do you know? EM: No. FY: See that's now across from the federal building. LR: Right, so you want to know where the one was on the name of the hotel on Grant and 25th? FY: See we got the Healy Hotel now and the Royal. LR: The Healy and Broom Hotel were basically the same. FY: No, no. The Broom was on Washington and the Healy was on Wall. The Broom was that nice Victorian with the bay windows and that was a nice building. Yeah when they tore it down it was bad. They had to quit renting rooms, it was just too bad. Well I'll tell you I was in a lot of these places. We talked about Crittenden and Paint and Glass. Before Crittenden it was Fuller Paint and I used to buy paint from them cause they gave me wholesale price and then Crittenden took it over. See that's way back in the 50s. Minnie cut my hair, I drank beer at the Grant Tap, I went over to see Pete Vlahos in his office. LR: I can't get over Vlahos. I see his name and I say Valejos. FY: Nope he pronounced is Vlahos. Yeah the old Bamberger station and I talked about the bug house, you know old John Marsh. Lot of those bars and restaurants up and down 25th street besides the China Temple and the Star, everybody hit them because they were the only places open late that were nice. 63 The bus terminal yeah and the Elks Lodge, I never belonged but I used to get in there now and then. Brown's Ice Cream which was lately the Hostess Thrift Store, and Brown's Ice Cream was a premium ice cream and Swift bought them. Then when Swift closed you know they closed everything. That's when I guess the bakery bought it and they ended up pretty much that whole block except 25th street cause they bought the Elks Lodge and they bought Lacey's apartment house that was behind the Boracho and all that's left on that block that doesn't belong to the bakery is the west side of or the south side of 25th street. Just that one lot deep. There were places that I used to go into Read's and the Finer Tap, and Marva mentioned the Lighthouse bar. They used to be an electric shop, Lighthouse Electric, and they had that sign. I don't know is that sign still there? It was a Lighthouse and said Lighthouse Electric. Right under the Berthana or right next door to the Berthana yeah hell you know downtown. Hey on a Friday night and a Saturday night in Ogden when they had the dance halls going and all that if you didn't get down there by 6:00 or 6:30, you couldn't park three blocks from anywhere. There's a picture in there of the, I can't remember these things. The dance hall there on 24th and what was it, The White? LR: The White City. FY: White city, yeah. There's a picture in there of that ballroom. I danced there and danced at the Berthana and drank beer in most of the places. I never went in El Boracho. LR: That was going to be my next question, did you ever go in there? 64 FY: No, but you know I noticed driving down Wall Avenue about 26th or 7 there's a place called Pico De Gallo. The original Pico De Gallo was on Wall about 22nd or 23rd and it looked like a, the building looked like an old auto junk shop. It was cinder block and it was a dive. My brother used to come to town, he liked it. He liked the food and he'd go down there and it was a dive. I didn't dare go in and I remember the cinder block and they had a big window looked like it was made from you know like old car windshields or something. Anyhow I come back after 30 years and there's Pico De Gallo in a big fancy building. Well of course the place they had is gone, I guess that's part of that frontrunner, that whole development in there. Kammeyer's bought a lot of sporting goods in there and Read's they sold canvas goods, tents and stuff like that besides the leather and the saddlery. The hardware store, and I mentioned Ketchum's. By the time I went to Ketchum's, Klenke's was gone. I think that was the name of the place, love that old hardware store cause it was all compartmented. It was before blister packs and all these little drawers with a little index thing on front. The ladder with the track and I just groove on that stuff and I'm sure when they razed the building they just hauled it all instead of saving at least part of the wall. LR: I think we're winding down here, which I find sad. I want to keep talking, however can you think of anything else on those two streets that you've missed or that you'd like to add before we wind down? FY: I mentioned the gun and the Smith and Edward's. You got to check with Bert about that gun. 65 LR: I'll talk to Sarah and see what she can come up with. FY: You might check out that story I have about that horse by some vet out on west 12th street. LR: Now is that the one that they called Black Nig? FY: Old Nig. LR: Old Nig, thank you. I knew it was something like that. FY: Yeah that was—he was a famous horse around town, I don't know, probably somebody owned him. See now here, here's 25th street and Grant it's this building here on the corner. LR: The hotel? FY: Yeah see and over here would be the bus station. I was at the Egyptian theater back to hear—I can't remember if it was Robert Taft or Everett Dirkson, but I think it was Robert Taft. He tried running for president and he came out and he gave a speech at the Egyptian theater and they let any management people who desired to get off for an hour or two to go up to hear them talk. I remember, I was, boy I was a staunch republican and I was there. I remember, don't remember what he said but I remember the incident mostly because I got an hour or two off work see. Now here's 25th street see. Here's the Marion Hotel so what the hell is this one? LR: Okay that's where Willie's store is now, in the bottom of the Marion. FY: Why did they do this? 66 LR: Now it's a— FY: Diagonal? LR: Diagonal so they've changed it. FY: What were these barriers for? LR: Crosswalks, because there are crosswalks now. FY: That's the building. I thought that was—until I saw this picture I thought that was the Marion Hotel. See anyhow one of these places here was the Friendly Tap, the Friendly Tavern and the band would stand right there, Salvation Army Band, and they'd play for about an hour/45 minutes. It was great because it was about five people, they had the drum of course. Beating the bass, that's classic and we'd walk over and that's when I was telling you we were living on top of the Richard Sheet Metal cause we had that little dog. People were turning us down for an apartment and see here's the empty lot where the grocery store was and the hotel upstairs. After they shut down all the vice it became skid row. They tell you in here, yeah I remember it was a skid row and the only places decent people went was the China Temple or the Star Noodle cause you kind of feared for your life. It was porter's and waiter's club and what I found interesting in here, the names. They talk about councilmen and mayors and a lot of these names come back and I remember. I saw in there George T. Frost was the councilmen, elected to the council. I knew him, he had a Hudson dealership on Washington Boulevard. He had a brother that drove truck for Swift. I don't 67 remember his first name, we called him Frosty. He got killed, ran his truck over somewhere back east. Mayor White, Rulon White, he's the guy who started cleaning up the town. I guess I voted for him because he was elected 1951, I was here. He was the White Concrete Pipe Co. down on I think Wall Avenue they were. He had an orchard or something past the hot springs going up there on that fruitway and Rulon White Ranch was what they called it or something. 68

With President Milei's election in Argentina, dollarization is suddenly on the table. I'm for it. Here's why. Why not? A standard of valueStart with "why not?'' Dollarization, not a national currency, is actually a sensible default. The dollar is the US standard of value. We measure length in feet, weight in pounds, and the value of goods in dollars. Why should different countries use different measures of value? Wouldn't it make sense to use a common standard of value? Once upon a time every country, and often every city, had its own weights and measures. That made trade difficult, so we eventually converged on international weights and measures. (Feet and pounds are actually a US anachronism since everyone else uses meters and kilograms.  Clearly if we had to start over we'd use SI units, as science and engineering already do.) Moreover, nobody thinks it's a good idea to periodically shorten the meter in order to stimulate the economy, say by making the sale of cloth more profitable. As soon as people figure out they need to buy more cloth to make the same jeans, the profit goes away. PrecommitmentPrecommitment is, I think,  the most powerful argument for dollarization (as for euorization of, say, Greece): A country that dollarizes cannot print money to spend more than it receives in taxes. A country that dollarizes must also borrow entirely in dollars, and must endure costly default rather than relatively less costly inflation if it doesn't want to repay debts. Ex post inflation and devaluation is always tempting, to pay deficits, to avoid paying debt, to transfer money from savers to borrowers, to advantage exporters, or to goose the economy ahead of elections. If a government can precommit itself to eschew inflation and devaluation, then it can borrow a lot more money on better terms, and its economy will be far better off in the long run. An independent central bank is often advocated for precommitment value. Well, locating the central bank 5,000 miles away in a country that doesn't care about your economy is as independent as you can get!The Siren Vase. Greek 480-470 BC. Source: The Culture CriticPrecommitment is an old idea. See picture. It's hard. A country must set things up so that it cannot give in to temptation ex post, and it will regret and try to wriggle out of that commitment when the time comes. A lot of the structure of our laws and government amount to a set of precommitments. An independent central bank with a price-level mandate is a precommitment not to inflate. A constitution and property rights are precommitments not to expropriate electoral minorities. Especially in Argentina's case, precommitment is why full dollarization is better than an exchange rate peg or a currency board. A true exchange rate peg -- one dollar for one peso, as much as you like -- would seem to solve the temptation-to-inflate problem. But the country can always abrogate the peg, reinstitute currency controls, and inflate. An exchange rate peg is ultimately a fiscal promise; the country will raise enough taxes so that it can get the dollars necessary to back its currency. When that seems too hard, countries devalue the peg or abandon it altogether. A currency board is tougher. Under a currency board,  every peso issued by the government is backed by a dollar. That seems to ensure adequate reserves to handle any conceivable run. But a strapped government eyes the great Uncle-Scrooge swimming pool full of dollars at the currency board, and is tempted to abrogate the board, grab the assets and spend them. That's exactly how Argentina's currency board ended. Dollarization is a burn the ships strategy. There is no return. Reserves are neither necessary nor sufficient for an exchange rate peg. The peg is a fiscal promise and stands and falls with fiscal policy. A currency board, to the governmentFull dollarization -- the country uses actual dollars, and abandons its currency -- cannot be so swiftly undone. The country would have to pass laws to reinstitute the peso, declare all dollar contracts to be Peso contracts, ban the use of dollars and try to confiscate them. Dollars pervading the country would make that hard. People who understand their wealth is being confiscated and replaced by monopoly money would make it harder -- harder than some technical change in the amount of backing at the central bank for the same peso notes and bank accounts underlying a devalued peg or even an abrogated currency board. The design of dollarization should make it harder to undo. The point is precommitment, to make it as costly as possible for a following government to de-dollarize, after all. It's hard to confiscate physical cash, but if domestic Argentine banks have dollar accounts and dollar assets, it is relatively easy to pronounce the accounts in pesos and grab the assets. It would be better if dollarization were accompanied by full financial, capital, and trade liberalization, including allowing foreign banks to operate freely and Argentinian banks to become subsidiaries of foreign banks. Absence of a central bank and domestic deposit insurance will make that even more desirable. Then Argentinian bank "accounts" could be claims to dollar assets held offshore, that remain intact no matter what a future Peronist government does. Governments in fiscal stress that print up money, like Argentina, also impose an array of economy-killing policies to try to prop up the value of their currency, so the money printing generates more revenue. They restrict imports with tariffs, quotas, and red tape; they can restrict exports to try to steer supply to home markets at lower prices; they restrict currency conversion and do so at manipulated rates; they restrict capital markets, stopping people from investing abroad or borrowing abroad; they force people to hold money in oligopolized bank accounts at artificially low interest rates. Dollarization is also a precommitment to avoid or at least reduce all these harmful policies, as generating a demand for a country's currency doesn't do any good to the government budget when there isn't a currency. Zimbabwe dollarized in 2009, giving up on its currency after the greatest hyperinflation ever seen. The argument for Argentina is similar. Ecuador dollarized successfully in much less trying circumstances. It's not a new idea, and unilateral dollarization is possible. In both cases there was a period in which both currencies circulated. (Sadly, Zimbabwe ended dollarization in 2019, with a re-introduction of the domestic currency and redenomination of dollar deposits at a very unfavorable exchange rate. It is possible to undo, and the security of dollar bank accounts in face of such appropriation is an important part of the dollarization precommitment.) The limits of precommitmentDollarization is no panacea. It will work if it is accompanied by fiscal and microeconomic reform. It will be of limited value otherwise. I'll declare a motto: All successful inflation stabilizations have come from a combination of fiscal, monetary and microeconomic reform. Dollarization does not magically solve intractable budget deficits. Under dollarization, if the government cannot repay debt or borrow, it must default.  And Argentina has plenty of experience with sovereign default. Argentina already borrows abroad in dollars, because nobody abroad wants peso debt, and has repeatedly defaulted on dollar debt.  The idea of dollar debt is that explicit default is more costly than inflation, so the country will work harder to repay debt. Bond purchasers, aware of the temptation to default, will put clauses in debt contracts that make default more costly still. For you to borrow, you have to give the bank the title to the house. Sovereign debt issued under foreign law, with rights to grab assets abroad works similarly. But sovereign default is not infinitely costly and countries like Argentina sometimes choose default anyway. Where inflation may represent simply hugging the mast and promising not to let go, default is a set of loose handcuffs that you can wriggle out of painfully. Countries are like corporations. Debt denominated in the country's own currency is like corporate equity (stock): If the government can't or won't pay it back the price can fall, via inflation and currency devaluation. Debt denominated in foreign currency is like debt: If the government can't or won't pay it back, it must default. (Most often, default is partial. You get back some of what is promised, or you are forced to convert maturing debt into new debt at a lower interest rate.) The standard ideas of corporate finance tell us who issues debt and who issues equity.  Small businesses, new businesses, businesses that don't have easily valuable assets,  businesses where it is too easy for the managers to hide cash, are forced to borrow, to issue debt. You have to borrow to start a restaurant. Businesses issue equity when they have good corporate governance, good accounting, and stockholders can be sure they're getting their share. These ideas apply to countries, and the choice between borrowing in their own currency and borrowing in foreign currency. Countries with poor governance, poor accounting, out of control fiscal policies, poor institutions for repayment, have to borrow in foreign currency if they are going to borrow at all, with intrusive conditions making default even more expensive. Issuing and borrowing in your own currency, with the option to inflate, is the privilege of countries with good institutions, and democracies where voters get really mad about inflation in particular. Of course, when things get really bad, the country can't borrow in either domestic or foreign currency. Then it prints money, forcing its citizens to take it. That's where Argentina is. In personal finance, you start with no credit at all; then you can borrow; finally you can issue equity. On the scale of healthier economies, dollarizing is the next step up for Argentina. Dollarization and foreign currency debt have another advantage. If a country inflates its way out of a fiscal mess, that benefits the government but also benefits all private borrowers at the expense of private savers. Private borrowing inherits the inflation premium of government borrowing, as the effective government default induces a widespread private default. Dollarization and sovereign default can allow the sovereign to default without messing up private contracts, and all prices and wages in the economy. It is possible for sovereigns to pay higher interest rates than good companies, and the sovereign to be more likely to default than those companies. It doesn't always happen, because sovereigns about to default usually grab all the wealth they can find on the way down, but the separation of sovereign default from inflationary chaos is also an advantage. Greece is a good example, and a bit Italy as well, both in the advantages and the cautionary tale about the limitations of dollarization. Greece and Italy used to have their own currencies. They also had borders, trade controls, and capital controls. They had regular inflation and devaluation. Every day seemed to be another "crisis" demanding another "just this once" splurge. As a result, they paid quite high interest rates to borrow, since savvy bondholders wanted insurance against another "just this once."They joined the EU and the eurozone. This step precommitted them to free trade, relatively free capital markets, and no national currency.  Sovereign default was possible, but regarded as very costly. Having banks stuffed with sovereign debt made it more costly.  Leaving the euro was possible, but even more costly. Deliberately having no plan to do so made it more costly still. The ropes tying hands to the mast were pretty strong. The result: borrowing costs plummeted. Governments, people and businesses were able to borrow at unheard of low rates. And they did so, with aplomb. The borrowing could have financed public and private investment to take advantage of the new business opportunities the EU allowed. Sadly it did not. Greece soon experienced the higher ex-post costs of default that the precommitment imposed. Dollarizaton -- euroization -- is a precommitment, not a panacea. Recommitments impose costs on yourself ex post. Those costs are real.  A successful dollarization for Argentina has to be part of a joint monetary, fiscal, and microeconomic reform. (Did I say that already? :) ) If public finances aren't sorted out, a default will come eventually. And public finances don't need a sharp bout of "austerity" to please the IMF. They need decades of small primary surpluses, tax revenues slightly higher than spending, to credibly pay down any debt. To get decades of revenue, the best answer is growth. Tax revenue equals tax rate times income. More income is a lot easier than higher tax rate, which at least partially lowers income. Greece and Italy did not accomplish the microeconomic reform part. Fortunately, for Argentina, microeconomic reform is low-hanging fruit, especially for a Libertarian president. TransitionWell, so much for the Promised Land, they may have asked of Moses, how do we get there? And let's not spend 40 years wandering the Sinai on the way. Transition isn't necessarily hard. On 1 January 1999, Italy switched from Lira to Euro. Every price changed overnight, every bank account redenominated, every contract reinterpreted, all instantly and seamlessly. People turned in Lira banknotes for Euro banknotes. The biggest complaint is that stores might have rounded up converted prices. If only Argentina could have such problems. Why is Argentina not the same? Well, for a lot of reasons. Before getting to the euro, Italy had adopted the EU open market. Exchange rates had been successfully pegged at the conversion rate, and no funny business about multiple rates. The ECB (really the Italian central bank) could simply print up euros to hand out in exchange for lira. The assets of the Italian central bank and other national central banks were also redenominated in euro, so printing up euros to soak up national currencies was not inflationary -- assets still equal liabilities. Banks with lira deposits that convert to Euro also have lira assets that convert to euro. And there was no sovereign debt crisis, bank crisis,  or big inflation going on. Italian government debt was trading freely on an open market. Italy would spend and receive taxes in euros, so if the debt was worth its current price in lira as the present value of surpluses,  it was worth exactly the same price, at the conversion rate, in euro. None of this is true in Argentina. The central problem, of course, is that the government is broke. The government does not have dollars to exchange for Pesos. Normally, this would not be a problem. Reserves don't matter, the fiscal capacity to get reserves matters. The government could simply borrow dollars internationally, give the dollars out in exchange for pesos, and slowly pay off the resulting debt. If Argentina redenominated interest-bearing peso debt to dollars at a market exchange rate, that would have no effect on the value of the debt. Obviously, borrowing additional dollars would likely be difficult for Argentina right now. To the extent that its remaining debt is a claim to future inflationary seigniorage revenues, its debt is also worth less once converted to dollars, even at a free market rate, because without seigniorage or fiscal reforms, budget deficits will increase. And that leads to the primary argument against dollarization I hear these days. Yes it might be the promised land, but it's too hard to get there. I don't hear loudly enough, though, what is the alternative? One more muddle of currency boards, central bank rules, promises to the IMF and so forth? How do you suddenly create the kind of stable institutions that Argentina has lacked for a century to justify a respectable currency? One might say this is a problem of price, not of quantity. Pick the right exchange rate, and conversion is possible. But that is not even clearly true. If the state is truly broke, if pesos are only worth anything because of the legal restrictions forcing people to hold them, then pesos and peso debt are genuinely worthless. The only route to dollarization would be essentially a complete collapse of the currency and debt. They are worth nothing. We start over. You can use dollars, but you'll have to export something to the US -- either goods or capital, i.e. stock and bonds in private companies -- to get them. (Well, to get any more of them. Lots of dollars line Argentine mattresses already.) That is enough economic chaos to really put people off. In reality, I think the fear is not a completely worthless currency, but that a move to quick dollarization would make peso and peso claims worth very little, and people would rebel against seeing their money holdings and bank accounts even more suddenly worthless than they are now. Maybe, maybe not. Just who is left in Argentina counting on a robust value of pesos? But the state is not worth nothing. It may be worth little in mark to market, or current dollar borrowing capacity. But a reformed, growing Argentina, with tax, spending, and microeconomic reform, could be a great place for investment, and for tax revenue above costs. Once international lenders are convinced those reform efforts are locked in, and Argentina will grow to anything like its amazing potential, they'll be stumbling over themselves to lend. So a better dollarization plan redeems pesos at the new greater value of the post-reform Argentine state. The question is a bit of chicken and egg: Dollarization has to be part of the reform, but only reform allows  dollarization with a decent value of peso exchange.  So there is a genuine question of sequencing of reforms. This question reminds me of the totally fruitless discussion when the Soviet Union broke up. American economists amused themselves with clever optimal sequencing of liberalization schemes. But if competent benevolent dictators (sorry, "policy-makers") were running the show, the Soviet Union wouldn't have failed in the first place. The end of hyperinflation in Germany. Price level 1919-1924. Note left-axis scale. Source: Sargent (1982) "The ends of four big inflations." A better historical analogy is, I think, the ends of hyperinflation after WWI, so beautifully described by Tom Sargent in 1982. The inflations were stopped by a sudden, simultaneous, fiscal, monetary, and (to some extent) microeconomic reform. The fiscal problem was solved by renegotiating reparations under the Versailles treaty, along with  severe cuts in domestic spending, for example firing a lot of government and (nationalized) railroad workers. There were monetary reforms, including an independent central bank forbidden to buy government debt. There were some microeconomic reforms as well. Stopping inflation took no monetary stringency or high interest rates: Interest rates fell, and the governments printed more money, as real money demand increased. There was no Phillips curve of high unemployment. Employment and the economies boomed. So I'm for almost-simultaneous and fast reforms. 1) Allow the use of dollars everywhere. Dollars and pesos can coexist. Yes, this will put downward pressure on the value of the peso, but that might be crucial to maintain interest in the other reforms, which will raise the value of the peso. 2) Instant unilateral free trade and capital opening. Argentina will have to export goods and capital to get dollars. Get out of the way. Freeing imports will lower their prices and make the economy more efficient. Capital will only come in, which it should do quickly, if it knows it can get out again. Float the peso. 3) Long list of growth - oriented microeconomic reforms. That's why you elected a Libertarian president.  4) Slash spending. Reform taxes. Low marginal rates, broad base. Subsidies in particular distort prices to transfer income. Eliminate. 5)  Once reforms are in place, and Argentina has some borrowing capacity, redenominate debt to dollars, and borrow additional dollars to exchange pesos for dollars. All existing peso contracts including bank accounts change on the date. Basically, you want people to hold peso bills and peso debt in the interim as claims on the post-reform government. Peso holders have an incentive to push for reforms that will raise the eventual exchange value of the peso.   6) Find an interim lender. The central problem is who will lend to Argentina in mid stream in order to retire pesos. This is like debtor in possession financing but for a bankrupt country. This could be a job for the IMF. The IMF could lend Argentina dollars for the purpose of retiring pesos. One couldn't ask for much better "conditionality" than a robust Libertarian pro-growth program. Having the IMF along for the ride might also help to commit Argentina to the program. (The IMF can force conditionality better than private lenders.) When things have settled down, Argentina should be able to borrow dollars privately to pay back the IMF. The IMF might charge a decent interest rate to encourage that. How much borrowing is needed? Less than you think. Interest-paying debt can simply be redenominated in dollars once you pick a rate. That might be hard to pay off, but that's a problem for later. So Argentina really only needs to borrow enough dollars to retire cash pesos. I can't find numbers, but hyper inflationary countries typically don't have much real value of cash outstanding. The US has 8% of GDP in currency outstanding. If Argentina has half that, then it needs to borrow only 4% of GDP in dollars to buy back all its currency. That's not a lot. If the peso really collapses, borrowing a little bit more (against great future growth of the reform program) to give everyone $100, the sort of fresh start that Germany did after WWII and after unification, is worth considering. Most of the worry about Argentina's borrowing ability envisions continued primary deficits with slow fiscal adjustment. Make the fiscal adjustment tomorrow."You never want a serious crisis to go to waste," said Rahm Emanuel wisely. "Sequencing" reforms means that everything promised tomorrow is up for constant renegotiation. Especially when parts of the reform depend on other parts, I'm for doing it all as fast as possible, and then adding refinements later if need be. Roosevelt had his famous 100 days, not a 8 year sequenced program. The Argentine reform program is going to hurt a lot of people, or at least recognize losses that had long been papered over in the hope they would go away. Politically, one wants  to make the case "We're all in this, we're all hurting. You give up your special deal, preferential exchange rate, special subsidy or whatever, but so will everyone else. Hang with me to make sure they don't get theirs, and in a year we'll all be better off." If reforms are in a long sequence, which means long renegotiation, it's much harder to get buy in from people who are hurt earlier on that the ones who come later will also do their part.  The standard answersOne standard critique of dollarization is  monetary policy and "optimal currency areas." By having a national currency, the country's wise central bankers can artfully inflate and devalue the currency on occasion to adapt to negative shocks, without the inconvenience and potential dislocation of everyone in the country lowering prices and wages. Suppose, say, the country produces beef, and exports it in order to import cars. If world demand for beef declines, the dollar price of beef declines. The country is going to have to import fewer cars. In a dollarized country, or with a pegged exchange rate,  the internal price of beef and wages go down. With its own country and a floating rate, the value of the currency could go down, leaving beef and wages the same inside the country, but the price of imported cars goes up.  If lowering prices and wages causes more recession and dislocation than raising import prices, then the artful devaluation is the better idea.  (To think about this question more carefully you need traded and non-traded goods; beef, cars, and haircuts. The relative price of beef, cars, and haircuts along with demand for haircuts is also different under the two regimes). Similarly, suppose there is a "lack of demand'' recession and deflation. (90 years later, economists are still struggling to say exactly where that comes from.) With its own central bank and currency, the country can artfully inflate just enough to offset the recession. A country that dollarizes also has to import not-always-optimal US inflation. Switzerland did a lot better than the US and EU once again in the covid era. This line of thinking answers the question, "OK, if Argentina ($847 bn GDP, beef exports) should have its own currency in order to artfully offset shocks, why shouldn't Colorado ($484 bn GDP, beef exports)?''  Colorado is  more dependent on trade with the rest of the US than is Argentina. But, the story goes, people can more easily move across states. A common federal government shoves "fiscal stimulus" to states in trouble. Most of all, "lack of demand" recessions seem to be national, in part because of the high integration of states, so recessions are fought by national policy and don't need state-specific monetary stimulus. This is the standard "optimal currency area" line of thinking, which recommends a common currency in an integrated free trade zone such as US, small Latin American countries that trade a lot with the US, and Europe. Standard thinking especially likes a common currency in a fiscal union.  Some commenters felt Greece should keep or revert to the Drachma because the EU didn't have enough common countercyclical fiscal policy. It likes independent currencies elsewhere.I hope you're laughing out loud by now. A wise central bank, coupled with a thrifty national government, that artfully inflates and devalues just enough to technocratically exploit price stickiness and financial frictions, offsetting national "shocks" with minimum disruption, is a laughable description of Argentina's fiscal and monetary policies. Periodic inflation, hyperinflation and default, together with a wildly overregulated economy with far too much capital and trade controls is more like it. The lure of technocratic stabilization policy in the face of Argentina's fiscal and monetary chaos is like fantasizing whether you want the tan or black leather on your new Porsche while you're on the bus to Carmax to see if you can afford a 10-year old Toyota. Another reason people argue that even small countries should have their own currencies is to keep the seigniorage. Actual cash pays no interest. Thus, a government that issues cash earns the interest spread between government bonds and interest. Equivalently, if demand for cash is proportional to GDP, then as GDP grows, say 2% per year, then the government can let cash grow 2% per year as well, i.e. it can print up that much cash and spend it. But this sort of seigniorage is small for modern economies that don't have inflation. Without inflation, a well run economy might pay 2% for its debt, so save 2% by issuing currency. 2% interest times cash which is 10% of GDP is 0.2% of GDP. On the scale of Argentinian (or US) debt and deficits, that's couch change.  When inflation is higher, interest rates are higher, and seigniorage or the "inflation tax" is higher. Argentina is living off that now. But the point is not to inflate forever and to forswear bigger inflation taxes. Keeping this small seigniorage is one reason for countries to keep their currency and peg to the dollar or run a currency board. The currency board holds interest-bearing dollar assets, and the government gets the interest. Nice. But as I judge above, the extra precommitment value of total dollarization is worth the small lost seigniorage.  Facing Argentina's crisis, plus its catastrophic century of lost growth, lost seigniorage is a cost that I judge far below the benefit. Other countries dollarize, but agree with the US Fed to rebate them some money for the seigniorage. Indeed, if Argentina dollarizes and holds 10% of its GDP in non-interest-bearing US dollars, that's a nice little present to the US. A dollarization agreement with Argentina to give them back the seignorage would be the least we can do. But I don't think Argentina should hold off waiting for Jay Powell to answer the phone. The Fed has other fires to put out. If Argentina unilaterally dollarizes, they can work this sort of thing out later. Dollarization would obviously be a lot easier if it is worked out together with the US government and US banks. Getting cash sent to Argentina, getting banks to have easy payment systems in dollars and links to US banks would make it all easier. If Argentina gets rid of its central bank it still needs a payment system to settle claims in dollars. Accounts at, say, Chase could function as a central bank. But it would all be easier if the US cooperates. Updates:Some commenters point out that Argentina may be importing US monetary policy just as the US imports Argentine fiscal policy. That would lead to importing a big inflation. They suggest a Latin American Monetary Union, like the euro, or using a third country's currency. The Swiss franc is pretty good. Maybe the Swiss can set the world standard of value. Both are good theoretical ideas but a lot harder to achieve in the short run. Dollarization will be hard enough. Argentines have a lot of dollars already, most trade is invoiced in dollars so getting dollars via trade is relatively easy, the Swiss have not built out a banking infrastructure capable of being a global currency. The EMU lives on top of the EU, and has its own fiscal/monetary problems. Building a new currency before solving Argentina's problems sounds like a long road. The question asked was dollarization, so I stuck to that for now. I imagined here unilateral dollarization. But I didn't emphasize enough: The US should encourage dollarization! China has figured this out and desperately wants anyone to use its currency. Why should we not want more people to use our currency? Not just for the seigniorage revenue, but for the ease of trade and international linkages it promotes. The Treasury and Fed should have a "how to dollarize your economy" package ready to go for anyone who wants it. Full integration is not trivial, including access to currency, getting bank access to the Fed's clearing systems, instituting cyber and money laundering protocols, and so forth. Important update: Daniel Raisbeck and Gabriela Calderon de Burgos at CATO have a lovely essay on Argentinian dollarization, also debunking an earlier Economist article that proclaimed it impossible. They include facts and comparison with other dollarization experiences, not just theory as I did. (Thanks to the correspondent who pointed me to the essay.) Some quotes:At the end of 2022, Argentines held over $246 billion in foreign bank accounts, safe deposit boxes, and mostly undeclared cash, according to Argentina's National Institute of Statistics and Census. This amounts to over 50 percent of Argentina's GDP in current dollars for 2021 ($487 billion). Hence, the dollar scarcity pertains only to the Argentine state....The last two dollarization processes in Latin American countries prove that "purchasing" the entire monetary base with U.S. dollars from one moment to the next is not only impractical, but it is also unnecessary. In both Ecuador and El Salvador, which dollarized in 2000 and 2001 respectively, dollarization involved parallel processes. In both countries, the most straightforward process was the dollarization of all existing deposits, which can be converted into dollars at the determined exchange rate instantly.in both Ecuador and El Salvador, dollarization not only did not lead to bank runs; it led to a rapid and sharp increase in deposits, even amid economic and political turmoil in Ecuador's case....There is a general feature of ending hyperinflation: People hold more money. In this case, people hold more bank accounts once they know those accounts are safe. Short summary of the rest, all those dollar deposits (out of mattresses into the banking system) allowed the central bank to retire its local currency liabilities. Emilio Ocampo, the Argentine economist whom Milei has put in charge of plans for Argentina's dollarization should he win the presidency, summarizes Ecuador's experience thus:People exchanged their dollars through the banks and a large part of those dollars were deposited in the same banks. The central bank had virtually no need to disburse reserves. This was not by design but was a spontaneous result.In El Salvador also, Dollar deposits also increased spontaneously in El Salvador, a country that dollarized in 2001. By the end of 2022, the country's deposits amounted to 49.6 percent of GDP—in Panama, another dollarized peer, deposits stood at 117 percent of GDP.El Salvador's banking system was dollarized immediately, but the conversion of the circulating currency was voluntary, with citizens allowed to decide if and when to exchange their colones for dollars. Ocampo notes that, in both Ecuador and El Salvador, only 30 percent of the circulating currency had been exchanged for dollars four months after dollarization was announced so that both currencies circulated simultaneously. In the latter country, it took over two years for 90 percent of the monetary base to be dollar‐​based.Cachanosky explains that, in an El Salvador‐​type, voluntary dollarization scenario, the circulating national currency can be dollarized as it is deposited or used to pay taxes, in which case the sums are converted to dollars once they enter a state‐​owned bank account. Hence, "there is no need for the central bank to buy the circulating currency" at a moment's notice.Dollarization starts with both currencies and a peg. As long as people trust that dollarization will happen at the peg, the conversion can take a while. You do not need dollars to soak up every peso on day 1. Dollarization is, above, a commitment that the peg will last for years, not a necessary commitment that the peg will last a day. I speculated about private borrowing at lower rates than the sovereign, once default rather than inflation is the only way out for the sovereign. This happened: ... as Manuel Hinds, a former finance minister in El Salvador, has explained, solvent Salvadorans in the private sector can borrow at rates of around 7 percent on their mortgages while international sovereign bond markets will only lend to the Salvadoran government at far higher rates. As Hinds writes, under dollarization, "the government cannot transfer its financial costs to the private sector by printing domestic money and devaluing it."A nice bottom line: Ask people in Ecuador, El Salvador, and Panama what they think:This is yet another lesson of dollarization's actual experience in Latin American countries. It is also a reason why the vast majority of the population in the dollarized nations has no desire for a return to a national currency. The monetary experiences of daily life have taught them that dollarization's palpable benefits far outweigh its theoretical drawbacks. Even more important update:From Nicolás Cachonosky How to Dollarize Argentina  The central problem is non-money liabilities of the central bank. A detailed plan. Many other blog posts at the link. See his comment below.  Tyler Cowen on dollarization in Bloomberg. Great quote: The question is not how to adopt a new currency, it is how to adopt a new currency and retain a reasonable value for the old one. Dollarization is easy. Hyperinflate the Peso to zero a la Zimbabwe.  Repeat quote. Emilio Ocampo on dollarization as a commitment device. One of the main reasons to dollarize is to eliminate high, persistent, and volatile inflation. However, to be effective, dollarization must generate sufficient credibility, which in turn depends critically on whether its expected probability of reversal is low.... The evidence suggests that, in the long-run, the strongest insurance against reversal is the support of the electorate, but in the short-run, institutional design [dollarization] can play a critical role.Fifty years ago, in testimony to U.S. Congress, Milton Friedman argued that "the whole reason why it is an advantage for a developing country to tie to a major country is that, historically speaking, the internal policies of developing countries have been very bad. U.S. policy has been bad, but their policies have been far worse. ... (1973, p.127)."In this respect, not much has changed in Argentina since. Craig Richardson explains how dollarization failed in Zimbabwe, a wonderful cautionary tale. Deficits did not stop, the government issued "bonds" and forced banks to buy them, bank accounts became de linked from currency. Gresham's law prevailed, the government "bonds" circulating at half face value drove out cash dollars. With persistent government and trade deficits there was a "dollar shortage." 

Shinji Ichida, October 7, 2013 ; Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. ; The following is an oral history interview with Shinji Ichida. The interview was conducted on October 7, 2013, by Lorrie Rands. Shinji discusses 25th Street and his memories of growing up in the Japanese community in Ogden. ; 30p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Shinji Ichida Interviewed by Lorrie Rands 7 October 2013 Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Shinji Ichida Interviewed by Lorrie Rands 7 October 2013 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. After World War II, the railroad business declined. Some government agencies and businesses related to the defense industry continued to gravitate to Ogden after the war—including the Internal Revenue Regional Center, the Marquardt Corporation, Boeing Corporation, Volvo-White Truck Corporation, Morton-Thiokol, and several other smaller operations. However, the economy became more service oriented, with small businesses developing that appealed to changing demographics, including the growing Hispanic population. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management Special Collections All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Ichida, Shinji, an oral history by Lorrie Rands, 7 October 2013, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, Special Collections, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Shinji Ichida October 7, 2013 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Shinji Ichida. The interview was conducted on October 7, 2013, by Lorrie Rands. Shinji discusses 25th Street and his memories of growing up in the Japanese community in Ogden. LR: It is October 7, 2013; we are in the home of Shinji Ichida talking about 25th Street and his memories growing up in the Japanese community. I am Lorrie Rands, conducting the interview and Melissa Johnson is with me as well. Mr. Ichida, I want to thank you for your time and allowing us to come back and do this interview. Let's just start at the beginning, when are where were you born? SI: Okay, I was born in Seattle, Washington in 1931, so I'm ancient as it were. I moved to Ogden when I was three or four years old and have been here ever since. So, I know the Ogden vicinity very well, plus the fact that when I was younger I used to deliver cleaning clothes for my uncle who owned a cleaning establishment and also worked for a flower shop doing deliveries. So, I got to learn the Ogden area quite well as far as streets and so forth. I've been here a long time. LR: When you came here when you were three or four, where was your first residence? SI: On 23rd and Grant Avenue. I went to grammar school at Grant School, which was on 23rd and Grant Avenue, so I was only half a block away from my grammar school. I grew up in the neighborhood and went to Central Junior High which is, I think, Lewis High school on 25th Street and Monroe. I graduated from 1 Ogden High School and went to Weber State when it was a junior college. So, I've been here a long time. LR: When you lived on 23rd Street, you were there until a teenager? SI: Probably, I would have to guess the 1930's and then moved to 23rd and Lincoln on the corner and was there for 10 or 15 years. Then, we lived at 127 Doxie, which is in between 27th and 28th on Wall Avenue. So, like I said, I've been in Ogden all of my life. LR: So, before the 1940's, what would you do for fun? Could you go down to 25th Street? SI: Well, that's where we hung out. Electric Alley, which is the back side of 25th Street between Wall Avenue and Grant Avenue, is where our playground was, in the back alleys. We grew up there. We had a Japanese School on Lincoln between 24th and 25th, so our activities were primarily from 24th Street to 25th Street between Grant Avenue and Wall Avenue. That area is very, very nostalgic to me because I grew up there. Where the Summit Hotel is now, that used to be our playground in the back alleys. The electric company, Yesco, it's Young Electric Sign Company, used to have their company on 24th and Lincoln Avenue. We used to climb over their fence and get the little tubes and break those and use them as spit ball deals. It's a funny thing because all of those electric signs always had the mercury in it, so I've ingested a lot of mercury through the ages, but I've never had any problem, health wise. I'm totally amazed that we survived those kinds of things when we were kids. 2 LR So your parents were okay with your hanging out on 25th Street? SI: Yes, because, like I told you before, there were really no aspects of being in danger there. Not our parents or us as young kids, ever feared getting mugged or kidnapped or anything like that. We just hung out there and watched. During the war we watched soldiers getting rolled and we saw drunkards getting rolled and it was all part of the activity of 25th Street back in the 40's and 50's, but that's where we grew up. Like I was telling you before, all the brothels in Ogden were on 24th Street and Grant Avenue, so we saw the seamy side of life. We, even as kids, used to climb up on roofs and peek in windows and look at the brothel place. We never did get to see anything, but always those kind of mischievous things are what we did as kids growing up on electric alley. Right now, electric alley has been fixed up so there's a lot of eateries and even the back side of 25th Street they have outside eateries. It's pretty nice now. Back in our days it was vacant lots and nothing but gravel and broken glasses, but we survived. LR: Is it strange to learn that those who didn't grow up on 25th Street found it a terrible, scary place? SI: Probably primarily the Caucasian race, they hardly ever came down 25th Street because during the wars years it was pretty notorious. Between the beer joints and the brothels, there weren't very many other activities. Union Station was a going railroad station back in those days. The military were transported through Ogden and the military always got a weekend pass or a pass to get off on 25th Street and visit the beer joints. I'll leave out the other one, I'm sure that happened too. Like I say, all the activities during the war was very, very open as far as 3 drinking and all that kind of stuff, so we saw all of that through the ages of growing up. LR: Speaking of the war, you mentioned this last time, but what are your memories of December 7, 1941? SI: Well, like I mentioned, I was raised by grandma and grandpa. My grandfather happened to be one of the more, I won't say important, but outstanding Japanese people in the Japanese community. On December 7, 1941, 11:30 at night, the police came and took him into custody and took him to Weber County Jail and he stayed there for a week and then he was shipped out to Mississippi to an internment camp and stayed there for a year and a half. He came back a year and a half after that. The war probably shortened his life by a couple years. He passed away when he was 75. I was ten years old at the time in 1941, so it was an impression that was very ingrained in my mind as far as a youngster was concerned. It was one of those things that, during the war at least when it broke out, the hysteria was very prominent and that's why all the Japanese descent people in California on the west coast were sent to internment camps because of that. The hysteria was so prominent. LR: You've mentioned that it had an impact on you as a 10 year old. How did that affect the rest of your childhood? SI: Well, I guess it made me introverted or reserved simply because you didn't want to be outgoing when you were of Japanese descent during the war years. I can remember grandma and grandpa always saying, "Don't speak Japanese in the presence of Caucasians because they'll think you're talking about them." We 4 primarily lost the capability of conversing in Japanese. That's why right now I can still understand a little bit, I can speak a little bit, but very limited. Whereas, Chinese, Spanish, they all speak their mother tongue in their families so they're very fluent and they understand it very well, they can read it. Whereas the Japanese people pretty much lost it because of the war. I dare say the second third and fourth generation as far as the Japanese language itself, cannot speak it, cannot read it. We lost the ability to converse in Japanese simply because we were told not to use it. That's the way it was during the war time. LR: When the war was over and things were kind of settling down a little, you just didn't start speaking it again? SI: No, because by then my grandparents were very elderly, they were close to, I think 70's, so they were on their last leg if you will as far as their life was concerned, so our conversations were very limited and we spoke primarily English because we grew up that way with school and all of that. We ran around with nothing but English speaking kids and same nationality as me. You probably had 10 guys that you grew up with that were Japanese decent, but we all spoke English all the time. We never used Japanese words other than maybe a slang or a swear word or something like that. Other than that, we never used it. We never had the occasion to use it, so we primarily grew up using English. We even went to Japanese school when we were teenagers, the more simple reading and writing of the Japanese alphabet if you will, until the war broke out. After the war broke out, that was done away with simply because of the hysteria as far as Japanese people were concerned. 5 I'll tell you a little bit more about 25th Street. There was a Buddhist church on Lincoln Avenue between 24th and 25th. There was a dry goods store on the same block. There was a Chinese gambling casino on the same block and people say it was an opium den also, but I was never privy to that. I would imagine there was some of that going on because in those days it was pretty loose as far as gambling and stuff was concerned. The Lincoln Avenue between 24th and 25th had probably half a dozen Japanese residents and companies or stores, if you will. On the west side of Lincoln there was a Pacific Fruit, which was a produce company that primarily was run by Japanese people too. It was all very Japanese community oriented in that two block area. LR: So, the area between Lincoln and Grant and 23rd to 25th? SI: No, 24th to 25th. LR: Okay, so you mentioned last time that it was what you guys called Japanese town or J-town. Is it just that block then that was considered that? SI: Yes. It was just that one square block that was considered J-town because most of the stores were in that square block. There were establishments on Kiesel and Wall Avenue and over on 26th Street there were families living there too, but as far as the town activity itself, it was right in that one block area. LR: Speaking of the businesses, during the war and then afterward, was it hard for the Japanese to continue working? Were the businesses still able to function? SI: Yes, but to a lesser degree because it was affected during, I would dare say, probably a five to ten year spam. After that things went pretty much back to 6 normal. By then, the ones that weren't making an income probably closed up before that. The ones that were doing okay continued on. Like I told you, on Grant Avenue there was Utah Noodle and Bamboo Noodle right next to each other, which did very well during that time period. The reason I know is because my wife's brother owned Utah Noodle. They moved up to Washington in the 1970's and they kept going until just last November. There was one document in there that you probably need to read because Raymond Uno was the one who wrote it and he's a retired judge. He's very well-known in the community as far as the aspects of people that judge things. Anyway, he wrote that and he mentioned there were primarily three J-town or Japanese communities in Utah. One was in Price City in Carbon County, one was in Salt Lake and the other was in Ogden. The only reason we had one in Ogden was because primarily the Union Depot because the Japanese, the first generation Japanese that came to Utah, most of the people, or guys, that came to the United States worked on the railroad, so consequently, the relationship between the Union Pacific Station and settling here in Ogden was very cohesive as far as being in existence as far as working for the railroad. That was one of the reasons the Japanese community was in Ogden and then Salt Lake it was simply because it was the largest city and the reason in Carbon County in Price was because of the coal mines. They worked in the coal mines. LR: Did your grandfather work on the railroad? SI: No. LR: He had another business? 7 SI: Yes. Like I said, he was sort of a semi-important person in the Japanese community. He never had to do manual labor, he was always a higher up guy that did bookwork and stuff. LR: Did he have his own business? SI: They had what they called the Intermountain Japanese Association which was an association that developed Japanese American relationships within the Northern Utah area. He was very prominent as far as the Japanese community from Corrine in the north to Salt Lake in the south. In the organizations or Buddhist church and community things going on, he had his fingers in all of those areas. He was very well-known and established as far as importance in the Japanese community. That's one of the reasons he was interned immediately when the war broke out. LR: So, I'm kind of going backwards a little and I apologize. You mentioned that there was only about a dozen from Ogden that were interned and they were all important in the community. SI: Important in the Japanese community. Primarily guys like, I can name two or three of them, there was Mr. Sakurada who was a prominent market established entrepreneur. There was Dr. Yoshitaka, who was a dentist. There was Kobayashi, who owned the Utah hand laundry. Those kinds of people were the ones that were taken, that owned their own establishment, that were highly thought of in the upper echelon as far as the Japanese community was concerned. They were the ones that were picked up right from the very beginning and taken. 8 LR: The ones that owned their own businesses, did their business suffer? SI: Yes. Like I said, probably the first five years was the worst. After that they probably slowly came back. At least in the Ogden area, there really wasn't all that much prejudice. There were a handful that thought of you as the enemy, if you will, and called you all kinds of names and stuff, but that was minimal in the Ogden area. On the west coast it was predominant. I've heard those stories like there's a senator from Hawaii, Daniel Inoway, who's passed on now, but he was in the army in the 442 and he lost one of his arms. When he got discharged in California, he went to a barbershop to get a haircut and they wouldn't cut his hair because he was of Japanese descent. He even had on his uniform, that's how bad it was back in those days. It's something that we lived with and grew up with, but we got over it so to speak. It's still in the back of our minds or in our memory, but we got over it. I'm 82 now, and I can still remember certain instances. In Ogden there were two areas that we were not allowed to go to because we were Japanese people. One was KLO, which was above the Orpheum Theater. We couldn't go to that theater to see a movie because they feared we would do something to KLO, which was a radio station. Those things didn't last very long, it only lasted probably a year or a year and a half. After that they lifted. There were certain areas that Japanese race people could not go. In California it was even twice as bad, so here in Ogden or here in Utah, it wasn't all that bad. LR: This obviously shaped your childhood and as you grew in your teenage years. You talked about your uncle who owned a cleaning establishment and that you would deliver clothes. 9 SI: Was there any prejudice when I delivered? Let's see, that would have been, I graduated in 1949, so it would have been 1948, 1949 and I went into the service in 1951, so between 1948 and 1950 is when I used to deliver clothes for my uncles. I never had any problem because I was a typical teenager. LR: You were just doing your thing. SI: Yes. Most of the Caucasian people never entered their mind as far as a kid delivering clothes that they would be prejudice against. One thing I will say for my uncle. He did a very good job of cleaning clothes, so we had a lot of real good customers, so I never had, at least to my knowledge, I can't remember ever being discriminated against while I was working there. LR: Kind of a lighter question, when you were in your teenage years, would you still do the same things for fun? Would you still be on 25th Street or were you kind of expanding out into the community? SI: No, that was our area, that's all. We only grew up between school and that one block area, that's primarily where we hung out and played. It's really funny because as kids, we used to make swords and have swordfights and we used to make little rubber guns and use inner tubes, because in those days, inner tubes were in tires, so we used to make those and have rubber gun fights. I told you about Young Electric Sign Company and the blowers, we used to do that. So, we played marbles, we played tag, Annie eye over the roofs. Kids nowadays don't know how to play compared to what we used to do when we were young. I see kids now just for, I don't know why, they'll go and pick a flower off of somebody's bush and throw it in the gutter or sidewalk. Why do you want to do that? If you 10 pick it, why don't you take it home? I just can't fathom why kids do that now. The kids I see now go and, even the grammar school kids, when they get off at 3:00pm, they dare cars to hit them. They cross the street and they slow down, they don't hurry up. I can't imagine why kids are like that anymore. It doesn't make any sense. They're daring you to hit them and I tell young kids, I say, "I hope your skin is tougher than that bumper." They look at me, "well, what do you have to say about it?" I'm thinking, "Well, you know, logic up here tells you that you shouldn't be doing that." That's the kind of stuff that we used to do back in the electric alley and we grew up that way. We made our own entertainment and got along— along with the mischievous stuff. LR: Of all the businesses on 25th Street that you didn't necessarily frequent, but you were able to be around, which ones were your favorite? Did you have a favorite that you just liked to hang out in front of? SI: Well, restaurant wise I've got to say Bamboo and Utah Noodle probably. I wasn't married to my wife at that time when I was a kid, but Bamboo Noodle used to have a bowl of noodles for 35 cents, so we could go in there and afford to have a bowl of noodles. We didn't have a lot of money in those days, but 35 cents wasn't much money either. Those were the kind of places that we often frequented. As we grew up, I can remember when I was in high school, we visited Salt Lake a lot because 1st south and West Temple was J-town in Salt Lake. There used to be three or four cafes in that area that we went to all the time too. When I was growing up, when I got to high school, there was one older guy that we hung out with. He was one year older than us, so he was the guy that had the car. There 11 was a half a dozen of us guys, he would furnish the car and we would pitch in our 25 or 50 cents to buy gas and we'd go to Salt Lake. That's the way we used to survive. In those days, gas was 20 cents or 25 cents a gallon. LR: Going back to the discrimination on the street. I asked last time about the blanket discrimination on the street. The south side was where the blacks were allowed and they weren't allowed on the north. You mentioned that you didn't really see a lot of that until later. SI: In Ogden, the race situation really wasn't that terrible. Like I mentioned, when I went into the service, I went to Texas to take my basic training and that was the first exposure to real prejudice because there were separate drinking fountains, separate lavatories, and all of that kind of stuff. In Ogden, the black community primarily stayed on the west side. They all lived on Lincoln and Wall Avenue. That was the area that blacks lived and the Japanese people were primarily around 25th Street and the Mexicans, there weren't that many in Ogden at that time, so those were the two major races in Ogden that existed. There were a few Chinese too, but they were also mixed in with the Japanese community because they are an Asian or Oriental race. In Ogden, I really didn't see that much racial prejudice, whether it was against the Japanese or against the colored because on 25th Street, there wasn't that much prejudice. It wasn't all that bad. Like I told you, the only time I ever saw it really predominant was in the south when I went into the service. LR: As you got older and graduated from high school, what did you decide to do career-wise? 12 SI: I didn't have the slightest idea of what I was going to do. In fact, I had no aspirations to go to college. The Korean War broke out and before we got drafted, I decided to join, so I joined the Air Force. I went in the Air Force for four years and came out and bummed around and worked half a dozen different jobs and I really had no secret desire to be a doctor or a lawyer a carpenter or anything like that. I just, you know, went with the flow, if you will, helped primarily with my uncle in his dry cleaning business. I even delved into a flower shop because of delivering and those kinds of things. I don't know if it's luck or, I happened to go take a test at the capital for this appraisal job and happened to pass it so I went for an interview with the state tax commission and they asked me a bunch of questions about appraising and so forth and I guess I did all right because they said, "When would you like to start?" I said, "How about tomorrow?" I started. That's history. I've been doing that ever since. LR: Your uncle's cleaning establishment, his dry cleaning business, do you remember what it was called? SI: Economy Cleaners on 24th Street between Grant and Kiesel on the north side of the street. LR: As time has gone on and you've had a chance to look at 25th Street the way it is now, do you like the way it's changed? SI: Yes, I really do. In fact, I'm rather surprised with the activity on 25th Street now. In fact, we go down to the sushi bar, Tona's, on 25th Street and by the way, it used to be Western Barbershop that Wat Misaka, the one that used to play for Weber College and also Utah University, that's where his mother had a 13 barbershop. In fact, I dare say there's my hair on the floor someplace in that building because I've had my hair cut there all the time. That café is where the barbershop used to be and we go down there quite often. To find a parking space on 25th Street in the evening time is pretty tough to do. We can park in the back where the hotel is because that had a lot of parking space. We go down to Karen's Café which is half a block further west on the south side of the street. Saturdays they have the farmer's markets and there are a lot of people down there milling around. I've got to say, Ogden, thanks to the mayor and so forth, the activities, there's a lot of activity going on in downtown Ogden, I'm surprised. It's progress. All of the old buildings that I know about primarily are all gone. The hotels replaced, the federal buildings are replaced, almost all of the buildings. You asked about Star Noodle, that closed up and it's vacant right now and it's for sale. Its progress I guess. LR: Hopefully for the better. Do you have any questions? MJ: I had a few that I jotted down. You mentioned that you were born in Seattle and then came to Ogden when you were three or four. How come your family relocated to Ogden? SI: Well, it wasn't, let me back up a little bit. When I was born, my family moved to San Francisco, California. Mom and Dad and my older brother and I lived there and when I was three or four, they shipped me to Ogden to live with my grandma and grandpa because Mom was very ill at the time and it so happened that I liked it better here than I did there, so they said, "Well, you can stay," hoping that I would come back eventually, but I never did I just stayed in Ogden. I grew up in 14 Ogden and later there was a younger brother that was born, so my knowledge of my two brothers were less than the guys I used to run around with because I never grew up with them. So, they were living in California when the war broke out which is why they were sent to an internment camp. Manzanar was the name of the camp they went to in California. When they got out they decided to go to Cleveland, so that's where they relocated after the internment. So, when they moved out there I had no reason to go back east, so I stayed here. That's the way it was. I just grew up as grandma and grandpa's kid. LR: You were, in essence, an only child with your grandparents? SI: Yes. Until my uncles and aunt came and they took over living and taking care of grandma and grandpa as far as their life was concerned. That's why I got an association with the cleaners, but after that, my aunt and uncle primarily raised me, which was after probably my sophomore or junior year in high school. When I went in the service and came back I was old enough that I pretty much went out on my own. MJ: So, how did your grandparents settle in Ogden? Why did they settle here? SI: I really don't know how they came about coming here. My grandma is the mother of my uncle, Tominaga, and my grandfather remarried my grandma. He was originally married to another lady. I never met her, I just knew about her. Grandma was always here as I remember and grandpa came from, I don't know where he came from, other than Japan. He came here and they got married. My grandpa was one of the, I don't know if you want to use the word "instigator," but he was one of the ones that took care of, the Japanese word is, "Bishakunin," 15 which means, "picture marriage." They used to fix up guys that lived in Ogden or the Utah area that never got married, fixed them up with a wife from Japan just through pictures. LR: Wow. SI: Yes, that used to go on back in the old days. That was primarily to get Japanese descent ladies from Japan into the United States because in those days there was a limited amount of foreigners that came into the United State, but if you could arrange a marriage, then that took place and they were able to come. The guys were always already American citizens because they were born in the United States. They were always older guys that went through their life primarily working for their parents and never interfaced into the American life and dating, etc. So, that's why those kinds of marriages were arranged for the Japanese. MJ: Would they go to Japan and marry them and bring them back or would they bring girls to the U.S.? SI: Some of them would go just to meet them to make sure that they wanted to marry them, but some of them just "cold turkey" came over. I don't know if that's the right term to use, but they came over and got married over here. MJ: You said your aunt and uncle came to Ogden as well. Were they the only other extended family that you had or did you have other aunts and uncles? SI: Well, through marriage, yeah, my aunt's sisters lived in Idaho and I got to know them, but as far as my uncle, my mother and uncle were brother and sister and they were the only two in the family. So, not really a lot of relatives. I know on my 16 father's side there are people in japan still existing. When I went to Japan I looked them up and visited with them, so that was a good experience. MJ: I wanted to talk a little bit about that Intermountain Japanese Association. Do you know how it started? SI: I can't tell you anything about it because all I remember is that he was the head of it and they paid him. I don't know how in the heck he got paid, to tell you the truth, but I'm sure it was the community donating or paying him a certain amount of money for whatever he did. I don't know how it started or why it started, or why they chose him to take care of it because I was only eight or ten years old at that time. I just know that there was such a thing. My grandpa, I got to give him all the credit in the world for raising me right. Like I told you before about kids and how they act, in my days when I was growing up, grandpa was good for this. He used to always give me one of these if I did something wrong, it was one of these little knuckles in the head. It wasn't very hard or anything, it was just a reminder that you need to shape up and do things right. It was a good learning experience, even while I was going to school. If I got stuck on some algebra problem or whatever, he would take me aside and he'd say, "Now, this is the way you do it," and he'd give me one of these and say, "Maybe that'll help you remember." He was very stern and I didn't dare go against his wishes or ever miss mind whatever he said. I can thank him from the bottom of my heart today because that's the way I was raised. My kids were raised pretty much the same way because I used to pull out the belts, if you will, and give them a spanking now and again when they 17 misbehaved. In today's age you couldn't do that. You would be mishandling children. It's a different culture from the time I grew up to now. I can see kids, like I said before, that's what they need a little bit, one of these or a little kick in the butt, if you will. Maybe that would straighten them out. That's why you get, when they get into their later teens and early twenties they get into this kind of stuff that is more serious like robberies, etc. MJ: The other thing I was kind of wondering, we talked about the hub that the Union depot was. It was that railroad hub and it brought in so much business during the war, but we know later on that declined, so how did that affect the Japanese businessmen who were down there? SI: As time went on, I dare say, probably in the seventies, most of your Japanese community establishments disappeared. There are a few that lingered on, like my wife's brother, he existed in business for 57 years, if you can believe it. Those were far and few between. For whatever reason they either quit the business or went into something that was a little bit more lucrative or more meaningful. All of those kinds of businesses that the Japanese community was in in those days were, not demeaning, but lower class, if you will, lower income, if you will, because that's all they could do at the time. That was normal for foreigners to get established, so that's what they did. Before I forget, the hotel Ben Lomond, did you know that was originally a different hotel named, "Bigelow?" MJ: Yes. SI: Okay, that's good. I didn't really realize that until we did this day or remembrance in 2007. I was doing some historical work and I found out it was Bigelow and I 18 thought, "Wow, that's strange." I always knew it as Ben Lomond Hotel. That's one fact I wanted to bring up to you guys because that was back in the thirties, maybe even twenties? MJ: It was about then. Archie Bigelow, who owned it, it was during the depression that he lost his fortune and sold it to the Eccles family. SI: It was interesting to me because I've never known it as anything else other than Ben Lomond. MJ: It's fun working in special collections the way that we do because we learn all these little tidbits. We go out and talk to people and get their stories. SI: Have you heard about the Egyptian Theater and the Peery family? Peery used to be quite a notorious guy in his days. MJ: I know, mostly as the mayor, the cowboy mayor. SI: I think he was an instigator of pioneer days way back when. MJ: The Buddhist Temple that was there on Lincoln, how long was that there for? SI: Growing up, as a kid, it was always there when I was small, but they relocated to North Street, I'm thinking it had to be in the fifties or sixties. That's where all the Japanese funerals were done and the Buddhist celebrations, whatever they had, the hana matsuri and that kind of stuff was all down there. MJ: We actually have a couple of pictures of a parade that was done by the Japanese Buddhist. I'm not sure when the photos were taken; I think they were from the fifties or sixties. 19 SI: I think I know what one you're talking about because I've got the same ones. I was looking for that, but I don't know where it is on my computer. The one with the little children in their Kimono's? MJ: Yes. SI: Yes, that one. I think it's probably the same picture. MJ: Did they often do parades like that? SI: Yes, because the hana matsuri I'm talking about is an annual thing that they celebrate in Japan primarily and it came over from Japan. They perpetuated the custom and so forth. They celebrate by doing the dances and stuff and it's always in their Kimono's and that kind of stuff. They used to do it all the time. MJ: It's hana matsuri? SI: Yes, "hana" means "flower" and "matsuri" is "celebration" so it's the flower celebration. MJ: Okay. SI: It's just like; I'm trying to think of the Japanese café over on 37th Street. I can't think of the name. Well, that's another story I guess because I can't remember what it is. SI: I'm very honored and pleased that you guys would take the time to do this because for me, as a Japanese, we just don't get this story out to the community because they are not aware that there was such a thing as J-town back in the day. The celebration that we put on in 2007, I chaired the thing and Raymond Uno, he was primarily the instigator of the whole thing and he did most of the 20 work, but he just used me as a centerpiece, I guess. The Japanese community, during probably ten years prior to the war and ten years after the war, it was predominant right there on 25th Street. So, if you're doing the 25th Street history, you've got to get that because we were very prominent during the late thirties and early forties. There were a lot of Japanese establishments and café and laundries and hotels and that kind of stuff. LR: You mentioned that when the railroad stopped going through that the businesses began to flounder away. Did that stop being J-town then? Or has it? SI: Actually, I would still have to say that it's there a little bit, but not as much. If you asked people of my age, they would immediately say, "Yes, J-town is gone, because there is really no Japanese establishment down there. There are two sushi bars down there, but they are both run by Chinese. I know the one very well. Tony is his name and his wife, Tina. The Tona restaurant, the name has been divided between the two. Tina is very, very presentable, as far as being the outgoing person at the restaurant, but this Tony guy, he took sushi making classes in San Francisco, so he does a very good job of emulating the Japanese custom and making sushi. There is a knack and in Japan, it isn't so much quantity as it is presentation. You've got to have a nice looking dish as far as the sushi is. It's got to be presentable to taste good. That's their theory. He's learned that very well in his presentations of sushi. There's a Chinese guy, two Mexicans and one white guy making the sushi for him. So, you can imagine, not one real Japanese there and the owner is Chinese, but he does a good job. In fact, he 21 always tells me, are you watching real closely, and I say, "Yeah I'm watching you guys." Not that I'm an expert. I just depend on my nationality to ride it a little bit. LR: Let me just ask you this final question. Is there anything else that you'd like to share about your time growing up on 25th Street or just the Japanese community as a whole that you'd like to share? SI: As probably an afterthought, but I am pleased that you would take the time to do this because the story of the Japanese community in Ogden really hasn't been exposed to the general public. Yes, the Japanese people know about it because we've lived it and grew up with it and so forth. Even the tape stuff that I've given you, please look at it and decide what you want to use and what you don't want to use. There is one document in there written by Raymond Uno, the one that I always tell is he's a judge and he's very good at writing stuff and that gives you a real good picture of the Japanese history from J-towns in the three communities I talked about and how it demised and where it went to. It's just a little snippet of the J-towns in Utah and it'll give you some very good history as far as what happened in Utah. My idea of the Japanese community growing up was, I was just a kid and went through all the regular stuff kids go through and never was very important or did anything important, but enjoyed my life to now and to have you guys take the time to do this, I appreciate it. LR: We appreciate your willingness to share. SI If you ever decide you want more input, I would like to get a couple or three guys that have gone through the Ogden growing up. Guys like Ray and Alice who actually went into an internment camp and maybe at some future date, we could 22 set an hour or two and you could pick their brain, if you would. I'd be glad to set something up like that if you're interested. MJ: Absolutely, we are. SI: Just give me a call and let me know and I could sure arrange that without any problem. Ray lives in Salt Lake and Alice lives here in Ogden. Maybe we three and maybe one or two more and you could fire questions like crazy. LR: I think we could definitely do something in the next little while, that would be fantastic. SI: It doesn't have to be immediate. A year down the line, six months down the line, just remind me who you are when you call. If you want something like that I would be more than happy to arrange that and we can go to the church, it has more room for three or four people. Or even at the college. The only trouble with going up to Weber is you'll never find a parking space. LR: Then when you find one you still have to walk a ways. SI: A mile or something. LR: And it's all uphill. SI: Hey, let me tell you about walking uphill, I used to live on Wall Avenue and went to Central which was on Monroe. We used to walk that sucker every day. I tell my kids that and they say, "Yeah, yeah, through five feet of snow." I'd say, "You got it." They never believed me. LR: That's the best part about telling your kids. Thank you so much, Mr. Ichida. We really appreciate it. 23

Cass Sunstein has a lovely New York Times essay that tries to give us back the word "Liberal." I hope it works. "Liberal" from "Libertas" means, at bottom, freedom. In the 19th century, "liberals" were devoted to personal, economic, and increasing social freedom from government restraint.  "Conservatives" wanted to maintain aristocratic privileges, and government interventions in the traditional way of doing things. The debate was not so obvious. Conservatives defended their view of aristocratic power in a noblesse-oblige concern for little people that the unfettered free market might leave behind, in a way quite  reminiscent of today's elites who think they should run the government in the name of the downtrodden (or "nudge" them, if I can poke a little fun at Sunstein's earlier work). But by the 1970s, the labels had flipped. "Liberals" were advocates of big-state interventionism, in a big tent that included communists and marxists. It became a synonym of "left." "Conservatives" became a strange  alliance of free market economics and social conservatism. The word "classical liberal" or "libertarian" started to be used to refer to heirs of the enlightenment "liberal" tradition, broadly emphasizing individual liberty and limited rule of law government in both economic and social spheres. But broadly, "liberal" came to mean more government intervention and Democrat, while "conservative" came to mean less state intervention and Republican, at least in rhetoric.  But a new force has come to the fore. The heirs of the far-left marxists and communists are now, .. what shall we call them.. perhaps "censorious totalitarian progressives." Sunstein calls them "post liberals." The old alliance between center-left and far left is tearing apart, and Oct 7 was a wake up call for many who had skated over the division. Largely, then, I read Sunstein's article as a declaration of divorce. They are not us, they are not "liberals." And many of you who call yourselves "conservatives," "free marketers" or even "libertarians" should join us to fight the forces of illiberalism left and right, even if by now you probably completely gave up on the New York Times and read the Free Press instead. Rhetoric: Sunstein is brilliantly misleading. He writes what liberalism "is" or what liberals "believe," as if the word were already defined his way. It is not, and the second part of this post quotes another NYT essay with a quite different conception of "liberal." This is an essay about what liberal should mean. I salute that. It's interesting that Sunstein wants to rescue the traditional meaning of "liberal," rather than shade words in current use. "Classical liberal," is mostly the same thing, but currently shades a bit more free market than he'd like. "Neoliberal" is an insult but really describes most of his views. People have turned insults around to proud self-identifiers before.   "Libertarian," probably has less room for the state and conservativism than Sunstein, and most people confuse "libertarian" with "anarchist." It's interesting he never mentions the word. Well, let's rescue "liberal." Here are some excerpts of Sunstein's 37 theses. I reorganized  into topics. What is "liberalism"? 1. Liberals believe in six things: freedom, human rights, pluralism, security, the rule of law and democracy....6. The rule of law is central to liberalism. ...It calls for law that is prospective, allowing people to plan, rather than retroactive, defeating people's expectations. It requires conformity between law on the books and law in the world. It calls for rights to a hearing (due process of law)....Liberalism requires law evenly applied, not "show me the man, and I'll find the crime." It requires a legal system in which each of us is not guilty of "Three Felonies a Day," unprotected unless we are trouble to those in power. 10. Liberals believe that freedom of speech is essential to self-government....11. Liberals connect their opposition to censorship to their commitment to free and fair elections, which cannot exist if people are unable to speak as they wish. ...They agree with ... "the principle of free thought — not free thought for those who agree with us but freedom for the thought that we hate."   It's freedom, individual dignity, equality before the law and the state. Economics On economic matters, "liberalism" starts with the basic values of the laissez-faire tradition, because the right to transact freely is one of the most basic freedoms there is:15. Liberals prize free markets, insisting that they provide an important means by which people exercise their agency. Liberals abhor monopolies, public or private, on the ground that they are highly likely to compromise freedom and reduce economic growth. At the same time, liberals know that unregulated markets can fail, such as when workers or consumers lack information or when consumption of energy produces environmental harm.On the latter point, Sunstein later acknowledges room for a variety of opinion on just how effective government remedies are for such "failures" of "unregulated markets." I'm a free marketer not because markets are perfect but because governments are usually worse. A point we can respectfully debate with fact and logic.16. Liberals believe in the right to private property. But nothing in liberalism forbids a progressive income tax or is inconsistent with large-scale redistribution from rich to poor. Liberals can and do disagree about the progressive income tax and on whether and when redistribution is a good idea. Many liberals admire Lyndon Johnson's Great Society; many liberals do not.I endorse this as well, which you may find surprising. Economics really has nothing to say about non-distorting transfers. Economists can only point out incentives, and disincentives. Redistribution tends to come with bad incentives. "Liberals" can and do argue about how bad the disincentives are, and if the purported benefits of redistribution are worth it. Cass allows liberals (formerly "conservatives") who "do not" admire extensive federal government social programs, because of their disincentives. Me.17. Many liberals are enthusiastic about the contemporary administrative state; many liberals reject itI also agree. I'm one of those who largely rejects it, but it's a matter of degree on disincentives, government competence, and the severity of the problems being addressed. "Liberals" can productively debate this matter of degree.  Liberalism is a framework for debate, not an answer to these economic questions. Integrating ConservativismIntegrating "conservative" into "liberal" is one of Sunstein's charms, and I agree. He is also trying to find a common ground in the "center," that tussles gently on the size of government while respecting America's founding enlightenment values, and unites many across the current partisan divide. 2...Those who consider themselves to be leftists may or may not qualify as liberals. You can be, at once, a liberal, as understood here, and a conservative; you can be a leftist and illiberal. 22. A liberal might think that Ronald Reagan was a great president and that Franklin Delano Roosevelt was an abomination; a liberal might think that Roosevelt was a great president and that Reagan was an abomination.   "Conserativism" properly means conserving many of the traditions of our society, rather than burning it down once a generation striving for utopia, and having it dissolve into tyranny. Sunstein's "liberalism" is conservative 24. Liberals favor and recognize the need for a robust civil society, including a wide range of private associations that may include people who do not embrace liberalism. They believe in the importance of social norms, including norms of civility, considerateness, charity and self-restraint. They do not want to censor any antiliberals or postliberals, even though some antiliberals or postliberals would not return the favor. On this count, they turn the other cheek. Liberals have antiliberal and postliberal friends.26. .. if people want the government to act in illiberal ways — by, for example, censoring speech, violating the rights of religious believers, preventing certain people from voting, entrenching racial inequality, taking private property without just compensation, mandating a particular kind of prayer in schools or endorsing a particular set of religious convictions — liberals will stand in opposition.The latter includes, finally, a bit of trends on the right that "liberals" do not approve of, and they don't. 28. Some people (mostly on the right) think that liberals oppose traditions or treat traditions cavalierly and that liberalism should be rejected for that reason. In their view, liberals are disrespectful of traditions and want to destroy them. Nothing could be further from the truth. Consider just a few inherited ideals, norms and concepts that liberals have defended, often successfully, in the face of focused attack for decades: republican self-government; checks and balances; freedom of speech; freedom of religion; freedom from unreasonable searches and seizures; due process of law; equal protection; private property.29. Liberals do not think it adequate to say that an ideal has been in place for a long time. As Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. put it: "It is revolting to have no better reason for a rule of law than that so it was laid down in the time of Henry IV. It is still more revolting if the grounds upon which it was laid down have vanished long since and the rule simply persists from blind imitation of the past." Still, liberals agree that if an ideal has been with us for a long time, there might be a lot to say in its favor.A lover of freedom can also admire rule of law, tradition, and custom. Why do we have private property? A illiberal, like many college students fresh to the world, might start from basic philosophical principles, and state that all of the earth's bounty should be shared equally, and head out to the ramparts to seize power. As a philosophical principle, it can sound reasonable. But our society and its laws, traditions, and customs, has thousands of years of experience built up. A village had common fields. People over-grazed them. Putting up fences and allocating rights led to a more prosperous village. The tradition of property rights, and their quite detailed specification and limitation that evolved in our common law, responding to this experience,  along with well-educated citizens' conception of right and virtue, the moral sense of property right that they learn from their forebears, can summarize thousands of years of history, without us needing to remember each case. This thought is what led me in the past to characterize myself as an empirical, conservative, rule-of-law, constitutional and pax-Americana (save that one for later) libertarian, back when the word "liberal" meant something else. But, as Holmes points out, a vibrant society must see that some of this laws and traditions are wrong, or ineffective, and thoughtfully reform them. Property rights once extended to people, after all. Most of all, the 1970s "liberal" but now  "illiberal" view has been that government defines the purpose and meaning of life and society, be it religious purity, socialist utopia, or now the vanguard of the elite ruling on behalf of the pyramid of intersectional victimization. The role of the government is to mold society to that quest. "Conservatives" have thought that the purpose of life and society is defined by individuals, families, churches, communities, scholars, arts, culture,  private institutions of civil society, via lively reasoned debate; society can accommodate great variety in these views,  and the government's purpose is just to enforce simple rules, and keep the debate peaceful, not to define and lead us to the promised land. I read Sunstein, correctly, to restore the word "liberal" to this later view, though it had largely drifted to the former.  Who isn't liberal? The progressive leftWho isn't a "liberal," to Sunstein? If you've been around university campuses lately, you know how much today's "progressives" ("post-liberals") have turned politics into a tribal, warlike affair. This is who Sunstein is really unhappy with, and to whom this essay is a declaration of divorce: 5. ...liberals ... do not like tribalism. ... They are uncomfortable with discussions that start, "I am an X, and you are a Y,"... Skeptical of identity politics, liberals insist that each of us has many different identities and that it is usually best to focus on the merits of issues, not on one or another identity.I would add, liberals evaluate arguments by logic and evidence, not who makes the argument. Liberals accept an enlightenment idea that anything true can be discovered and understood by anyone. Truth is not just listening to "lived experience." 18. Liberals abhor the idea that life or politics is a conflict between friends and enemies.23. Liberals think that those on the left are illiberal if they are not (for example) committed to freedom of speech and viewpoint diversity. They do not like the idea of orthodoxy, including on university campuses or social media platforms. Ad of course, 30. Liberals like laughter. They are anti-anti-laughter.Old joke from my graduate school days: "How many Berkeley marxist progressives does it take to screw in a light bulb?" Answer: "I don't think that kind of humor is appropriate." ****In case you think everyone agrees on this new definition of "liberal," the essay has a link below it to another one by Pamela Paul, "Progressives aren't liberal." Paul's essay also covers some of the history of how the word was used, but in the end uses it in a quite different way from Sunstein.  In the 1960s and 70s, the left proudly used the word in self-description. In the 1980s, Ronald Reagan, who often prefaced [liberal] with a damning "tax and spend," may have been the most effective of bashers. ...Newt Gingrich's political organization GOPAC sent out a memo, "Language: A Key Mechanism of Control," urging fellow Republicans to use the word as a slur.It worked. Even Democrats began avoiding the dread label. In a presidential primary debate in 2007, Hillary Clinton called herself instead a "modern progressive." She avoided the term "liberal" again in 2016.I think Clinton was trying to position herself to the right of what "liberal" had become by 2016.  "Progressive" has come to mean something else. But I may be wrong. Never Trump conservatives tout their bona fides as liberals in the classical, 19th century sense of the word, in part to distinguish themselves from hard-right Trumpists. Others use "liberal" and "progressive" interchangeably, even as what progressivism means in practice today is often anything but liberal — or even progressive, for that matter.In the last sentence she is right. Sunstein is not, as he appears, describing a word as it is widely used today,  but a word as it is slowly becoming used, and as he would like it to be used. liberal values, many of them products of the Enlightenment, include individual liberty, freedom of speech, scientific inquiry, separation of church and state, due process, racial equality, women's rights, human rights and democracy.Here you start to think she's got the same basic big tent as Sunstein.  But not so -- this essay is testament to the enduring sense of the "liberal" word as describing the big-government left, just please not quite so insane as the campus progressives: Unlike "classical liberals" (i.e., usually conservatives), liberals do not see government as the problem, but rather as a means to help the people it serves. Liberals fiercely defend Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, Obamacare, the Voting Rights Act and the National Labor Relations Act. They believe government has a duty to regulate commerce for the benefit of its citizens. They tend to be suspicious of large corporations and their tendency to thwart the interests of workers and consumers.Sunstein had room for disagreement on these "fierce" defenses, or at least room for reasoned argument rather than profession of essential belief before you can enter the debate. "Tout their bona fides" above also does not have quite the reach-across-the aisle non partisan flair of Sunstein's essay. I don't think Paul welcomes never-Trump classical liberals in her tent. For Paul, the divorce between "liberal" and "progressive" is real, as for many other "liberals" since the October 7 wake up: Whereas liberals hold to a vision of racial integration, progressives have increasingly supported forms of racial distinction and separation, and demanded equity in outcome rather than equality of opportunity. Whereas most liberals want to advance equality between the sexes, many progressives seem fixated on reframing gender stereotypes as "gender identity" and denying sex differences wherever they confer rights or protections expressly for women. And whereas liberals tend to aspire toward a universalist ideal, in which diverse people come together across shared interests, progressives seem increasingly wedded to an identitarian approach that emphasizes tribalism over the attainment of common ground.It is progressives — not liberals — who argue that "speech is violence" and that words cause harm. These values are the driving force behind progressive efforts to shut down public discourse, disrupt speeches, tear down posters, censor students and deplatform those with whom they disagree.Divisions became sharper after the Oct. 7 Hamas attack, when many progressives did not just express support for the Palestinian cause but, in some cases, even defended the attacks as a response to colonialism, and opposed retaliation as a form of genocide. This brings us to the most troubling characteristic of contemporary progressivism. Whereas liberals tend to pride themselves on acceptance, many progressives have applied various purity tests to others on the left, and according to one recent study on the schism between progressives and liberals, are more likely than liberals to apply public censure to divergent views. This intolerance manifests as a professed preference for avoiding others with different values, a stance entirely antithetical to liberal values.Yes. But no Republicans, please. Unlike Sunstein, Paul's "Liberalism" remains unabashedly partisan. I hope Sunstein's version of the word prevails. In any case, it is nice to see the division between the Woodstock Liberals, previously fellow travelers, from the extreme progressive left, and it is nice to see this word drift back to where it belongs. This is an optimistic post for the future of our country. Happy Thanksgiving. Update: I just ran across Tyler Cowen's Classical Liberals vs. The New Right. Excellent. And I forgot to plug my own "Understanding the Left," which I still think is a great essay though nobody seems to have read it.  

I've been thinking a bit lately about theories of the business cycle (a lot of time for reflection in these days of COVID-19). At least, the way some of these theories have evolved over my lifetime and from the perspective of my own training in the field. From my (admittedly narrow) perspective as a researcher and advisor at a central bank, the journey beginning c. 1960 seems like it's taken the following steps: (1) Phillips Curve and some Natural Rate Hypothesis; (2) Real Business Cycle (RBC) theory; (3) New Keynesian theory. It seems like we might be ready to take the next step. I'll offer some thoughts on this at the end, for whatever they're worth. There's no easy way to summarize the state of macroeconomic thinking, of course. But it seems clear that, at any given time, some voices and ways of thinking are more dominant than others. By the time the 1960s rolled around, there seemed to be a consensus that monetary and fiscal policy should be used to stabilize the business cycle. The main issue, in this regard, revolved over which set of instruments was better suited for the job. (See, for example, this classic debate between Milton Friedman and Walter Heller). Central to macroeconomic thinking at the time was a concept called the Phillips Curve (PC). There is a subtle, but important, distinction to make here between the PC as a statistical correlation and the PC as a theory of that statistical relationship. In 1958, Phillips noticed an interesting pattern in the data: nominal wage growth seemed negatively correlated with the unemployment rate in the U.K. over the period 1913-48 (see diagram to the right). How to interpret this correlation? One theory is that when the unemployment rate is high, workers are easy to find and their bargaining position is weak, leading to small nominal wage gains. Conversely, when unemployment is low, available workers are scarce and their bargaining position is strong, leading to large nominal wage gains. Then, in 1960, Paul Samuelson and Robert Solow wrote their classic piece "Problem of Achieving and Maintaining a Stable Price-Level: Analytical Aspects of Anti-Inflation Policy." Then, as is the case still now, the authors lamented the lack of consensus on a theory of price inflation. Various cost-push and demand-pull hypotheses were reviewed, problems of identification noted, and calls for micro-data to help settle the issue were made. They also mentioned Phillips' article and noted how the same diagram for the U.S. looked like a shot-gun blast (little correlation, except for some sub-samples). Then they translated the Phillips curve using price inflation instead of wage inflation. No data was sacrificed in this exercise; their "theory" was summarized with the diagram to the left. I put "theory" in quotes in the passage above because the theory (explanation) was never clear to me. In particular, while I could see how an increase in the rate of unemployment might depress the level wage, I could not grasp how it could influence the rate of growth of wages for any prolonged period of time. This logical inconsistency was solved by the Phelps-Friedman natural rate hypothesis; see Farmer (2013) for a summary and critique. The TL;DR version of this hypothesis is that the PC is negatively sloped only in the short-run, but vertical in the long-run. So, while monetary policy (increasing the rate of inflation) could lower the unemployment rate below its natural rate, it could only do so temporarily. Eventually, the unemployment rate would move back to its natural rate at the higher rate of inflation. This hypothesis seemed to provide a compelling interpretation of the stagflation (high inflation and high unemployment) experienced in the 1970s. It also seemed to explain the success of Volcker's disinflation policy in the 1980s. Nevertheless, uneasiness in the state of the theory remained and a new (well, nothing is ever completely new) way of theorizing was on the horizon.By the time I got to grad school in the late 1980s, "real business cycle theory" was in vogue; see Charles Plosser's summary here and Bob King's lecture notes here. There was a lot going on with this program. A central thesis of RBC theory is that the phenomena of economic growth and business cycles are inextricably linked. This is, of course, is an old idea in economics going back at least to Dennis Robertson (see this review by Charles Goodhart) and explored extensively by a number of Austrian economists, like Joseph Schumpeter. The idea that "the business cycle" is to some extent a byproduct of the process of economic development is an attractive hypothesis. Economic growth is driven by technological innovation and diffusion, and perhaps regulatory policies. There is no a priori reason to expect these "real" processes to evolve in a "smooth" manner. In fact, these changes appear to arrive randomly and with little or no mean-reverting properties. It would truly be a marvel if the business cycle did not exist. The notion of "no mean-reverting properties" is important. It basically means that technology/policy shocks are largely permanent (or at least, highly persistent). If macroeconomic variables like the GDP inherit this property, then a "cycle"--the tendency for a variable to return to some long-run trend--does not even exist (and if you think you see it, it's only a figment of your imagination). For this reason, early proponents of RBC theory preferred the label "fluctuations" over "cycle." This view was supported by the fact that econometricians had a hard time rejecting the hypothesis that the real GDP followed a random walk (with drift). For example, here is Canadian GDP plotted against two realizations of a random walk with drift:This perspective fermented at a time when the cost of computing power was falling dramatically. This permitted economists to study models that were too complicated to analyze with conventional "pencil and paper" methods. Inspiration was provided by Lucas (1980), who wrote:Our task, as I see it…is to write a FORTRAN program
that will accept specific economic policy rules as 'input' and will generate as
'output' statistics describing the operating characteristics of time series we
care about, which are predicted to result from these policies."And so that's what people did. But what sort of statistics were model economies supposed to reproduce? Once again, it was Lucas (1976) who provided the needed guidance. The empirical business cycle regularities emphasized by Lucas were "co-movements" between different aggregate time-series. Employment, for example, is "pro-cyclical" (tends to move in the same direction as GDP) around "trend." These types of regularities can be captured by statistics like correlations. But these correlations (and standard deviations) only make sense for stationary time-series, and the data is mostly non-stationary. So, what to do? Transforming the data through first-differencing (i.e., looking at growth rates instead of levels) is one way to render (much of) the data stationary. Another approach was made popular by Prescott (1986), who advocated a method that most people employ: draw a smooth line through the data, label it "trend," and then examine the behavior of "deviations from trend." Something like this, It's important to note that Prescott viewed the trend line in the figure above as "statistical trend," not an "economic trend." To him, there was no deterministic trend, since the data was being generated by a random walk (so, the actual trend is stochastic). Nevertheless, drawing a smooth trend line was a useful way to render the data stationary. The idea was to apply the same de-trending procedure to actual data and simulated data, and then compare statistical properties across model and data.The point of mentioning this is that no one involved in this program was conditioned to interpret the economy as "overheating" or in "depression." Growing economies exhibited fluctuations--sometimes big and persistent fluctuations. The question was how much of these observed fluctuations could be attributed purely to the process of economic development (technological change), without reference to monetary or financial factors? I think it's fair to say that the answer turned out to be "not much, at least, not at business cycle frequencies." The important action seemed to occur at lower frequencies. Lucas (1988) once again provided the lead when he remarked "Once one starts to think about growth, it is hard to think about anything else." And so, the narrow RBC approach turned its attention to low-frequency dynamics; e.g., see my interview with Lee Ohanian here. Of course, many economists never bought into the idea that monetary and financial factors were unimportant for understanding business cycles. Allen and Gale, for example, schooled us on financial fragility; see here. But this branch of the literature never really made much headway in mainstream macro, at least, not before 2008. Financial crises were something that happened in history, or in other parts of the world. Instead, macroeconomists looked back on its roots in the 1960s and embedded a version of the PC into an RBC model to produce what is now known as the New Keynesian framework. Short-run money non-neutrality was achieved by assuming that nominal price-setting behavior was subject to frictions, rendering nominal prices "sticky." In this environment, shocks to the economy are not absorbed efficiently, at least, not in the absence of an appropriate monetary policy. And so, drawing inspiration from John Taylor and Michael Woodford, the framework added an interest rate policy rule now known as the Taylor rule. Today, the basic NK model consists of these three core elements:[1] An IS curve: Relates aggregate demand to the real interest rate and shocks.[2] An Phillips Curve: Relates the rate of inflation (around trend) to the output gap.[3] A Taylor Rule: Describes how interest rate policy reacts to output and inflation gaps.I have to be honest with you. I never took a liking to NK model. I'm more of an Old Keynesian, similar to Roger Farmer (we share the same supervisor, so perhaps this is no accident). In any case, the NK framework became (and continues to be) a core thought-organizing principle for central bank economists around the world. It has become a sort of lingua franca in academic macro circles. And if you don't know how to speak its language, you're going to have a hard time communicating with the orthodoxy. Of the three basic elements of the NK model, I think the NK Phillips Curve (which embeds the natural rate hypothesis) has resulted in the most mischief; at least, from the perspective of advising the conduct of monetary policy. The concept is firmly embedded in the minds of many macroeconomists and policymakers. Consider, for example, Greg Mankiw's recent piece "Yes, There is a Trade-Off Between Inflation and Unemployment."Today, most economists believe there is a trade-off between inflation and unemployment in the sense that actions taken by a central bank push these variables in opposite directions. As a corollary, they also believe there must be a minimum level of unemployment that the economy can sustain without inflation rising too high. But for various reasons, that level fluctuates and is difficult to determine. The Fed's job is to balance the competing risks of rising unemployment and rising inflation. Striking just the right balance is never easy. The first step, however, is to recognize that the Phillips curve is always out there lurking.The Phillips curve is always lurking. The message for a central banker is "sure, inflation and unemployment may be low for now, but if we keep monetary policy where it is and permit the unemployment rate to fall further, we will risk higher inflation in the future." I'm not sure if economists who write in this manner are aware that they're making it sound like workers are somehow responsible for inflation. Central banker to workers: "I'm sorry, but we need to keep some of you unemployed...it's the inflation, you see." There is evidence that this line of thinking influenced the FOMC in 2015 in its decision to "lift off" and return the policy rate to some historically normal level; see my post here explaining the pros and cons in the lift-off debate. By the start of 2014, there was considerable pressure on the Fed to begin "normalizing" its policy rate. By mid 2014, the expectation of "lift off" likely contributed to significant USD appreciation and the economic weakness that followed. If I recall correctly, Vice Chair Stan Fischer started off the year by announcing that four rate hikes for 2015 were in order (as it turned out, the Fed only raised rates once--in December). To some observers, this all seemed very strange. After all, the unemployment rate was still above its estimated "natural" rate (5%) and inflation continued to undershoot its 2% target. What was going on?What was going on was the Phillips curve. Here is Chair Yellen at the March 17-18, 2015 FOMC meeting (transcript available here):If we adopt alternative B, one criterion for an initial tightening is that we need to be reasonably confident that inflation will move back to 2 percent over the medium term. For the remainder of this year, my guess is that it will be hard to point to data demonstrating that inflation is actually moving up toward our objective. Measured on a 12-month basis, both core and headline inflation will very likely be running below 1½ percent all year. That means that if we decide to start tightening later this year, a development that I think is likely, we will have to justify our inflation forecasts using indirect evidence, historical experience, and economic theory.The argument from history and economic theory seems straightforward. Experience here and abroad teaches us that, as resource utilization tightens, eventually inflation will begin to rise. To me, this seems like a simple matter of demand and supply. So the more labor and product markets tighten, the more confident I'll become in the inflation outlook. Because of the lags in monetary policy, the current high degree of monetary accommodation, and the speed at which the unemployment rate is coming down, it would, to my mind, be imprudent to wait until inflation is much closer to 2 percent to begin to normalize policy. I consider this a strong argument for an initial tightening with inflation still at low levels, and it's one that I plan to make. But I also recognize and am concerned that, at least in recent years, the empirical relationship between slack and inflation has been quite weak.Now, I don't want to make too much of this particular episode. Personally, I don't think it had a major impact on the recovery dynamic. But I do think it had an impact; in particular, the pace of improvement in labor market conditions temporarily slowed. It was an unforced error (as I think other members of the Committee sensed as well).  I think the lift-off episode has contributed to a general re-thinking of the Phillips curve and the natural rate hypothesis. The notion of an economy operating at "excess capacity" has always seemed a bit strange to me, let alone the idea that excess capacity as a cause of inflation (as opposed to a force operating on the price-level). Perhaps it is time to re-visit Milton Friedman's "plucking model."  Instead of drawing a smooth line through the center of a time-series, Friedman drew a line that defined a ceiling (a capacity constraint). Shocks to the economy manifest themselves as "downward plucks" (as if plucking on an elastic band). The plucking model is consistent with the observed cyclical asymmetry in unemployment rate fluctuations. And labor market search models are a natural way to model that asymmetry. In case you're interested, I develop a super-simple (and dare I say, elegant) search model here to demonstrate (and test) the idea: Evidence and Theory on the Cyclical Asymmetry in Unemployment Rate Fluctuations, CJE 1997). See also my blog post here as well as some recent work by Ferraro (RED, 2018) and Dupraz, Nakamura and Steinsson (2019). I like where this is going! One attractive feature of search models, in my view, is that they model relationship formation. Relationships provide a very different mechanism for coordinating economic activity relative to the canonical economic view of anonymous spot exchange in centralized markets. In a relationship, spot prices do not matter as much as the dynamic path of these prices (and other important aspects) over the course of a relationship (see my critique of the sticky price hypothesis here). The observation that retailers, in the early days of C-19, voluntarily rationed goods instead of raising prices makes little sense in anonymous spot exchange, but makes perfect sense for a merchant concerned with maintaining a good relationship with his or her customers. And merchant-supplier relationships can handle shortages without price signals (we're out of toilet paper--please send more!). In financial markets too, the amount of time that is spent forming and maintaining credit relationships is hugely underappreciated in economic modeling. Search theory turns out to be useful for interpreting the way money and bond markets work too. These markets are not like the centralized markets we see modeled in textbooks--they operate as decentralized over-the-counter (OTC) markets, where relationships are key. One reason why economies sometimes take so long to recover after a shock is because the shock has destroyed an existing set of relationships. And it takes time to rebuild relationship capital.Notions of "overheating" in this context probably do not apply to labor market variables, although there is still the possibility of an overaccumulation of certain types of physical capital in a boom (what the Austrians label "malinvestment"). Any "overheating" is likely to manifest itself primarily in asset prices. And sudden crashes in asset prices (whether driven by fundamentals or not), can have significant consequences on real economic activity if asset valuations are used to support lines of credit. Finally, we need a good theory of inflation. The NKPC theory of inflation is not, in my view, a completely satisfactory theory in this regard. To begin, it simply assumes that the central bank can target a long-run rate of inflation (implicitly, with the support of a Ricardian fiscal policy, though this is rarely, if ever, mentioned). At best, it is a theory of how inflation can temporarily depart from its long-run target and how interest rate policy can be used to influence transition dynamics. But the really interesting questions, in my view, have to do with monetary and fiscal policy coordination and what this entails for the ability of an "independent" central bank even to determine the long-run rate of inflation (Sargent and Wallace, 1981).  I know what I've described only scratches the surface of this amazingly deep and broad field. Most of you have no doubt lived through your own process of discovery and contemplation in the world of macroeconomic theorizing. Feel free to share your thoughts below. 

Open Access article, published by EDP Sciences, under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Open Access funding provided by Max Planck Society.--All authors: Kim, Jae-Young; Krichbaum, Thomas P.; Broderick, Avery E.; Wielgus, Maciek; Blackburn, Lindy; Gómez, José L.; Johnson, Michael D.; Bouman, Katherine L.; Chael, Andrew; Akiyama, Kazunori; Jorstad, Svetlana; Marscher, Alan P.; Issaoun, Sara; Janssen, Michael; Chan, Chi-kwan; Savolainen, Tuomas; Pesce, Dominic W.; Özel, Feryal; Alberdi, Antxon; Alef, Walter Asada, Keiichi; Azulay, Rebecca; Baczko, Anne-Kathrin; Ball, David; Baloković, Mislav; Barrett, John; Bintley, Dan; Boland, Wilfred; Bower, Geoffrey C.; Bremer, Michael; Brinkerink, Christiaan D.; Brissenden, Roger; Britzen, Silke; Broguiere, Dominique; Bronzwaer, Thomas; Byun, Do-Young; Carlstrom, John E.; Chatterjee, Shami; Chatterjee, Koushik; Chen, Ming-Tang; Chen, Yongjun; Cho, Ilje; Christian, Pierre; Conway, John E.; Cordes, James M.; Crew, Geoffrey B.; Cui, Yuzhu; Davelaar, Jordy; De Laurentis, Mariafelicia; Deane, Roger; Dempsey, Jessica; Desvignes, Gregory; Dexter, Jason; Doeleman, Sheperd S.; Eatough, Ralph P.; Falcke, Heino; Fish, Vincent L.; Fomalont, Ed; Fraga-Encinas, Raquel; Friberg, Per; Fromm, Christian M.; Galison, Peter; Gammie, Charles F.; García, Roberto; Gentaz, Olivier; Georgiev, Boris; Goddi, Ciriaco; Gold, Roman; Gómez-Ruiz, Arturo I.; Gu, Minfeng; Gurwell, Mark; Hada, Kazuhiro; Hecht, Michael H.; Hesper, Ronald; Ho, Luis C.; Ho, Paul; Honma, Mareki; Huang, Chih-Wei L.; Huang, Lei; Hughes, David H.; Ikeda, Shiro; Inoue, Makoto; James, David J.; Jannuzi, Buell T.; Jeter, Britton; Jiang, Wu; Jimenez-Rosales, Alejandra; Jung, Taehyun; Karami, Mansour; Karuppusamy, Ramesh; Kawashima, Tomohisa; Keating, Garrett K.; Kettenis, Mark; Kim, Junhan; Kim, Jongsoo; Kino, Motoki; Koay, Jun Yi; Koch, Patrick M.; Koyama, Shoko; Kramer, Michael; Kramer, Carsten; Kuo, Cheng-Yu; Lauer, Tod R.; Lee, Sang-Sung; Li, Yan-Rong; Li, Zhiyuan; Lindqvist, Michael; Lico, Rocco; Liu, Kuo; Liuzzo, Elisabetta; Lo, Wen-Ping; Lobanov, Andrei P.; Loinard, Laurent; Lonsdale, Colin; Lu, Ru-Sen; MacDonald, Nicholas R.; Mao, Jirong; Markoff, Sera; Marrone, Daniel P.; Martí-Vidal, Iván; Matsushita, Satoki; Matthews, Lynn D.; Medeiros, Lia; Menten, Karl M.; Mizuno, Yosuke; Mizuno, Izumi; Moran, James M.; Moriyama, Kotaro; Moscibrodzka, Monika; Musoke, Gibwa; Müller, Cornelia; Nagai, Hiroshi; Nagar, Neil M.; Nakamura, Masanori; Narayan, Ramesh; Narayanan, Gopal; Natarajan, Iniyan; Neri, Roberto; Ni, Chunchong; Noutsos, Aristeidis; Okino, Hiroki; Olivares, Héctor; Ortiz-León, Gisela N.; Oyama, Tomoaki; Palumbo, Daniel C. M.; Park, Jongho; Patel, Nimesh; Pen, Ue-Li; Piétu, Vincent; Plambeck, Richard; PopStefanija, Aleksandar; Porth, Oliver; Prather, Ben; Preciado-López, Jorge A.; Psaltis, Dimitrios; Pu, Hung-Yi; Ramakrishnan, Venkatessh; Rao, Ramprasad; Rawlings, Mark G.; Raymond, Alexander W.; Rezzolla, Luciano; Ripperda, Bart; Roelofs, Freek; Rogers, Alan; Ros, Eduardo; Rose, Mel; Roshanineshat, Arash; Rottmann, Helge; Roy, Alan L.; Ruszczyk, Chet; Ryan, Benjamin R.; Rygl, Kazi L. J.; Sánchez, Salvador; Sánchez-Arguelles, David; Sasada, Mahito; Schloerb, F. Peter; Schuster, Karl-Friedrich; Shao, Lijing; Shen, Zhiqiang; Small, Des; Sohn, Bong Won; SooHoo, Jason; Tazaki, Fumie; Tiede, Paul; Tilanus, Remo P. J.; Titus, Michael; Toma, Kenji; Torne, Pablo; Trent, Tyler; Traianou, Efthalia; Trippe, Sascha; Tsuda, Shuichiro; van Bemmel, Ilse; van Langevelde, Huib Jan; van Rossum, Daniel R.; Wagner, Jan; Wardle, John; Ward-Thompson, Derek; Weintroub, Jonathan; Wex, Norbert; Wharton, Robert; Wong, George N.; Wu, Qingwen; Yoon, Doosoo; Young, André; Young, Ken; Younsi, Ziri; Yuan, Feng; Yuan, Ye-Fei; Zensus, J. Anton; Zhao, Guangyao; Zhao, Shan-Shan; Zhu, Ziyan; Algaba, Juan-Carlos; Allardi, Alexander; Amestica, Rodrigo; Anczarski, Jadyn; Bach, Uwe; Baganoff, Frederick K.; Beaudoin, Christopher; Benson, Bradford A.; Berthold, Ryan; Blanchard, Jay M.; Blundell, Ray; Bustamente, Sandra; Cappallo, Roger; Castillo-Domínguez, Edgar; Chang, Chih-Cheng; Chang, Shu-Hao; Chang, Song-Chu; Chen, Chung-Chen; Chilson, Ryan; Chuter, Tim C.; Rosado, Rodrigo Córdova; Coulson, Iain M.; Crowley, Joseph; Derome, Mark; Dexter, Matthew; Dornbusch, Sven; Dudevoir, Kevin A.; Dzib, Sergio A.; Eckart, Andreas; Eckert, Chris; Erickson, Neal R.; Everett, Wendeline B.; Faber, Aaron; Farah, Joseph R.; Fath, Vernon; Folkers, Thomas W.; Forbes, David C.; Freund, Robert; Gale, David M.; Gao, Feng; Geertsema, Gertie; Graham, David A.; Greer, Christopher H.; Grosslein, Ronald; Gueth, Frédéric; Haggard, Daryl; Halverson, Nils W.; Han, Chih-Chiang; Han, Kuo-Chang; Hao, Jinchi; Hasegawa, Yutaka; Henning, Jason W.; Hernández-Gómez, Antonio; Herrero-Illana, Rubén; Heyminck, Stefan; Hirota, Akihiko; Hoge, James; Huang, Yau-De; Violette Impellizzeri, C. M.; Jiang, Homin; John, David; Kamble, Atish; Keisler, Ryan; Kimura, Kimihiro; Kono, Yusuke; Kubo, Derek; Kuroda, John; Lacasse, Richard; Laing, Robert A.; Leitch, Erik M.; Li, Chao-Te; Lin, Lupin C. -C.; Liu, Ching-Tang; Liu, Kuan-Yu; Lu, Li-Ming; Marson, Ralph G.; Martin-Cocher, Pierre L.; Massingill, Kyle D.; Matulonis, Callie; McColl, Martin P.; McWhirter, Stephen R.; Messias, Hugo; Meyer-Zhao, Zheng; Michalik, Daniel; Montaña, Alfredo; Montgomerie, William; Mora-Klein, Matias; Muders, Dirk; Nadolski, Andrew; Navarro, Santiago; Neilsen, Joseph; Nguyen, Chi H.; Nishioka, Hiroaki; Norton, Timothy; Nowak, Michael A.; Nystrom, George; Ogawa, Hideo; Oshiro, Peter; Oyama, Tomoaki; Parsons, Harriet; Peñalver, Juan; Phillips, Neil M.; Poirier, Michael; Pradel, Nicolas; Primiani, Rurik A.; Raffin, Philippe A.; Rahlin, Alexandra S.; Reiland, George; Risacher, Christopher; Ruiz, Ignacio; Sáez-Madaín, Alejandro F.; Sassella, Remi; Schellart, Pim; Shaw, Paul; Silva, Kevin M.; Shiokawa, Hotaka; Smith, David R.; Snow, William; Souccar, Kamal; Sousa, Don; Sridharan, Tirupati K.; Srinivasan, Ranjani; Stahm, William; Stark, Antony A.; Story, Kyle; Timmer, Sjoerd T.; Vertatschitsch, Laura; Walther, Craig; Wei, Ta-Shun; Whitehorn, Nathan; Whitney, Alan R.; Woody, David P.; Wouterloot, Jan G. A.; Wright, Melvin; Yamaguchi, Paul; Yu, Chen-Yu; Zeballos, Milagros; Zhang, Shuo; Ziurys, Lucy; Event Horizon Telescope Collaboration ; 3C 279 is an archetypal blazar with a prominent radio jet that show broadband flux density variability across the entire electromagnetic spectrum. We use an ultra-high angular resolution technique - global Very Long Baseline Interferometry (VLBI) at 1.3mm (230 GHz) - to resolve the innermost jet of 3C 279 in order to study its fine-scale morphology close to the jet base where highly variable-ray emission is thought to originate, according to various models. The source was observed during four days in April 2017 with the Event Horizon Telescope at 230 GHz, including the phased Atacama Large Millimeter/submillimeter Array, at an angular resolution of ∼20 μas (at a redshift of z = 0:536 this corresponds to ∼0:13 pc ∼ 1700 Schwarzschild radii with a black hole mass MBH = 8 × 108 M⊙). Imaging and model-fitting techniques were applied to the data to parameterize the fine-scale source structure and its variation.We find a multicomponent inner jet morphology with the northernmost component elongated perpendicular to the direction of the jet, as imaged at longer wavelengths. The elongated nuclear structure is consistent on all four observing days and across diffierent imaging methods and model-fitting techniques, and therefore appears robust. Owing to its compactness and brightness, we associate the northern nuclear structure as the VLBI "core". This morphology can be interpreted as either a broad resolved jet base or a spatially bent jet.We also find significant day-to-day variations in the closure phases, which appear most pronounced on the triangles with the longest baselines. Our analysis shows that this variation is related to a systematic change of the source structure. Two inner jet components move non-radially at apparent speeds of ∼15 c and ∼20 c (∼1:3 and ∼1:7 μas day-1, respectively), which more strongly supports the scenario of traveling shocks or instabilities in a bent, possibly rotating jet. The observed apparent speeds are also coincident with the 3C 279 large-scale jet kinematics observed at longer (cm) wavelengths, suggesting no significant jet acceleration between the 1.3mm core and the outer jet. The intrinsic brightness temperature of the jet components are ≤1010 K, a magnitude or more lower than typical values seen at ≥7mm wavelengths. The low brightness temperature and morphological complexity suggest that the core region of 3C 279 becomes optically thin at short (mm) wavelengths. © J.-Y. Kim et al. 2020. ; The authors of the present paper thank the following organizations and programs: the Academy of Finland (projects 274477, 284495, 312496); the Advanced European Network of E-infrastructures for Astronomy with the SKA (AENEAS) project, supported by the European Commission Framework Programme Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation action under grant agreement 731016; the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung; the Black Hole Initiative at Harvard University, through a grant (60477) from the John Templeton Foundation; the China Scholarship Council; Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT, Chile, via PIA ACT172033, Fondecyt projects 1171506 and 3190878, BASAL AFB-170002, ALMA-conicyt 31140007); Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACYT, Mexico, projects 104497, 275201, 279006, 281692); the Delaney Family via the Delaney Family John A. Wheeler Chair at Perimeter Institute; Direccion General de Asuntos del Personal Academico -Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (DGAPA -UNAM, project IN112417); the European Research Council Synergy Grant "BlackHoleCam: Imaging the Event Horizon of Black Holes" (grant 610058); the Generalitat Valenciana postdoctoral grant APOSTD/2018/177 and GenT Program (project CIDEGENT/2018/021); the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (grants GBMF-3561, GBMF-5278); the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) sezione di Napoli, iniziative specifiche TEONGRAV; the International Max Planck Research School for Astronomy and Astrophysics at the Universities of Bonn and Cologne; the Jansky Fellowship program of the National Radio Astronomy Observatory (NRAO); the Japanese Government (Monbukagakusho: MEXT) Scholarship; the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) Grant-inAid for JSPS Research Fellowship (JP17J08829); the Key Research Program of Frontier Sciences, Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS, grants QYZDJSSW-SLH057, QYZDJ-SSW-SYS008, ZDBS-LY-SLH011); the Leverhulme Trust Early Career Research Fellowship; the Malaysian Fundamental Research Grant Scheme (FRGS, grant FRGS/1/2019/STG02/UM/02/6); the Max-PlanckGesellschaft (MPG); the Max Planck Partner Group of the MPG and the CAS; the MEXT/JSPS KAKENHI (grants 18KK0090, JP18K13594, JP18K03656, JP18H03721, 18K03709, 18H01245, 25120007); the MIT International Science and Technology Initiatives (MISTI) Funds; the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) of Taiwan (105-2112-M-001-025-MY3, 106-2112-M-001-011, 106-2119-M-001-027, 107-2119-M-001-017, 107-2119-M-001-020, and 107-2119-M-110-005); the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA, Fermi Guest Investigator grant 80NSSC17K0649 and Hubble Fellowship grant HST-HF2-51431.001-A awarded by the Space Telescope Science Institute, which is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy, Inc. r , for NASA, under contract NAS5-26555); the National Institute of Natural Sciences (NINS) of Japan; the National Key Research and Development Program of China (grant 2016YFA0400704, 2016YFA0400702); the National Science Foundation (NSF, grants AST-0096454, AST-0352953, AST-0521233, AST-0705062, AST-0905844, AST-0922984, AST-1126433, AST-1140030, DGE-1144085, AST-1207704, AST-1207730, AST-1207752, MRI-1228509, OPP-1248097, AST-1310896, AST-1312651, AST-1337663, AST-1440254, AST-1555365, AST-1715061, AST-1615796, AST-1716327, OISE-1743747, AST-1816420); the Natural Science Foundation of China (grants 11573051, 11633006, 11650110427, 10625314, 11721303, 11725312, 11933007); the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC, including a Discovery Grant and the NSERC Alexander Graham Bell Canada Graduate Scholarships-Doctoral Program); the National Youth Thousand Talents Program of China; the National Research Foundation of Korea (the Global PhD Fellowship Grant: grants NRF-2015H1A2A1033752, 2015-R1D1A1A01056807, the Korea Research Fellowship Program: NRF-2015H1D3A1066561); the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) VICI award (grant 639.043.513) and Spinoza Prize SPI 78-409; the New Scientific Frontiers with Precision Radio Interferometry Fellowship awarded by the South African Radio Astronomy Observatory (SARAO), which is a facility of the National Research Foundation (NRF), an agency of the Department of Science and Technology (DST) of South Africa; the Onsala Space Observatory (OSO) national infrastructure, for the provisioning of its facilities/observational support (OSO receives funding through the Swedish Research Council under grant 2017-00648) the Perimeter Institute for Theoretical Physics (research at Perimeter Institute is supported by the Government of Canada through the Department of Innovation, Science and Economic Development and by the Province of Ontario through the Ministry of Research, Innovation and Science); the Russian Science Foundation (grant 17-12-01029); the Spanish Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (grants PGC2018-098915-B-C21, AYA201680889-P); the State Agency for Research of the Spanish MCIU through the "Center of Excellence Severo Ochoa" award for the Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (SEV-2017-0709); the Toray Science Foundation; the US Department of Energy (USDOE) through the Los Alamos National Laboratory (operated by Triad National Security, LLC, for the National Nuclear Security Administration of the USDOE (Contract 89233218CNA000001)); the Italian Ministero dell'Istruzione Universita e Ricerca through the grant Progetti Premiali 2012-iALMA (CUP C52I13000140001); the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 730562 RadioNet; ALMA North America Development Fund; the Academia Sinica; Chandra TM6-17006X; the GenT Program (Generalitat Valenciana) Project CIDEGENT/2018/021. This work used the Extreme Science and Engineering Discovery Environment (XSEDE), supported by NSF grant ACI-1548562, and CyVerse, supported by NSF grants DBI-0735191, DBI-1265383, and DBI1743442. XSEDE Stampede2 resource at TACC was allocated through TGAST170024 and TG-AST080026N. XSEDE JetStream resource at PTI and TACC was allocated through AST170028. The simulations were performed in part on the SuperMUC cluster at the LRZ in Garching, on the LOEWE cluster in CSC in Frankfurt, and on the HazelHen cluster at the HLRS in Stuttgart. This research was enabled in part by support provided by Compute Ontario (http://computeontario. r ca), Calcul Quebec (http://www.calculquebec.ca) and Compute Canada (http://www.computecanada.ca).We thank the sta ff at the participating observatories, correlation centers, and institutions for their enthusiastic support. This paper makes use of the following ALMA data: ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016.1.01154.V, ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016.1.01176.V. ALMA is a partnership of the European Southern Observatory (ESO; Europe, representing its member states), NSF, and National Institutes of Natural Sciences of Japan, together with National Research Council (Canada), Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST; Taiwan), Academia Sinica Institute of Astronomy and Astrophysics (ASIAA; Taiwan), and Korea Astronomy and Space Science Institute (KASI; Republic of Korea), in cooperation with the Republic of Chile. The Joint ALMA Observatory is operated by ESO, Associated Universities, Inc. (AUI)/NRAO, and the National Astronomical Observatory of Japan (NAOJ). The NRAO is a facility of the NSF operated under cooperative agreement by AUI. APEX is a collaboration between the Max-Planck-Institut fur Radioastronomie (Germany), ESO, and the Onsala Space Observatory (Sweden). The SMA is a joint project between the SAO and ASIAA and is funded by the Smithsonian Institution and the Academia Sinica. The JCMT is operated by the East Asian Observatory on behalf of the NAOJ, ASIAA, and KASI, as well as the Ministry of Finance of China, Chinese Academy of Sciences, and the National Key R&D Program (No. 2017YFA0402700) of China. Additional funding support for the JCMT is provided by the Science and Technologies Facility Council (UK) and participating universities in the UK and Canada. The LMT is a project operated by the Instituto Nacional de Astrofisica, Optica, y Electronica (Mexico) and the University of Massachusetts at Amherst (USA). The IRAM 30-m telescope on Pico Veleta, Spain is operated by IRAM and supported by CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France), MPG (Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, Germany) and IGN (Instituto Geografico Nacional, Spain). The SMT is operated by the Arizona Radio Observatory, a part of the Steward Observatory of the University of Arizona, with financial support of operations from the State of Arizona and financial support for instrumentation development from the NSF. The SPT is supported by the National Science Foundation through grant PLR1248097. Partial support is also provided by the NSF Physics Frontier Center grant PHY-1125897 to the Kavli Institute of Cosmological Physics at the University of Chicago, the Kavli Foundation and the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation grant GBMF 947. The SPT hydrogen maser was provided on loan from the GLT, courtesy of ASIAA. The EHTC has received generous donations of FPGA chips from Xilinx Inc., under the Xilinx University Program. The EHTC has benefited from technology shared under open-source license by the Collaboration for Astronomy Signal Processing and Electronics Research (CASPER). The EHT project is grateful to T4Science and Microsemi for their assistance with Hydrogen Masers. This research has made use of NASA's Astrophysics Data System. We gratefully acknowledge the support provided by the extended sta ff of the ALMA, both from the inception of the ALMA Phasing Project through the observational campaigns of 2017 and 2018. We would like to thank A. Deller and W. Brisken for EHT-specific support with the use of DiFX. We acknowledge the significance that Maunakea, where the SMA and JCMT EHT stations are located, has for the indigenous Hawaiian people. r This research has made use of data obtained with the Global Millimeter VLBI Array (GMVA), which consists of telescopes operated by the MPIfR, IRAM, Onsala, Metsahovi, Yebes, the Korean VLBI Network, the Green Bank Observatory and the Very Long Baseline Array (VLBA). The VLBA is an instrument of the National Radio Astronomy Observatory. The National Radio Astronomy Observatory is a facility of the National Science Foundation operated by Associated Universities, Inc. The data were correlated at the correlator of the MPIfR in Bonn, Germany. This study makes use of 43 GHz VLBA data from the VLBA-BU Blazar Monitoring Program (VLBABU-BLAZAR; http://www.bu.edu/blazars/VLBAproject.html), funded by NASA through the Fermi Guest Investigator Program.

El objetivo principal de esta investigación consiste en identificar y caracterizar las oportunidades comerciales que para el sector industrial del Valle del Cauca presenta la consolidación en el año 2005 del Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas – ALCA – especialmente con Estados Unidos y Canadá. Para lograr este objetivo se requirió, en primera instancia, revisar la situación de intercambio comercial entre Colombia y Canadá, y también Colombia y Estados Unidos a través de un mecanismo unilateral temporal como la Ley de Preferencias Arancelarias Andinas (Andean Trade Preference Act) – ATPA, para luego revisar el estado de las negociaciones según el capítulo de acceso a mercados del Borrador de Acuerdo ALCA. Además se hizo necesario evaluar la situación comercial del Valle del Cauca en el tema de comercio exterior para determinar la importancia de los productos o sectores productivos participantes. De este resultado se tomaron para análisis aquellos productos o sectores más representativos para los cuales se establecieron las posibles oportunidades comerciales que se perfilan si el Acuerdo se consolida y pone en marcha en la fecha propuesta. Este estudio se desarrolló en dos fases. La primera fase comprende la recolección de toda la información agrupada en dos grandes temas: Primero, la información existente sobre Colombia en el proceso de integración económica en América y sobre el Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas – ALCA – que incluye la revisión de la situación de intercambio comercial entre Colombia y Estados Unidos y Canadá a través de un mecanismo unilateral temporal como el ATPA, la búsqueda de antecedentes históricos, la evolución del proceso de integración hemisférica de acuerdo con los avances alcanzados en los Grupos de Negociación y, finalmente, la revisión del capítulo "Acceso a Mercados" del Borrador de Acuerdo ALCA. El segundo tema abarca la información existente en materia de intercambio comercial entre Colombia y el Valle del Cauca y los demás países de América donde se analizaron las estadísticas del comercio que han mantenido y se determinaron las expectativas que tiene el sector industrial del Valle del Cauca frente a la conformación del ALCA. En la segunda fase del estudio se hizo un análisis de la información obtenida en la primera fase para así realizar la caracterización de las oportunidades comerciales concretas identificando los productos o sectores más representativos de la industria vallecaucana en materia de exportaciones de la actualidad y seleccionando los que participan por lo menos con el 5% de la exportación vallecaucana identificando así el paretto en el tema. Igualmente se identificaron los sectores con potencial exportador según el Plan Estratégico Exportador Regional 2001 – 2010 del Valle del Cauca desarrollado por el CARCE. Al analizar los resultados obtenidos fruto de la investigación se identificaron ciertas conclusiones que resulta importante mencionar. Para que Colombia y el Valle del Cauca salgan airosos frente al gran reto que representa la consolidación del ALCA, es perentorio que el Gobierno, el sector privado, la Academia e incluso la sociedad civil estén concentrados en planes de trabajo compartidos y enfocados en estrategias bien definidas donde cada uno juegue su papel. Esfuerzos individuales aislados no garantizan el logro de los objetivos generales que busca la participación exitosa de Colombia en este proceso de integración, debe ser un esfuerzo coordinado. La obtención de ventajas comerciales competitivas y sostenibles en un mercado Americano ampliado por efecto del ALCA, depende del trabajo integrado y alineado bajo los mismos objetivos estratégicos de cada uno de estos actores en este nuevo escenario. Como complemento se identificaron unos factores que pueden considerarse como primordiales para alcanzar un desempeño satisfactorio ante la consolidación del ALCA por parte del Gobierno Nacional y el sector público, por parte del sector privado, por parte de la Academia y por parte de los Trabajadores como miembros de la sociedad civil. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey ITESM;Corporación Universitaria Autónoma de Occidente ; INTRODUCCIÓN 1 1. AMÉRICA Y COLOMBIA FRENTE A LA GLOBALIZACIÓN 9 1.1. CAMBIOS EN EL ENTORNO MUNDIAL 9 1.1.1. Del modelo proteccionista al modelo aperturista. 12 1.1.2. Globalización y regionalización. 14 1.1.2.1. La Unión Europea. 15 1.1.2.2. El Asia Pacífico. 15 1.1.2.3. Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN o NAFTA). 16 1.1.3. Integración económica. 16 1.1.3.1. Modalidades. 16 1.2. REGIONALIZACIÓN EN BLOQUES ECONÓMICOS 18 1.2.1. Convenios o acuerdos regionales en el mundo. 19 1.2.1.1. América. 19 1.2.1.2. Europa. 21 1.2.1.3. Asia. 21 1.2.1.4. África. 22 1.2.2. Integración subregional en América. 22 1.3. LA INTEGRACIÓN ECONÓMICA DE COLOMBIA 25 1.3.1. Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas – ALCA. 26 1.3.2. Organización Mundial del Comercio – OMC. 26 1.3.3. Asociación Latinoamericana de Integración – ALADI. 36 1.3.4. Asociación de Estados del Caribe – AEC. 39 1.3.5. Comunidad Andina de Naciones – CAN. 40 1.3.5.1. Ordenamiento jurídico. 41 1.3.5.2. Beneficios de la integración andina. 42 1.3.6. Colombia – CAN – Argentina. 45 1.3.7. Colombia – CAN – Brasil. 46 1.3.7.1. Antecedentes de las relaciones comerciales Colombia – Brasil. 47 1.3.7.2. Resultados del Acuerdo para las exportaciones colombianas. 48 1.3.7.3. Contenido del Acuerdo de Complementación No 39. 49 1.3.7.4. Los principales aspectos normativos. 49 1.3.8. Colombia – Chile. 50 1.3.8.1. Acuerdo de Complementación económica No. 24 entre Colombia y Chile. 51 1.3.8.2. Acuerdo sobre Inversiones. 53 1.3.9. Colombia – Cuba. 54 1.3.10. Colombia – Guatemala. 56 1.3.11. Colombia – Honduras. 56 1.3.12. Colombia – Nicaragua. 57 1.3.13. Colombia – Costa Rica. 58 1.3.14. Colombia – El Salvador. 58 1.3.15. Colombia – Panamá 59 1.3.16. Colombia – Paraguay. 61 1.3.17. Colombia – Uruguay. 62 1.3.18. Tratado de Libre Comercio del Grupo de los Tres – G-3. 63 1.3.18.1. Programa de desgravación. 63 1.3.18.2. Acceso a mercados. 65 1.3.18.3. Sector automotor. 65 1.3.18.4. Sector agropecuario y medidas fitosanitarias y zoosanitarias. 65 1.3.18.5. Reglas de origen. 67 1.3.18.6. Salvaguardias. 67 1.3.18.7. Practicas desleales de comercio internacional. 68 1.3.18.8. Principios generales sobre el comercio de servicios. 68 1.3.18.9. Servicios financieros. 69 1.3.18.10. Entrada temporal de personas de negocios. 69 1.3.18.11. Normas técnicas. 70 1.3.18.12. Inversión. 70 1.3.18.13. Propiedad intelectual. 71 1.3.19. CARICOM – Colombia. 71 1.3.20. Mercosur – Comunidad Andina. 77 1.3.21. Colombia – Asia Pacífico. 79 1.3.21.1. Concejo de Cooperación Económica del Pacífico (PECC). 79 1.3.21.2. Concejo Económico de la Cuenca del Pacífico (PBEC). 81 1.3.21.3. Foro de Cooperación Económica del Asia Pacífico (APEC). 82 1.3.21.4. Conclusiones. 85 1.3.22. Colombia – Unión Europea. 87 1.3.22.1. Sistema de Preferencias Generalizadas – SPG. 87 1.3.22.2. SPG Andino. 87 1.3.22.3. Normas de Origen. 88 1.4. RELACIONES COMERCIALES ENTRE COLOMBIA Y ESTADOS UNIDOS 91 1.4.1. Perfil económico y comercial de Estados Unidos. 91 1.4.1.1. Información básica. 91 1.4.1.2. Indicadores sociales y económicos. 91 1.4.1.3. Comercio exterior. 93 1.4.1.4. Principales socios comerciales globales de E.U. 93 1.4.1.5. Estados Unidos: principal importador del mundo. 94 1.4.1.6. Origen de las importaciones de E.U. 96 1.4.1.7. Aranceles, regulaciones y normas. 97 1.4.2. Importancia de las relaciones comerciales con Estados Unidos 101 1.4.2.1. Origen de las importaciones de E.U. desde Latinoamérica. 102 1.4.2.2. Destino de las exportaciones de Estados Unidos. 103 1.4.2.3. Exportaciones de Estados Unidos hacia Latinoamérica. 103 1.4.2.4. Participación bilateral en el comercio mundial. 104 1.4.3. Situación actual del Sistema Generalizado de Preferencias – SGP. 105 1.4.4. Ley de Preferencias Arancelarias Andinas – ATPA. 107 1.4.4.1. Objetivos del ATPA. 109 1.4.4.2. Beneficios. 110 1.4.4.3. Exportaciones de Colombia a Estados Unidos (con ATPA). 111 1.4.4.4. Comercio bilateral entre países ATPA y Estados Unidos. 113 1.4.5. Nota del Arancel de Estados Unidos en relación con el ATPA. 114 1.4.6. Estado actual y futuro del ATPA. 116 1.4.6.1. Vencimiento del ATPA. 117 1.4.6.2. Nuevos productos del ATPA ampliado. 118 1.4.6.3. Iniciativas legislativas en el Congreso de Estados Unidos. 118 1.4.6.4. ¿Cómo exportar ahora bajo el ATPA? 121 1.4.7. Links. 125 1.5. RELACIONES COMERCIALES ENTRE COLOMBIA Y CANADÁ 126 1.5.1. Perfil económico y comercial de Canadá. 126 1.5.1.1. Información básica. 126 1.5.1.2. Indicadores sociales y económicos. 126 1.5.1.3. La economía de Canadá. 128 1.5.1.4. Comercio exterior. 131 1.5.1.5. Origen de las importaciones de Canadá. 133 1.5.1.6. Diez principales importaciones de Canadá. 134 1.5.1.7. Diez principales exportaciones de Canadá. 134 1.5.2. Reglamentación y procedimientos aduaneros en Canadá 135 1.5.2.1. Impuesto a las ventas. 136 1.5.2.2. Reglamentos específicos aplicables a determinados productos. 137 1.5.2.3. Importaciones controladas y prohibidas. 138 1.5.2.4. Cuotas y aranceles estacionales. 139 1.5.3. Logística. 140 1.5.3.1. Alternativas de transporte y puertos de entrada. 140 1.5.3.2. La relación contractual: Incoterms y otras garantías. 141 1.5.3.3. Documentos claves para importar en Canadá 146 1.5.4. Sugerencias para exportar exitosamente a Canadá. 149 1.5.4.1. Estrategia principal para aumentar la competitividad 150 1.5.4.2. La importación de los Precios. 153 1.5.4.3. El cumplimiento y la flexibilidad como ventajas competitivas. 153 1.5.5. Preferencias arancelarias. 154 1.5.5.1. Estructura de los aranceles. 154 1.5.5.2. Negociación de preferencias unilaterales. 156 1.5.5.3. Lista propuesta por la Comunidad Andina. 159 1.5.6. Links. 160 2. EL ÁREA DE LIBRE COMERCIO DE LAS AMÉRICAS – ALCA 161 2.1. ANTECEDENTES DEL ÁREA DE LIBRE COMERCIO DE LAS AMÉRICAS 161 2.1.1. Antecedentes remotos del ALCA. 161 2.1.2. Período de desintegración. 164 2.1.3. Primer antecedente directo del ALCA 166 2.1.4. Antecedentes recientes del ALCA. 170 2.2. EVOLUCIÓN DEL ACUERDO ALCA 171 2.2.1. Principios rectores de las negociaciones del ALCA. 173 2.2.2. Estructura y organización de las negociaciones del ALCA. 173 2.2.2.1. Presidencia de las Negociaciones. 174 2.2.2.2. Los Ministros Responsables del Área de Comercio. 174 2.2.2.3. Comité de Negociaciones Comerciales. 174 2.2.2.4. Grupos de Negociación y Comités. 175 2.2.2.5. Apoyos. 176 2.2.2.6. Declaración relacionada con los actos terroristas de finales del 2001. 177 2.2.3. Primera Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 178 2.2.4. Segunda Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 179 2.2.5. Tercera Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 180 2.2.6. Cuarta Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 182 2.2.7. Quinta Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 184 2.2.8. Sexta Reunión de Ministros de Comercio Exterior. 185 2.2.9. La Cumbre de las Américas 2001 187 2.3. EL BORRADOR DEL ACUERDO ALCA 191 2.3.1. Consideraciones. 192 2.3.2. Grupo de Negociación sobre Agricultura. 192 2.3.2.1. Objetivos. 193 2.3.2.2. Reuniones. 194 2.3.2.3. Intereses de Colombia. 195 2.3.3. Grupo de Negociación sobre Compras del Sector Público 195 2.3.3.1. Objetivos. 195 2.3.3.2. Reuniones. 196 2.3.3.3. Intereses de Colombia. 197 2.3.4. Grupo de Negociación sobre Inversión. 197 2.3.4.1. Objetivos. 197 2.3.4.2. Reuniones. 197 2.3.4.3. Intereses para Colombia. 198 2.3.5. Grupo de Negociación sobre Acceso a Mercados. 198 2.3.5.1. Objetivos. 198 2.3.5.2. Reuniones. 199 2.3.5.3. Intereses de Colombia. 200 2.3.5.4. Texto oficial del Acuerdo. 200 2.3.6. Subsidios, Antidumping y Derechos Compensatorios. 200 2.3.6.1. Objetivos. 201 2.3.6.2. Reuniones. 201 2.3.6.3. Intereses de Colombia. 202 2.3.7. Grupo de Negociación sobre Solución de Controversias. 202 2.3.7.1. Objetivos. 202 2.3.7.2. Reuniones. 202 2.3.7.3. Intereses de Colombia. 203 2.3.8. Grupo de Negociación sobre Servicios. 203 2.3.8.1. Objetivos. 204 2.3.8.2. Reuniones. 204 2.3.8.3. Intereses de Colombia. 205 2.3.9. Grupo de Negociación sobre Derechos de Propiedad Intelectual. 205 2.3.9.1. Objetivos. 205 2.3.9.2. Reuniones. 205 2.3.9.3. Intereses de Colombia. 206 2.3.10. Grupo de Negociación sobre Política de Competencia. 206 2.3.10.1. Objetivos. 206 2.3.10.2. Reuniones. 207 2.3.10.3. Intereses de Colombia. 208 2.4. EL PROCESO DE NEGOCIACIÓN DEL ALCA 208 2.4.1. Estado actual de las negociaciones. 210 2.4.2. Futuro de las negociaciones. 211 2.4.3. Pautas y lineamientos acordados. 212 2.5. COLOMBIA FRENTE AL ALCA 214 2.5.1. El Plan Estratégico Exportador 1999 – 2009 de Colombia. 215 2.5.1.1. Objetivo Estratégico 1. 216 2.5.1.2. Objetivo Estratégico 2. 217 2.5.1.3. Objetivo Estratégico 3. 218 2.5.1.4. Objetivo Estratégico 4. 218 2.5.1.5. Objetivo Estratégico 5. 219 2.5.2. El Plan Estratégico Exportador 2001 – 2010 del Valle del Cauca. 219 2.5.2.1. Visión exportadora del Departamento. 219 2.5.2.2. Variables claves para el desarrollo del PEER. 220 2.5.2.3. Objetivos. 220 2.5.2.4. Proyectos prioritarios. 225 2.5.2.5. Entidades y empresas participantes. 229 2.5.3. Colombia y el ALCA en cifras. 231 2.5.3.1. Exportación de bienes. 232 2.5.3.2. Exportación de servicios comerciales 232 2.5.3.3. Inversión extranjera en Colombia 233 2.5.4. Objetivo e intereses de Colombia en el ALCA. 234 2.5.5. Rol de Colombia, los empresarios y la sociedad civil. 235 2.5.6. "Empresarios por el ALCA". 240 3. COMERCIO EXTERIOR DE COLOMBIA Y EL VALLE DEL CAUCA 243 3.1. INTERCAMBIO COMERCIAL DE COLOMBIA 243 3.1.1. Destino de las Exportaciones Colombianas. 244 3.1.2. Exportaciones Colombianas por Sector Económico. 246 3.1.3. Exportaciones por Sectores Económicos y Grupos de Destino. 249 3.1.4. Origen de las Importaciones Colombianas. 252 3.1.5. Importaciones de Colombia por Grupos Económicos de Origen. 253 3.1.6. Importaciones según Sectores de Origen 255 3.1.7. Balanza Comercial Según Grupos Económicos de Países. 258 3.1.8. Algunas Observaciones Preliminares. 260 3.1.9. Significado del ALCA para Colombia 262 3.2. EL VALLE DEL CAUCA Y SU POSICIÓN FRENTE AL ALCA 263 3.2.1. Importaciones del Valle del Cauca. 263 3.2.2. Origen de las importaciones del Valle del Cauca. 267 3.2.3. Exportaciones del Valle del Cauca. 268 3.2.4. Destino de las exportaciones del Valle. 273 3.2.5. Comportamiento histórico de las exportaciones vallecaucanas. 275 3.2.6. Exportaciones no tradicionales de Colombia y el Valle. 276 3.2.7. Balanza Comercial del Valle del Cauca. 278 3.2.8. El compromiso del empresario vallecaucano. 278 3.3. COMERCIO ENTRE COLOMBIA Y LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS 279 3.3.1. Balanza Comercial entre Colombia y los Estados Unidos. 279 3.3.2. Importaciones y Exportaciones por productos. 281 3.4. COMERCIO ENTRE COLOMBIA Y CANADÁ 282 3.4.1. Balanza Comercial. 282 3.4.2. Inversión extranjera. 283 3.4.3. Comercio bilateral. 284 3.4.3.1. Importaciones de Canadá a Colombia. 285 3.4.3.2. Exportaciones de Colombia a Canadá. 286 3.4.4. Perspectivas del mercado canadiense. 286 4. OPORTUNIDADES 289 4.1. OPORTUNIDADES FRENTE AL ATPA 289 4.2. OPORTUNIDADES EN EL MERCADO CANADIENSE 293 4.3. OPORTUNIDADES FRENTE AL ALCA 294 4.3.1. Papel del sector privado. 295 4.3.2. Oportunidades generales para el empresario. 296 4.3.3. Oportunidades para la industria del Valle del Cauca. 298 4.3.4. Sectores exportadores clave del Valle del Cauca. 300 4.3.4.1. Sectores representativos año 2001. 301 4.3.4.2. Sectores estratégicos del Valle del Cauca. 302 4.3.5. Análisis del sector exportador Vallecaucano 305 5. CONCLUSIONES 308 5.1. SOBRE LAS EXPORTACIONES DE COLOMBIA 308 5.2. SOBRE LAS IMPORTACIONES DE COLOMBIA 310 5.3. SOBRE EL VALLE DEL CAUCA 311 5.4. FACTORES CLAVE DEL ÉXITO 316 5.4.1. Por parte del Gobierno Nacional y el sector público. 317 5.4.2. Por parte del sector privado. 317 5.4.3. Por parte de la Academia. 318 5.4.4. Por parte de los Trabajadores. 318 6. RECOMENDACIONES 319 BIBLIOGRAFÍA 321 ANEXOS 324 ; Maestría ; The main objective of this research is to identify and characterize the commercial opportunities that the industrial sector of Valle del Cauca presents with the consolidation in 2005 of the Free Trade Area of the Americas - FTAA - especially with the United States and Canada. To achieve this objective, it was required, in the first instance, to review the commercial exchange situation between Colombia and Canada, and also Colombia and the United States through a temporary unilateral mechanism such as the Andean Trade Preference Act - ATPA , and then review the status of the negotiations according to the market access chapter of the Draft FTAA Agreement. In addition, it was necessary to evaluate the commercial situation of Valle del Cauca on the subject of foreign trade to determine the importance of the participating products or productive sectors. From this result, those most representative products or sectors were taken for analysis for which the possible commercial opportunities that are outlined if the Agreement is consolidated and put into operation on the proposed date were established. This study was carried out in two phases. The first phase includes the collection of all the information grouped into two main topics: First, the existing information on Colombia in the process of economic integration in America and on the Free Area. Commerce of the Americas - FTAA - which includes the review of the trade situation between Colombia and the United States and Canada through a temporary unilateral mechanism such as the ATPA, the search for historical antecedents, the evolution of the hemispheric integration process according to with the progress made in the Negotiating Groups and, finally, the revision of the chapter "Market Access" of the Draft FTAA Agreement. The second topic covers the existing information on commercial exchange between Colombia and Valle del Cauca and the other countries of America, where the trade statistics they have maintained were analyzed and the expectations that the industrial sector of Valle del Cauca has regarding to the formation of the FTAA. In the second phase of the study, an analysis was made of the information obtained in the first phase in order to characterize the specific commercial opportunities, identifying the most representative products or sectors of the Valle del Cauca industry in terms of current exports and selecting those that they participate with at least 5% of Valle del Cauca exports, thus identifying the paretto on the subject. Likewise, the sectors with export potential were identified according to the Regional Exporting Strategic Plan 2001 - 2010 of Valle del Cauca developed by CARCE. When analyzing the results obtained as a result of the investigation, certain conclusions were identified that it is important to mention. For Colombia and Valle del Cauca to succeed in the face of the great challenge represented by the consolidation of the FTAA, it is imperative that the Government, the private sector, the Academy and even civil society are focused on shared work plans and focused on well-defined strategies. defined where everyone plays their role. Isolated individual efforts do not guarantee the achievement of the general objectives sought by the successful participation of Colombia in this integration process, it must be a coordinated effort. Obtaining competitive and sustainable commercial advantages in an American market expanded as a result of the FTAA, depends on the integrated work and aligned under the same strategic objectives of each of these actors in this new scenario. As a complement, some factors were identified that can be considered as essential to achieve a satisfactory performance before the consolidation of the FTAA by the National Government and the public sector, by the private sector, by the Academy and by the Workers as members. of civil society.

Many duplications. ; Numerous newspaper (?) clippings of poems, sentiments, etc., pasted on random pages. ; Consists of various pamphlets and reprints bound into 7 volumes. ; --Military drill in the public schools--The sportsman.[dup]--The mournful story of the cost of decoration with dead birds and their plumage--Some medical opinions.[dup]--The Pasteur Institute.[dup]--The anti-toxin.[dup]--To junior members, wearing the badge of the International Kindness to Animals Society ; Reasons for the organization of the International Kindness to Animals Society--Importance of humane education--Vivisection in relation to politics--A letter to children.[dup] ; v.7. Protection of animals / G. Angell, 1874--The reality of human vivisection, 1901--A bill for the regulation of scientific experiments upon human beings in the District of Columbia : S.3424 / Mr. Gallinger, 1900--Vivisection in the District of Columbia / 55th Congress, 3d session, Senate, 1899--Human vivisection, a statement and an inquiry, 3rd ed. rev., 1900--Is science advanced by deceit? / A. Leffingwell, 1900--Scientific chicanery, does it pay?, 1900--Some mistakes of scientists / A. Leffingwell, 1900--Does science need secrecy? / A. Leffingwell, 1900--For pity's sake.[dup]--Vivisection and dissection in schools--Ten rules for the treatment of animals--A plain talk.[dup]--The International Kindness to Animals Society, general circular--Some medical opinions concerning vivisection--Vaccination is the curse of childhood [2 copies]--The principal props of vivisection / P. Peabody--Abstract.[dup]--Facts about vivisection which cannot be denied--Is vivisection painful?--An appeal to every woman--Confessions of a vivisector--Light to benefit.[dup]--The feast of Bacchus / A. Walton--Experimental research versus altruism / M. Lovell, 1893--Medical opinions on vivisection--Addresses by the Reverend Washington Gladden, D.D. and the Reverend John Henry Barrows, D.D. at the twenty-third annual meeting of the American Humane Association Columbus, Ohio, October 24-26, 1899--El zoofilo venezolano, año 2, num. 13, nov. 1898 / Sociedad Protectora de los Animales--Tuberculosis in cattle--Voci autorevoli contro la vivisezione / Società di anti-vivisezone--Pasteur or Buisson? [dup]--Cosmos-philosophy.[dup]--The sportsman.[dup]--The sin of cruelty--Hereditary.[dup; 2 copies]--Compulsory vaccination, 1899--Startling accusations / A. Leffingwell, 1899--A plea for animals / B. Underwood--The poor tramp cat / Mrs. Fairchild Allen, 1900--The real sportsmen's show / J. Greene--A law to help the boys / A. Bowles, 1892 ; v.6. Amos Hunt and the steel trap / Mrs. Fairchild Allen--Vivisection and the drug delusion, 7th ed. / comp. by J. Scott, 1893--A dangerous ideal / A. Leffingwell--Does vivisection need concealment? / A. Leffingwell--Abstract of the Report on vivisection adopted by the American Humane Association Sept. 26, 1895--Professor Frog's lecture / M. Lane--A physician on vivisection / T. Parvin, 1895--Abstract.[dup]--Vivisection and the drug.[dup]--Abstract.[dup]--The vivisector at the gates of Herat / E. Preston, 1896--Shall we teach cruelty as an art? / by a physician--A key to "St. Bernard's," entitled Dying scientifically [advertising flyer]--The brutalization of childhood--The tendencies of the turf / C. Crandall, 1894--Certain other duties / G. Trumbull--Shall we teach.[dup]--Professor Frog's.[dup]--For pity's sake--Infernal intellect / G. Angell--The London Institution for Lost & Starving Cats, 1898--The craze for killing, 1895--Abstract.[dup]--About poor puss [dup]--French and English vivisection, 1890--Shall we teach.[dup]--Paul Faber, surgeon [review]--Objects and methods ; rules for members ; council / Independent Anti-Vivisection League--Our humble associates / G. Walker, 1891--Home of Rest for Horses--The stealthy advance of vivisection / E.B.--A plea for mercy / J. Craigen--The check-rein / G. Angell--Shall we teach.[dup]--A dangerous ideal [dup]--The cruel vivisector [dup]--Do the interests.[dup]--Some fruits of vivisection / E. Berdoe--Our meanest.[dup]--A physician.[dup]--Vivisection and the drug.[dup] ; Pasteur's statistics [dup]--An institute of preventive medicine at work in France, 5th ed. / F. Cobbe, 1891--A bird's-eye view of a great question / S. Trist, 1894--Physiology in our.[dup]--Do the interests.[dup]--The proposed biological .[dup]--Vivisection / G. Hoggan, 1875--Anaesthetics and vivisection--Dr. Bell Taylor.[dup]--A pathetic incident.[dup]--Mrs. Fenwick Miller on vivisection, 1894--The worst thing in the world / M. Lovell, 1895--A letter from Prof. Lawson.[dup]--Concerning vivisection / A. Leffingwell--My doctor tells me that there is very little vivisection now in England / E. Bell--My doctor tells me that Koch discovered a cure for consumption by means of experiments on living animals--My doctor tells me that the most important discoveries in medicine have been made by means of vivisection--My doctor tells me that experiments in England are only performed on animals under anaesthetics--My doctor tells me nothing about curare--For pity's sake [dup]--The restriction of vivisection / A. Leffingwell--Mr. Lawson Tait on operating for cancer of the larynx, 1892--Reply to the Century / E. Berdoe, 1891--Strain at a gnat, swallow a camel / C. Spencer, 1892--Vivisection and personal rights / M. Caird--The savagery of vivisection--Vivisection / M. Caird--The savagery.[dup]--The anti-toxin treatment of diphtheria / M. Caird--Vivisection and personal.[dup]--The sanctuary of mercy / M. Caird--Sacrifice.[dup]--Vivisection as a test-question.[dup]--The savagery.[dup]--Vivisection, an appeal to the workers / M. Caird--Vivisection [letter] / M. Caird, 1895--The anti-toxin.[dup]--Is cruelty.[dup]--Vivisection [dup] ; v.5. A letter from Prof. Lawson Tait, F.R.C.S., respecting experiments on living animals, 1892--The skylarks in an East End market / R. Rudd--Do the interests of mankind require experiments on living animals? / A. Barry, 1892--The utility, cruelty & morality of experiments upon animals / by a hospital physician--Letter from surgeon-general.[dup]--Why the vivisection act is objected to / J. Clarke, 1885--Vivisection and anaesthetics--Vivisection useless and unjustifiable / A. Astley--Extracts from two letters from Dr. George Hoggan on vivisection--Five questions to working men about vivisection--The utility, cruelty.[dup]--Five questions.[dup]--Why the vivisection act.[dup]--Extracts from two letters.[dup]--Vivisection useless.[dup]--Vivisection and anaesthetics [dup]--Lawson Tait, F.R.C.S., etc. on the discussion on vivisection at the church congress, 1892--The Inspector's report.[dup]--Our meanest crime / J. Clarke, 1892--The discussion on vivisection at the church congress / L. Tait, 1892--Do the interests of humanity require experiments on living animals? / F. Arnold, 1892--Sacrifice, noble and ignoble / M. Caird--Is cruelty for a purpose justifiable? / M. Caird--The hospitals & vivisection--Extract from "Medical education." [dup]--Light to benefit mankind--What is vivisection [dup]--Concerning human.[dup]--Mixed plumes / E. Phillips--As in a mirror / H Greene, 1898--At the annual meeting of the Church of England Society for the Promotion of Kindness to Animals. / F. Lemon, 1897--A woman's question /B. Atkinson, 1896--An egret hunter's narrative / D. Bennett, 1896--Osprey, or, egrets and aigrettes / W. Hudson, 1896--The trade in birds' feathers, 1898--Legalised torture / M. Caird--An animals' friend [dup]--What I saw at the Pasteur Institute / T. Williams, 1894--Pasteur's statistics / E. Bell--Hydrophobia, the truth about M. Pasteur's prophylactic, 3rd ed. / B. Bryan, 1895--The Pasteur Institute.[dup]--The cruel vivisector.[dup]-- ; --Sacrifice / New York State Anti-Vivisection Society--An appeal from the horses.[dup]--The churches and vivisection.[dup]--The London Buisson Institute / F. Pirkis, 1896--Cancer experiments on human beings / F. Cobbe--About poor puss [dup]--Anti-vivisection, Nov. 1897--Pasteur or Buisson, cruelty, poison, uncleanness or the pure and kindly vapor bath, which shall we follow?--Vivisection and hospital.[dup]--Additional opinions concerning vivisection--Illinois Anti-Vivisection Society [membership flyer]--The truth concerning.[dup]--The Pasteur Institute.[dup]--American vivisections [dup]--Col. Ingersoll on vivisection ; Opposed to vivisection, additional opinions of physicians and surgeons, 1890--Opinions of leading physicians and surgeons concerning vivisection--Vivisection as a method of education in American colleges and universities--Where shall our boys be educated?--The interests of humanity in connection with vivisection / W.W. ; v.4. For pity's sake / C. Taylor, 1893--Letter from Surgeon-General C.A. Gordon.to the Secretary of the London Anti-Vivisection Society--The proposed biological laboratories in Chicago / F. Cobbe--What is vivisection / P. Peabody--The fairy tales of science / F. Cobbe, 1896--Society for the Protection of Birds prospectus, 1889--An unscientific view of vivisection / W. Paget--Bishop Barry and Canon Wilberforce on the morality of vivisection, 1891--Medical experiments on human beings / Dr. Koch, 1893--Sir R.T. Reid, Attorney-General, on vivisection, 1891--Some truths about vivisection / M. Caird, 1894--The Hon. B. Coleridge, M.P., on the Inspector's report and the Brown Institution, 1888--Rt. Hon. J. Stansfeld, M.P., on experimental institutes and the Vivisection act, 1894--The hope of the universe / G. MacDonald, 1893--The Right Rev. Dr. Ridding, Bishop of Southwell, on vivisection: its inutility, immorality, and cruelty, 1893--The proposed Pasteur Institute at Chelsea Bridge / M. Caird--The Bishop of Manchester on gambling, vivisection, and covetousness / J. Moorhouse, 1891--Flaws in the act / E. Bell, 1892--Physiology in our public schools / A. Leffingwell--The extermination of birds / C. Spencer, 1897--Strange but earnest.[dup]--The poor lobster / Mrs. Fairchild-Allen--To my dog.[dup]--An animals' friend [dup]--The birds' land of altruism / J. Chase--Humane leaflet no. 3 / G. Angell--Condensed information / Massachusetts Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals--Humane leaflet no. 7 / G. Angell--Anti-vivisection, various issues, 1895-1897; leaflets glued inside, mostly dup., including: Extract from a letter from J.H. Thornton.Deputy Surgeon General.to Mrs. Marion C. Jordan.1896--Vivisection as a test-question at elections / M. Caird--Anti-vivisection, Mar. 1895: leaflet: The cruel vivisector, Pasteur, of Paris / P. Peabody, 1893--Anti-vivisection, Apr. 1896: leaflet: The brutalization of childhood ; Cosmos-philosophy, a new book.by E.D. Buckner [adv. flyer]--The mournful story of the cost of decoration with dead birds and their plumage--The wearing of egret.[dup]--The great cat problem--The retribution of Spain--Facts for clergymen--For pity's sake, by Mrs. S.N Carter [adv. flyer]--Medical opinions concerning vivisection--Human vivi.[dup]--An appeal to teachers--Attention! letter to a medical scientist--Bird Day--Vivisection and hospital.[dup]--Dovetrot's.[dup--Is not kindness righteousness?--To my dog.[dup]--The anti-vivisection exhibit at the Paris Exposition--Woman's responsibility toward the animal creation / M. Lovell--Who are the ultimate victims?--The sportsman: let us go out and kill something--The retribution.[dup]--The sportsman.[dup]--The mournful story.[dup]--Cosmos-philosophy.[dup]--Mode of killing dogs by carbonous oxide gas--To thoughtful.[dup]--Protection of animals / G. Angell, 1891--The noble mission of the humane societies / D. Swing, 1886--Bands of mercy information / G. Angell, 1891--A wise fish--Is it nothing.[dup]--An appeal to teachers [2 dups]--Something for Christian.[2 dups]--Extract from "Medical education." [dup]--A neglected obligation [dup; bd. backwards]--Darkest science--The horse-clipper's.[dup]--Cruelty in stables [dup]--Which is best? [dup]--Facts for drivers [dup]--Hints on.cows [dup]--The noble mission.[dup]--An appeal to Christians on the subject of vivisection / H. Harris. ; --My lady's plumes / E. Hough--The wearing of egret plumes / M. Lovell--An appeal to every woman--Bands of mercy--Collections / J. Andrews--Vivisection / Mrs. M. Rouse--[Docking horses] ; Revising the work of God--Dovetrot's way / Mrs. Fairchild-Allen--To elevate morals: Bird Day, Animal Day / R. O'Hanlon ; Good citizens the object of schools--Expert opinion and public sentiment on check reins--The horse-clipper's costume ; The cruelty and danger of clipping horses--Which is best? Whips or brains? Cruelty or kindness?--Cruelty in stables--Facts for drivers--Vivisection of horses [dup]--Opinions of leading physicians and surgeons concerning vivisection--A few words to those.[dup]--Is it nothing to you?--Human vivi.[dup]--Concerning human vivisections / P. Peabody--Something for Christian endeavor people to think of--Extract from "Medical education." [dup]--Vivisection in the United Kingdom, 1893--The wearing of egret plumes [abr.] / M. Lovell--A ministerial oversight--Cruelties of seal killing / W. Gavitt--A neglect of ministers and Sunday school teachers--A neglected obligation--Hints on the care of cows--Early lessons in kindness or cruelty / A. Fogg--Kindness to animals Sundays--An appeal from the horses to their owners and drivers--Supplement to Anti-vivisection: an exposition of vivisection / S. Thomas--The reasons that have led to the demand for the total prohibition (instead of the restriction) of vivisection--The black art, 1892--The reasons that have led.[dup]--The black art [dup]--Cruelty in stables [dup]--Kindness to animals Sundays [dup]--An appeal to teachers--Nature study, Bird Day, Animal Day / R. O'Hanlon ; Good citizens the object of schools--A burning question--Vivisection and hospital.[dup]--Medical opinions on vivisection---Vivisection of horses [dup]--The New England Anti-Vivisection Society, 1898--Hereditary cruelty ; The degredation and retribution of Spain--Collections [dup]--Human vivisection [dup]-- ; Dates of the principal events connected with the anti-vivisection movement, [1883?]--Dr. Bilde.[dup]--The Rev. H.R. Haweis as an anti-vivisectionist, 1887--The lady of Greynton Grange / B. Channing, 1883--Commentary on the cruelty to animals act, 1876 / B. Coleridge, 1883--v.3. Cure for hydrophobia--An answer to Dr. Keen's address entitled Our recent debts to vivisection, 2nd ed. / C. White, 1886--Fairly cornered--The great value of birds ; Queries for sportsmen / C. Hamlin--Strange but earnest questions / S. Beard--An animals' friend / M.C.J.--To my dog Blanco / J. Holland ; Our dogs at home and astray / Mrs. Fairchild-Allen--The Illinois Branch of the American Anti-Vivisection Society / Mrs. Fairchild-Allen--The Illinois Branch of the American Anti Vivisection Society--Mr. Lawson Tait on vivisection, 1882--A letter to children / M. Lovell--How to treat cats / M. Lovell--About poor puss / A. Fisher--A few words to those who believe in the restriction of vivisection--Mollie White-Foot's vacation / A. Smith--Bird Day in the schools / T. Palmer, 1896--The truth concerning vivisection, as gathered from eye witnesses, 1896--The Pasteur Institute, 1894--American vivisections--The sixth annual report for the year ending Oct. 31st, 1896, of the Dept. of Mercy of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union--To bicyclists, a humane appeal, 1895--Quotations from great thinkers concerning vivisection--Humane education the remedy for cruelty--Vivisection and hospital patients--Warm or cold?, 1897--To thoughtful teachers--The sister charities / Mrs. Fairchild-Allen, 1896--A plain talk in behalf of some of our best friends / Mrs. Fairchild-Allen--An animals' friend [dup]--The sister.[dup]--A few words to those.[dup]--Human vivisections / P. Peabody, 1896--Cure for hydro.[dup]--Vivisection of horses / P. Peabody--Professional laxity of morals / P. Peabody, 1896--American vivi.[dup]--Vivisection, its barbarity, its uselessness, its wickedness ; v.2. The curse of cruelty / D. Morris, 1886--Address of the Bishop of Oxford, at the annual meeting of the Victoria Street Society.1883--From the essay on vivisection / J. Macauley--Extract from "Medical education in America" / H. Bigelow, 1871--Two views of the true vivisector, by two who ought to know--Vivisection : how should Christians regard it? / H. Bernard--Two views.[dup]--The dog's appeal--Gambling in vivisection--Dr. Bell Taylor on vivisection--The hero and his dog--Two views.[dup]--Tender vivisection / F. Cobbe, 1881--Experimental pathology explained and exemplified / J. Clarke, 1886--Tender vivisection [dup]--What can we do?--A pathetic incident in a physiological laboratory / J. Clarke, 1884--Dr. Bell Taylor.[dup]--What can we do? [dup]--Vivisection / G. Hoggan--Extract from "Medical education." [dup]--Ferrieristic brain surgery--Address to the working class / R. Barlow-Kennett--Vivisection / G. Hoggan [dup]--Extract from "Medical education. [dup]--A pathetic incident.[dup]--Gambling.[dup]--The dog's appeal [dup]--The hero.[dup]--Dr. Bell Taylor.[dup]--Vivisection / G. Hoggan [dup]--A pathetic incident.[dup]--Gambling.[dup]--Extract from "Medical education." [dup]--Dr. Bell Taylor.[dup]--Address by W.R.D. Blackwood, M.D., 1888--Address by W.R.D. .[dup]--Extracts from an address by Canon Wilberforce, 1887--Address by W.R.D. .[dup]--Vivisection / A. Leffingwell, 1884--The curse of cruelty [dup]--Brain surgery and vivisection : three letters, 1884--The Bishop of Oxford and Prof. Ruskin on vivisection / J. Mackarness, J. Ruskin--The Lord Chief Justice of England on vivisection--Twelve years trial of the vivisection act (39-40 Vict., c77) / M.R.C.S.--The lower animals : God's ownership, man's vicegerency [sic] / D. Wright, 1888--Experimenters in check / B. Bryan--Specimen of physiological.[dup]--Scientific medicine [dup]--Cardinal Manning as an anti-vivisectionist, 1881--Vivisection : how.[dup] ; Vol.1. Vivisection, a sermon / H. Bernard, [1883?]--The scientist at the bedside, 1882--Professor Ferrier's experiments on monkeys' brains, 1885--Vivisection and the treatment of patients / S. Harris, 1885--Duty to man before duty to beast / Lord Bishop of Oxford [J. Mackarness], 1883--Breaches of the Vivisection Act / B. Bryan, 1888--The total prohibition of vivisection / Earl of Shaftesbury [A. Cooper], 1879--The torture chamber of science / E. v. Weber, [1879?]--Monkeys' brains once more / J. Clarke, [1888?]--English and American callousness--Report of proceedings at a meeting held at Southampton, October the 16th, 1878, by the Society for Protection of Animals from Vivisection--Anaesthetics and vivisection--Four reasons for supporting the bill for the total prohibition of vivisection--Vivisection endangers human life--The fallacy of restriction applied to vivisection / F. Cobbe, 1886--An independent opinion on vivisection / W. Lilly, 1885--Meeting at Stoke Bishop / F. Cobbe, [1883?]--Have pity, 1882--What is cruelty?, 1885--Half measures--M. Pasteur's researches / B. Coleridge, 1887--The scientist at the bedside [duplicate]--Specimen of physiological instruction : a vivisection lecture in Paris described by an eye-witness, 1886--Letters of head school-masters--Vivisection endangers human life [dup]--Half measures [dup]--M. Pasteur's reseaches [dup]--Scientific medicine--Pompey's peril / C. Hoey--The total prohibition .[dup]--Anaesthetics and vivisection [dup]--Letter from a lady student of vivisection / B. Lindsay, 1883--Dr. Bilde : a typical vivisector, 1887--The new benefactor of humanity / F. Cobbe, 1884--A pleasant proposal, 1884--Four reasons for supporting.[dup]--Have pity [dup]--M. Pasteur's researches [dup]--Fide et amore / C. Pirkis--Scientific medicine [dup]--An independent opinion.[dup]--Letters of head.[dup]--Pompey's peril [dup]--Janus the second / F. Cobbe--The inspector's report and return for 1887 / B. Bryan, [1888?] ; Mode of access: Internet.

Uganda's progress in reducing poverty from 1993 to 2006 is a remarkable story of success that has been well told. The narrative of Uganda's continued, albeit it slightly slower, progress in reducing poverty since 2006 is less familiar. This was a period in which growth slowed as the gains from reforms years earlier had been fully realized, and weak infrastructure and increasing corruption increasingly constrained private sector competitiveness (World Bank 2015). This report examines Uganda's progress in reducing poverty, with a specific focus on the period 2006 to 2013. The report shows that high growth from 2006 to 2010 benefited poverty reduction. Before turning in further detail to the key findings of the report, it is important to note that the analysis undertaken in this report is only possible because the Government of Uganda has invested in a high quality series of household surveys to document progress in wellbeing since 1993. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics has conducted high-quality household surveys that every three to four years that have provided a comparable series of data on poverty and other household characteristics for the last twenty years. Uganda is one of the few countries in the region to have achieved this level of comparable, frequent poverty monitoring over time. Without this, it would not be possible to document the lessons Uganda provides.

Ethiopia's remarkable socio-economic transformation over the last decade has been marked by: a reorientation of expenditure from recurrent to capital; a significant devolution of resources from Federal Government to Regions; and a clear prioritization of infrastructure spending, while protecting spending on education at four percent of GDP. The Government of Ethiopia has also leveraged external resources to boost spending in pro-poor sectors, particularly health and social protection. As a result, Ethiopia is home to the largest social safety net program in Africa, and has also achieved remarkable health outcomes using cost effective approaches. Recent investments have seen a significant build-up of capital stock, with capital spending at sector level pointing towards increased service capacity. The current public investment-led strategy requires to be complemented by increased budgetary provisions in operations and maintenance so that new investments translate into enhanced service coverage and delivery. As Ethiopia lays the foundation to become a middle income country, and the changing global environment implies declining external assistance, it is imperative that domestic taxation activity support this transition. The current tax-to-GDP ratio is low compared to peer countries, and the tax structure would benefit from increased contributions by direct tax sources. Therefore, there is an immediate need for advancing tax reforms and improve capacity and quality of tax administration. Broadening the tax bases, through review of exemptions, as well as review of tax rates might be venues to consider. Additional revenues will create the much-needed fiscal space to increase funding for operations and maintenance for service delivery, and support fiscal sustainability. As a follow-up to this Public Expenditure Review, the Government of Ethiopia has asked the World Bank to provide further analytical support, with a view to enhance domestic revenue mobilization through simpler and more efficient taxation, while retaining equity priorities in public finances.

Agriculture is the dominant sector of the economy, contributing a third of the country's gross domestic product (GDP) and about half of Rwanda's export earnings. The government of Rwanda has therefore made agricultural development a priority and allocated significant resources to improving productivity, expanding the livestock sector, promoting sustainable land management, and developing supply chains and value-added activities. At the same time, Rwanda's agriculture sector faces a series of challenges. Agriculture is dominated by small-scale, subsistence farming under traditional agricultural practices and rain-fed agriculture. As a result, average crop yields are low compared with potential yields, and exposed to risks such as weather related shocks and pest and disease outbreaks. The purpose of this report is to assess existing risks to the agriculture sector, prioritize them according to their frequency and impacts on the sector, and identify areas of risk management solutions that need deeper specialized attention. Three levels of risks are assessed: production risks, market risks, and enabling environment risks to selected supply chains. The report takes a quantitative and qualitative approach to risks. The report is structured as follows: chapter one gives introduction. Chapter two provides an overview of Rwanda's economy and the role and structure of the agriculture sector. Agriculture sector risks (production, market, and enabling environment risks) for the selected food crops, export crops, and livestock are analyzed in chapter three. Analysis of the adverse impacts of agricultural risks at aggregate and provincial levels, along with a stakeholder risk assessment and a discussion of particularly vulnerable groups, is presented in chapter four. Chapter five prioritizes identified risks, discusses potential solutions areas, summarizes feedback from consulted stakeholders, and recommends solutions areas for further assessment.