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In 2006, the HKSAR government announced the Frontier Closed Area Reduction Scheme which reduced the restricted area in the frontier between the cities of Hong Kong and Shenzhen from 2,800 hectares to 400 hectares. The whole reduction scheme was completed in January 2016. A vast area with special ecological, cultural, economic and historical values was released. The government planning authority decided to introduce low-density tourism development in the frontier area. The study, based on the planning vision derived by the government, aimed to recommend strategies and measures for sustainable tourism development in the frontier area. Sustainable tourism refers to tourism activities which respect the economic, social and environmental balance in development. Tourist aspirations and the well-being of the local community are equally concerned in sustainable tourism. There is a rising popularity in the research topic concerning sustainable tourism and border study. Numerous literature is available for the concepts respectively. However, there are very little literature that incorporates the concept of sustainable tourism into the context of frontier area. Past effort in researching the possibility of having sustainable tourism in the Hong Kong–Shenzhen frontier area is absent. It is hoped that this study can fill this research gap. The overall trend of tourism development in Hong Kong during the processes in formulating policy-level recommendations for sustainable tourism planning and implementation for the frontier area is reviewed. Also, detailed SWOT analysis is conducted. International cases are studied based on the findings of the SWOT analysis. Site visits and stakeholder interviews are the major sources of first-hand information. Promoting sustainable tourism in the frontier area is challenging. The study recommends the planning authorities to respect the rural and peripheral context of the frontier area and to design institutional mechanisms for private-public conflict resolution and the creation of a synergy effect for development. Also, public engagement is essential during the processes of strategy formulation, plan implementation, evaluation and monitoring. ; published_or_final_version ; Urban Planning and Design ; Master ; Master of Science in Urban Planning

В статье рассматриваются проблемы межконфессиональных отношений и вопросы реформирования Ислама в Республике Татарстан на рубеже XX-XXI веков. Процесс возрождения Ислама в республике сопровождался поиском национальной идентичности, повышением уровня национального самосознания, увеличением числа мусульманских общин, религиозных учебных заведений. Исторический процесс внутриконфессиональных и межконфессиональных отношений рассмотрен на фоне конфликтной ситуации конца 1990-х годов. Это позволяет проанализировать проблемы взаимоотношений с властью, рассмотреть межконфессиональную политику как часть общей политики. Автором сформулировано понятие межконфессиональных отношений как части политики это одна из форм саморегулирования общества в специфической сфере отношений самодостаточных субъектов взаимоотношений конфессий при минимальной роли государства. Выявлены формы межконфессиональных отношений институциональные и неинституциональные, которые проявляются на региональном (республиканский), федеральном, международном уровнях, которые могут иметь консультативный и координационный, переговорный характер. Неинституализированные формы носят бытовой или организованный характер. Обоснованы принципы толерантности в достижении согласия, и выделена специфика Татарстана в период адаптации Ислама к новым экономическим реалиям.The article examines the problems of inter-confessional relations and the reform of Islam in the Republic of Tatarstan at the turn of XX-XXI centuries. The revival of Islam in the Republic was accompanied by the search for national identity, increased the level of national consciousness, the number of Muslim communities, religious schools. The historical process both intraand inter-confessional relations is considered on the background of the conflict situation of the late 1990-ies. This allows to analyze the problem of relations with the government, to consider inter-faith policy as a part of General policy. The author formulated the concept of inter-confessional relations as part of a policy it's a form of self-regulation of society in a specific field of relationships of self-sufficient entities confessions with a minimal role of the state. Identified forms of interfaith relations institutional and non-institutional, which are manifested at regional (state), Federal, international levels, which can have advisory and coordinating, negotiating nature. Non-institutional forms have household or organized sort. The principles of tolerance in reaching agreement, and specifics of Tatarstan in the period of adaptation of Islam to new economic realities.

Миграция населения огромный ресурс, который необходимо рационально использовать. С этой целью важно осуществлять государственный контроль за миграционными потоками, что позволит свести к минимуму негативные последствия стихийных переселений и усилить положительный эффект миграционного движения. Негативные последствия миграционного кризиса в Европе свидетельствуют об опасности неконтролируемых миграционных процессов для обеспечения стабильности в обществе, поддержания межнационального мира и согласия. Реализация государственной миграционной политики открывает широкие возможности для регулирования миграционных потоков, с одной стороны, по выполнению гуманитарных обязательств, а с другой по противодействию незаконной миграции, связанной с неконтролируемыми потоками, учитывая, что незаконная миграция создает целую систему рисков межэтнических, межнациональных и межрелигиозных конфликтов. В целях изучения существующих проблем противодействия незаконной миграции, решение которых может способствовать принятию действенных мер, направленных на совершенствование законодательства в этой сфере, в рамках проведения научных исследований по данной проблематике Институтом проблем эффективного государства и гражданского общества Департамента политологии Финансового университета проведен экспертный опрос специалистов. Этому опросу и посвящена публикуемая статья. ; Migration is a huge resource that must be used rationally. Therefore, it is important to implement the state control over migration flows to minimize the negative impact of spontaneous migrations and enhance the positive effects of the migration movement. The negative effects of the migration crisis in Europe testify to the danger of uncontrolled migration processes for the stability in society, the maintenance of international peace and harmony. The implementation of the state migration policy offers great opportunities for the regulation of migratory flows both to fulfill humanitarian obligations and to combat illegal migration associated with uncontrolled migration flows, given that the illegal migration creates the whole system of inter-ethnic, inter-national and inter-religious conflict risks. To study the existing problems of fight against the illegal migration the solution of which could facilitate the adoption of effective measures aimed at improving the legislation in this area, an expert survey was performed by the Institute for Effective State and Civil Society of the Political Science Department of the Financial University as part of the research on this subject. This survey is described in this paper.

Solo desde la educación se pueden construir los nexos que posibiliten acciones sostenibles para poder frenar la amenaza que constituye hoy la limitada capacidad de soportar el proceso de degradación a la que la han sometido a la naturaleza, la relación hombre naturaleza constituye en la posmodernidad un nexo político. Los problemas ambientales han surgido como una nueva causa de conflictos violentos, ya no se trata en este caso de los intereses de poder originadas por el acceso a riquezas, como las contiendas por obtener petróleo o más territorio, sino que son peligros basados en la escasez de recursos que la degradación ambiental genera, en el mundo globalizado matizado por la inequidad donde vivimos. Las relaciones internacionales en esta materia se construyen desde perspectivas discriminatorias en cuanto a que las cargas de la degradación ambiental son generalmente soportadas por la población más pobre y desprotegidas, reflejo de las dependencias impuestas por los países desarrollados. A la educación y en especial a la educación desde el derecho como ciencia social instrumental le corresponde una participación decisiva en este suceso social-ambiental.PALABRAS CLAVE: Educación; naturaleza; degradación socio-ambiental.EDUCATION, LAW AND ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT IN ECUADORABSTRACTNature has a limited capacity to withstand the degradation process which it has submitted, the relationship man nature represents a political link in Postmodernity, environmental problems have emerged as a new cause of violent conflict, it is not in this case the interests of power caused by access to riches, as Bates to get oil or more territory, but they are hazards based on the scarcity of resources generated by environmental degradation, in the globalized world tinged by inequality where we live. International relations in this area are built from discriminatory perspectives as to the burdens of environmental degradation are usually supported by the population poor and unprotected, reflection of dependencies imposed by developed countries. Law as science social instruments corresponds to a decisive involvement in this social-environmental event.KEYWORDS: Education; nature; social-environmental degradation.

International audience ; As environmental and climate issues face the question of risks, new paradigms flourish in the field of flood management: preparation, vulnerability, sustainable development, adaptation and today resilience. The ongoing urbanisation and development of places at risk create huge controversies. The concept of resilience does not seem to solve conflicts between land uses and rules, between prevention and development, between national and local regulation. If the concept is a success in the academic field, resilience does not provide the expected answers, and it even seems to raise new ambiguities. The paper shows the problems and opportunities of the implementation of the concept of resilience at local level. It aims to take it as a mean to analyse the evolution of developing spaces in France nowadays. Based on the first results from three research projects, we will present several French case studies showing what they teach us about the transformation of temporality, action, democracy and justice. ; À mesure que les perspectives environnementales et climatiques viennent percuter la question des risques d'inondation, de nouvelles notions s'ajoutent aux concepts pour prévenir et gérer les risques : préparation, vulnérabilité, développement durable, adaptation puis, aujourd'hui, résilience. La poursuite du développement territorial face à l'exposition aux risques pose toujours question, voire suscite des tensions sur les territoires. La notion de résilience ne semble pas résoudre les contradictions territoriales entre usage et règle, développement et prévention, national et local. Si le concept fait fureur, la résilience n'offre pas les réponses escomptées, peut-être même soulève-t-elle de nouvelles ambiguïtés. La communication montre en quoi les écueils et les opportunités que projettent les tentatives d'inscription d'une forme de résilience sur nos terrains d'étude et comment ils permettent de comprendre les enjeux des territoires en développement. Sur la base des premiers résultats produits par trois projets de recherche en cours, nous présenterons plusieurs terrains de recherche français en montrant comment ils interrogent la transformation de la temporalité, de l'action, de la démocratie et de la justice.

International audience ; The objective of this article is to link the political subjectification process with the territorial dynamics of the struggle led by the community of Cherán. Illegal logging and harassment by organized crime led the community to identify a loss of control on its own territory (subalternity) and subsequently to assume the conflict (antagonism). Communal territory was thus turned into a tool for struggle, which offered glimpses of a possible emancipation (autonomy) through the implementation of a government of uses and customs. This work highlights how the community reshapes its own territory, revaluates its historical memory, and remakes its natural bonds for the production of a common desired space. ; Este artículo tiene por objetivo vincular el proceso de subjetivación política y la dinámica territorial de la lucha que impulsó la comunidad de Cherán. La tala clandestina y el hostigamiento del crimen organizado llevaron a que la comunidad perdiera el control de su territorio (subalternidad) para luego asumir el conflicto (antagonismo). El territorio comunitario estuvo movilizado como herramienta de lucha, llevando a vislumbrar la emancipación posible (autonomía) mediante la implementación de un gobierno por usos y costumbres. El trabajo muestra también cómo la comunidad se reterritorializa, revalora su memoria histórica y reconstruye sus lazos con la naturaleza, para lograr la producción de un espacio deseado colectivamente. ; Cet article a pour objectif de relier le processus de subjectivation politique et la dynamique territoriale de la lutte de la communauté de Cherán. La coupe illégale et le harcèlement par le crime organisé ont amené la communauté à identifier une perte de contrôle de son territoire (subalternité), pour ensuite assumer le conflit (antagonisme). Le territoire communautaire a été mobilisé comme un outil de lutte, ce qui a conduit à entrevoir l'émancipation possible (autonomie) par la mise en place d'un gouvernement d'us et coutumes. Ce travail met aussi en évidence la façon dont la communauté se reterritorialise, valorise sa mémoire historique et reconstruit ses liens avec la nature, produisant un espace désiré collectivement.

Along with other progressive experiments in the region, the government of the Citizens' Revolution has restored the state to a central position with regard to social coordination and the promotion of economic development. The open conflict created by the return of the state between 2007 and 2012 transformed power relationships, allowing civil government to expand the state's relative autonomy and orient it toward constructing a public policy agenda associated with transcending neoliberalism. The challenge of this transition has been to modify the pattern of commodity specialization away from the primacy of primary exports. While reappropriating the surplus that comes from the income from strategic resources increases national sovereignty, it may also contribute to preserving the nation's position in the international division of labor. The National Plan for Living Well aims at overcoming the centrality of the primary sector and of oil exports in the national economy. En convergencia con otros gobiernos progresistas de la region, el gobierno del la Revolución Ciudadana relanza el Estado al primer plano de la coordinación social y la promoción del desarrollo. El conflictivo proceso político abierto en relación a dicho retorno estatal entre 2007 y 2012 trastrocó de los factores de poder y permitió al gobierno civil ampliar la autonomía relativa del Estado y orientarlo hacia la construcción de una agenda de políticas públicas asociada con la superación del neoliberalismo. El desafio de dicha transición reside en la posibilidad de modificar el patrón de especialización productiva más allá de la centralidad de las exportaciones primarias. Aunque la estrategia estatal de reapropriación del excedente que proviene de las rentas de recursos estratégicos eleva los márgenes de soberanía nacional respecto a la determinación global, también puede contribuir a la continuidad del lugar del país en la vigente división internacional del trabajo. El Plan Nacional del Buen Vivir apunta a superar en el mediano plazo la centralidad del sector primario y de las exportaciones petroleras en la economía nacional.

International audience ; Because of their "intertwined destinies" this single study unites Saintes ( Mediolanum ) and Bordeaux ( Burdigala ) to discuss how they passed under Roman domination. For a quarter-century archaeological and numismatic research has led us to believe that at the time of the outbreak of the Gallic War their histories were linked, something apparently confirmed by some interpretations of Caesar's silences about the causes of his conflict with the Helvetii . Various indications have led to the belief that at that time the Santones had ambitions to exercise power over Bordeaux, considered the outlet of the Gallic isthmus, but these were as yet unstable. Recent archaeological research has shown that the two cities had very different origins. Bordeaux originated around 600 BC as a trading-post on the left bank of the Gironde; Mediolanum perhaps originated, and this before the Gallic War, in the movement to the left bank of the Charente of the oppidum of the Santones , until then doubtless situated at Pons. This people figures amongst the great losers from the Caesarian conquest; the extent of their territory was reduced in the south and – as seems to be very probable – the Romans created next to them a new power, that of the Bituriges Vivisci, uprooted from the Berry and transferred to the estuary; the little emporium of Bordeaux was their capital. Augustus constituted the Bituriges Vivisci a civitas , like the Santones , and their capitals were ornamented with sanctuaries of the imperial cult. Their political institutions were similar; inscriptions show that, whilst bearing the stamp of Gallic form, they perpetuated the power of the former ruling class, now allied to Rome. In the generation that followed the Gallic War both Mediolanum and Burdigala saw rapid development in similar aspects. Both cities flourished in the Augustan period and, so far as can be seen, their growth was in parallel in the first half of the 1 st century AD, above all in the establishing of an urban layout and the ...

Eleanor Roosevelt, as a renowned humanitarian, portrayed an inconsistency by supporting Zionist ambitions for a national homeland in Palestine while simultaneously ignoring the rights of the indigenous Palestinians. Because of this dichotomy, this dissertation explores her attitudes, her disposition and her position in light of the conflict in the region. It conveys how her particular character traits interplayed with the cultural influences prevalent in mid-century America and encouraged her empathy with the plight of European Jews after the Holocaust. As she evolved politically, initially under the tutelage of Franklin Roosevelt and latterly as a UN delegate, she outgrew the anti-Semitism of the period to become a committed Zionist. Judging the Palestinians as 'primitives' incapable of self-government and heartened by Jewish development, she supported the partition of Palestine in November 1947. After the 1948 Arab-Israeli war the 800,000 Palestinian refugees encamped in neighbouring Arab states threatened to destabilise the region. Her solution was to discourage repatriation and to re-settle them in Iraq – a plan that directly contravened the principles of the December 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaimed by the UN committee she had chaired. No detailed work has been conducted on these aspects of Eleanor Roosevelt's life; this dissertation reveals a complex person rather than a model of 'humanitarianism', and one whose activities cannot be so simply categorised. In the eight chapters that follow, her own thoughts are disclosed through her 'My Day' newspaper column, through letters to friends and to members of the public that petitioned her, through a scrutiny of her articles, books and autobiography. This information was attained as a result of archival research in the US and in The Netherlands and was considered against an extensive range of secondary literature. During the Cold War, to offset Soviet incursion, Eleanor Roosevelt promoted Jewish usurpation of Palestinian lands with equanimity in order that an industrious Western-style democracy would bring stability to the region. These events facilitated the exposure of a latent Orientalism and an imperialistic lien that fostered paternalism in a woman new to the nuances of international diplomacy.

International audience ; Because of their "intertwined destinies" this single study unites Saintes ( Mediolanum ) and Bordeaux ( Burdigala ) to discuss how they passed under Roman domination. For a quarter-century archaeological and numismatic research has led us to believe that at the time of the outbreak of the Gallic War their histories were linked, something apparently confirmed by some interpretations of Caesar's silences about the causes of his conflict with the Helvetii . Various indications have led to the belief that at that time the Santones had ambitions to exercise power over Bordeaux, considered the outlet of the Gallic isthmus, but these were as yet unstable. Recent archaeological research has shown that the two cities had very different origins. Bordeaux originated around 600 BC as a trading-post on the left bank of the Gironde; Mediolanum perhaps originated, and this before the Gallic War, in the movement to the left bank of the Charente of the oppidum of the Santones , until then doubtless situated at Pons. This people figures amongst the great losers from the Caesarian conquest; the extent of their territory was reduced in the south and – as seems to be very probable – the Romans created next to them a new power, that of the Bituriges Vivisci, uprooted from the Berry and transferred to the estuary; the little emporium of Bordeaux was their capital. Augustus constituted the Bituriges Vivisci a civitas , like the Santones , and their capitals were ornamented with sanctuaries of the imperial cult. Their political institutions were similar; inscriptions show that, whilst bearing the stamp of Gallic form, they perpetuated the power of the former ruling class, now allied to Rome. In the generation that followed the Gallic War both Mediolanum and Burdigala saw rapid development in similar aspects. Both cities flourished in the Augustan period and, so far as can be seen, their growth was in parallel in the first half of the 1 st century AD, above all in the establishing of an urban layout and the ...

International audience ; Because of their "intertwined destinies" this single study unites Saintes ( Mediolanum ) and Bordeaux ( Burdigala ) to discuss how they passed under Roman domination. For a quarter-century archaeological and numismatic research has led us to believe that at the time of the outbreak of the Gallic War their histories were linked, something apparently confirmed by some interpretations of Caesar's silences about the causes of his conflict with the Helvetii . Various indications have led to the belief that at that time the Santones had ambitions to exercise power over Bordeaux, considered the outlet of the Gallic isthmus, but these were as yet unstable. Recent archaeological research has shown that the two cities had very different origins. Bordeaux originated around 600 BC as a trading-post on the left bank of the Gironde; Mediolanum perhaps originated, and this before the Gallic War, in the movement to the left bank of the Charente of the oppidum of the Santones , until then doubtless situated at Pons. This people figures amongst the great losers from the Caesarian conquest; the extent of their territory was reduced in the south and – as seems to be very probable – the Romans created next to them a new power, that of the Bituriges Vivisci, uprooted from the Berry and transferred to the estuary; the little emporium of Bordeaux was their capital. Augustus constituted the Bituriges Vivisci a civitas , like the Santones , and their capitals were ornamented with sanctuaries of the imperial cult. Their political institutions were similar; inscriptions show that, whilst bearing the stamp of Gallic form, they perpetuated the power of the former ruling class, now allied to Rome. In the generation that followed the Gallic War both Mediolanum and Burdigala saw rapid development in similar aspects. Both cities flourished in the Augustan period and, so far as can be seen, their growth was in parallel in the first half of the 1 st century AD, above all in the establishing of an urban layout and the ...

International audience ; The evolution of timber plantation in southern Chile is determined by several factors (political, economic, social and cultural) interconnected and acting at multiple spatial and temporal scales. This paper focuses on the promulgation of the Decree-law 701 in 1974 under the dictatorial government of Augusto Pinochet. The land cover and land use changes are strongly, but partially, influenced by this D.L. which encourages reforestation on land suitable for silvicultural activities and grants covering between 75 and 90% of the reforestation costs. We characterized and monitored timber plantations from the 8 th at the 10 th Region using multi-temporal satellite imagery taken in 1986, 1999 and 2008. The complexity and the imbrications of the factors of change are highlighted by the retrospective analysis. This public policy has a strong territorial inscription but also affects the social sphere, exacerbates the dissension between the landowners and generates social conflicts. ; L'évolution des plantations industrielles dans le sud chilien est déterminée par de multiples facteurs (politiques, économiques, sociaux et culturels) interconnectés agissant à de multiples échelles spatio-temporelles. Cet article se concentre sur la promulgation du Décret-loi 701 en 1974 sous le régime militaire d'Augusto Pinochet en tant que facteur déterminant, mais non-exclusif, de la métamorphose de l'occupation et de l'utilisation du sol. Ce décret incite au boisement sur des terrains d'aptitudes préférablement forestières et permet de subventionner entre 75 et 90% des coûts de plantation. La caractérisation et le suivi des plantations industrielles, de la 8 ème à la 10 ème Région, est appréhendée au moyen de la télédétection de 1986 à 2008. L'analyse rétrospective des images satellitales permet de mettre en évidence les facteurs de changements dans leurs complexités et imbrications de manière à la fois spatiale et temporelle. Au delà d'une forte inscription territoriale, cette politique publique, initiée par Pinochet mais réactualisée à deux reprises, impacte la sphère sociale, exacerbe les dissensions entre propriétaires terriens et provoque des conflits sociaux.

International audience ; Because of their "intertwined destinies" this single study unites Saintes ( Mediolanum ) and Bordeaux ( Burdigala ) to discuss how they passed under Roman domination. For a quarter-century archaeological and numismatic research has led us to believe that at the time of the outbreak of the Gallic War their histories were linked, something apparently confirmed by some interpretations of Caesar's silences about the causes of his conflict with the Helvetii . Various indications have led to the belief that at that time the Santones had ambitions to exercise power over Bordeaux, considered the outlet of the Gallic isthmus, but these were as yet unstable. Recent archaeological research has shown that the two cities had very different origins. Bordeaux originated around 600 BC as a trading-post on the left bank of the Gironde; Mediolanum perhaps originated, and this before the Gallic War, in the movement to the left bank of the Charente of the oppidum of the Santones , until then doubtless situated at Pons. This people figures amongst the great losers from the Caesarian conquest; the extent of their territory was reduced in the south and – as seems to be very probable – the Romans created next to them a new power, that of the Bituriges Vivisci, uprooted from the Berry and transferred to the estuary; the little emporium of Bordeaux was their capital. Augustus constituted the Bituriges Vivisci a civitas , like the Santones , and their capitals were ornamented with sanctuaries of the imperial cult. Their political institutions were similar; inscriptions show that, whilst bearing the stamp of Gallic form, they perpetuated the power of the former ruling class, now allied to Rome. In the generation that followed the Gallic War both Mediolanum and Burdigala saw rapid development in similar aspects. Both cities flourished in the Augustan period and, so far as can be seen, their growth was in parallel in the first half of the 1 st century AD, above all in the establishing of an urban layout and the ...

The advent of the knowledge economy has transformed the behavior of economic agents and the nature of transactions. In particular, the increase of knowledge based transactions not associated with monetary flows is weakening the significance of traditional measures of economic dynamics like gross domestic product (GDP) or national income (NI). The objective of the working paper is to improve the measurement of new economic dynamics introducing a model that measures and explains Economic Order in the knowledge economy driven by the agents of Governance, Wealth, Conflict and Mutuality. Income, a component of the Wealth agent, is an independent variable of the model. Its maximization is not an objective within the analyzed economic framework. Therefore, income and production growth are not primary goals, but instead they make a complementary contribution to Order. Besides, Welfare is not built exclusively on the optimal distribution of income, and sourced on individual utility and preferences, but on the economic order of the system. The Transaction is the vehicle that constitutes the minimal unit facilitating or preventing exchange within and among the economic agents. An empirical analysis is performed over a cross-sectional sample of quantitative and qualitative data of 142 countries of the world economy in the period 2010-2011. A Logit regression is constructed where the dependent variable explaining Order is an index denominated Disentropy. Lower income inequality (Gini) does not mean a higher level of Order. As an economy achieves more economic order Wealth becomes a less relevant agent. Human development (HDI) is positively correlated with economic order. The Disentropy linear function is normalized to obtain a Cobb-Douglas analogous function. This function is twice differentiable and its hessian is lower than zero evidencing a concave behavior of the Disentropy variable. Hence Order presents decreasing outputs to scale across the considered sample of countries. A ranking of world top ordered economies is listed probably having the following common features among them: knowledge intensive, international focus, small population, homogeneous culture, self-identity, solid institutions and mainly democratic.

This paper presents a multi-stakeholder approach for developing an appropriate privacy regulation in the age of big data. We develop our argument in five steps, starting (1) with a review of the current academic debate on privacy regulation. We analyze a dysfunctional mutual excludability between the suggestions of the supporters of a regulation orchestrated by governments, and the supporters of internet self-regulation. (2) To over-come this conflict, we argue that the framework for developing an appropriate privacy regulation should not only focus on formal and procedural aspects (e.g., who might develop and implement it) but should also include some important substantial aspects to protect users and promote socially beneficial big data applications. (3) After examining substantive aspects of a functional privacy regulation, we examine how the process leading to an appropriate regulation might be organized. In addition, we discuss how an organization might be designed to conduct this process. In our argument, stakeholder dialogues and an independent "privacy organization" are relevant parameters. (4) We discuss the potential structure of a privacy organization that might conduct multi-stakeholder-dialogues as a preliminary step. This organization could then govern and monitor the implementation of a privacy regulation that was defined by the stakeholder dialogues. (5) Finally, we discuss our findings and suggestions. ; Dieser Beitrag stellt einen Multi-Stakeholder-Ansatz vor, um eine funktionale Regulierung für den Datenschutz im Big-Data-Zeitalter zu entwickeln. Die Argumentation wird in fünf Schritten entwickelt: (1) Zuerst wird die aktuelle internationale akademische Debatte hinsichtlich des Zusammenspiels von Big Data und Datenschutz kurz skizziert. Dieser Beitrag arbeitet einen für die Regulierung dysfunktionalen Konflikt zwischen den Vorschlägen der Befürworter einer staatlichen Regulierung und den Anhängern einer Internet-Selbstregulierung heraus. (2) Ein Ansatz für eine geeignete Regulierung der Privatsphäre sollte nicht ausschließlich formal-rechtliche Aspekte berücksichtigen, wie z. B. wer die Regulierung entwickeln und umsetzen sollte, sondern auch materielle Aspekte berücksichtigen, um Nutzer zu schützen und die gesellschaftlichen Vorteile von Big-Data-Anwendungen zu fördern. (3) Hierauf aufbauend präsentiert dieser Beitrag formal-rechtliche Überlegungen, wie eine geeignete materiell-rechtliche Regulierung erreicht werden kann. In diesem Zusammenhang wird diskutiert, wie eine Organisation gestaltet werden kann, um diesen Prozess zu unterstützen. Hierfür sind Stakeholder-Dialoge und eine unabhängige "Privacy Organization" erforderlich. (4) Im Anschluss präsentiert dieser Aufsatz, wie die Organisationsstruktur einer "Privacy Organization" geschaffen sein kann und wie diese als einen ersten Schritt einen Multi-Stakeholder-Dialog durchführen kann. Diese Organisation kann auch die Umsetzung der durch die Stakeholder-Dialoge gefundene Regulierung begleiten und überwachen. (5) Abschließend werden die Erkenntnisse und Vorschläge dieses Beitrages diskutiert.