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This address asks how we got to today's politics in America; a politics of polarized political parties engaged in close political competition in a system of checks and balances. The result has often been divided control of government and an apparent inability to address major political problems. This address develops the historical foundation for these characteristics. Historically, the Founding period set the stage of separated powers and the first party system. America developed a market economy, a middle class, and a mass-based set of parties in the Antebellum period. Through the Progressive era, nation-wide reforms led to a more democratic but increasingly candidate-centered politics in the North, and the establishment of Jim Crow politics in the South. The post-War period saw the full development of candidate-centered elections. While the breakup of Jim Crow due to the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts in the mid-1960s ended Jim Crow and made possible a competitive party system in the South, the later was delayed until the full implementation of the Republican's "southern strategy" in 1980 and beyond. This set in motion the partisan polarization of today, to combine with separated powers to create what many refer to as the "current" political "dysfunction."

It is a common conceit in American politics that urban voters tend to vote for the Democratic Party, while those in rural areas vote for Republicans. In new research, Dante J. Scala and Kenneth M. Johnson find that the truth is not nearly so simple – changes in population and the rural economy have led to the growth of democratic enclaves in 'recreational counties' which are dominated by the new rural service and amenity economy. They argue that while at the county level, the 'big sort' may be true, if we widen our view, rural America is increasingly looking more politically and demographically diverse.

Economic voting claims that citizens will reward or punish the incumbent government based on the state of the economy as a mechanism of democratic accountability. In negative economic voting, in order to vote against the government, citizens must have options (parties) in which to place their vote to voice discontent. If not, there is no opportunity to cast an 'economic vote' and abstention results, leading to a weakened economic effect. In this article I argue that the electoral system indirectly mediates the relationship between the economy and the vote by determining the number of viable parties which act as the conduit for punishing the incumbent. Cross-national data and individual-level data for the case of Spain are used to test the impact of the number of parties on economic voting. The findings suggest that when there are more viable parties competing, the probability of casting an economic vote increases.

Diese Arbeit analysiert den Zusammenhang zwischen politischen Institutionen und wirtschaftlichen Reformen. Die verbreitete Meinung nimmt an, dass ein hohes Maß an politischer Kontrolle und Beschränkungen, etwa durch ein föderales System oder eine zweite Parlamentskammer, die Reformfähigkeit eines Landes negativ beeinflusst. Grundlage dieser Annahme sind die Schlussfolgerungen aus der Vetospieler-Theorie von George Tsebelis. Anhand des Reformverlaufs postkommunistischer Staaten zeigt diese Arbeit jedoch, dass der Zusammenhang zwischen politischer Beschränkung und Reformen nicht linear, sondern quadratisch ist. Ein Mittelweg zwischen einer frei waltenden Exekutive und einem System restriktiver checks and balances garantiert damit die größtmöglichen Fortschritte bei wirtschaftlichen Reformen von der Planwirtschaft zur Marktwirtschaft. ; This theses analysis the correlation between political institutions and economic reforms. It´s common sense that extensive political controls, for example by a federal system or a upper house, affects the ability to reform negatively. This assumption is based on the veto-player theory by George Tsebelis. This theses shows, on the basis of the reform-process of former communistic countries, that the correlation is not a linear, but a quadratic one. So there´s a trade-off between a unrestricted executive and a system of restrictive checks and balances, which guaranties the highest possible progress from a planned economy to a free market economy.

1. Introduction. 1.1. Economic development in East Asia. 1.2. The role of government in East Asia. 1.3. Objectives and methodology. 1.4. Organization of the book -- 2. Industrial policies in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan. 2.1. Industrial policy: definition and theoretical underpinnings. 2.2. The objectives of industrial policy. 2.3. Instruments of industrial policy. 2.4. Summary and conclusion -- 3. Industrial policies in Singapore. 3.1. Singapore economy at a glance. 3.2. Singapore's industrial policies: a historical perspective. 3.3. Characteristics of industrial policies in Singapore. 3.4. Productivity-specific features of industrial policies in Singapore -- 4. A comparison of industrial policies in Singapore with those in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan. 4.1. Initial conditions. 4.2. Characteristics of governments. 4.3. Trade policies. 4.4. Industrialization paths. 4.5. Fiscal incentives and policy-based finance. 4.6. Foreign elements. 4.7. Business structures. 4.8. The influence of international political economy -- 5. Labor productivity and labor reallocation: the Singapore case. 5.1. Trends in labor productivity and real wages in Singapore. 5.2. The impact of the intersectoral reallocation of labor on labor productivity: methodology. 5.3. Empirical findings. 5.4. Labor productivity and labor market policies: a policy discussion -- 6. Total factor productivity and resource reallocation. 6.1. Measurement of total factor productivity growth. 6.2. TFP growth estimates. 6.3. The impact of resource allocation on TFP growth: methodology. 6.4. The impact of resource allocation on TFP growth: empirical findings. 6.5. TFP growth: a policy discussion -- 7. Productivity growth and resource allocation: an international comparison of Singapore with East Asia. 7.1. Sources of data and periodization. 7.2. Industry-level productivity performances. 7.3. The impact of structural change on labor productivity. 7.4. The impact of structural changes on TFP growth -- 8. A CGE model for the Singapore economy. 8.1. An overview of CGE modeling. 8.2. Previous general equilibrium models of Singapore. 8.3. The structure of the CGE model of Singapore. 8.4. Calibration of model parameters 8.5. The dynamic module 8.6. 1995 social accounting matrix for Singapore -- 9. Policy experiments for Japan, Korea, and Singapore. 9.1. The structure of the Singapore economy in 1995. 9.2. Base-run. 9.3. Policy experiments. 9.4. CGE evaluation of industrial policies in Japan and Korea. 9.5. A summary of the results from the CGE analyses of industrial policies in East Asia -- 10. Conclusion.

PurposeThis research contributes to current debates on automation and the future of work, a much-hyped but under researched area, in emerging economies through a particular focus on India. It assesses the national strategy on artificial intelligence and explores the impact of automation on the Indian labour market, work and employment to inform policy.Design/methodology/approachThe article critically assesses the National Strategy on AI, promulgated by NITI Aayog (a national policy think tank), supported by the government of India and top industry associations, through a sectoral analysis. The key dimensions of the national strategy are examined against scholarship on the political economy of work in India to better understand the possible impact of automation on work.FindingsThe study shows that technology is not free from the wider dynamics that surround the world of work. The adoption of new technologies is likely to occur in niches in the manufacturing and services sectors, while its impact on employment and the labour market more broadly, and in addressing societal inequalities will be limited. The national strategy, however, does not take into account the nature of capital accumulation and structural inequalities that stem from a large informal economy and surplus labour context with limited upskilling opportunities. This raises doubts about the effectiveness of the current policy.Research limitations/implicationsThe critical assessment of new technologies and work has two implications: first, it underscores the need for situated analyses of social and material relations of work in formulating and assessing strategies and policies; second, it highlights the necessity of qualitative workplace studies that examine the relationship between technology and the future of work.Practical implicationsThe article assesses an influential state policy in a key aspect of future of work–automation.Social implicationsThe policy assessed in this study would have significant social and economic outcomes for labour, work and employment in India. The study highlights the limitations of the state policy in addressing key labour market dimensions and work and employment relations in its formulation and implementation.Originality/valueThis study is the first to examine the impact of automation on work and employment in India. It provides a critical intervention in current debates on future of work from the point of view of an important emerging economy defined by labour surplus and a large informal economy.

The hegemonic agro-food system currently dominant in Spain and other European countries challenges farmers' livelihoods. This paper addresses farmers' (un)sustainabilities from a moral economy perspective, focusing on discussions about just prices. We argue that it is important to consider the historical perspective of food systems from a political economy point of view and to examine tensions and clashes between values and norms through the notion of moral economy. We analyse these perspectives through various case studies in different Spanish regions: farmers in Galicia, viticulturists in El Penedès and "alternative" provisioning systems in Catalonia. Furthermore, we combine the moral economy perspective with feminist and eco-feminist contributions that help us to understand one of farmers' most common demands: just prices that guarantee livelihoods and dignity. This paper also deals with the ambivalent role of the state as a price regulator and with farmers' aspirations of autonomy from the market and the state. The global health crisis caused by COVID-19 during the first half of 2020 stresses the need to continue exploring the (un)sustainabilities of our hegemonic agro-food system and the potentialities and limitations of counter-hegemonic food provisioning systems that try to build alternative food paths. ; El sistema agroalimentario hegemónico actualmente dominante en España y otros países europeos desafía los medios de vida de los agricultores. Este artículo aborda las (in)sostenibilidades de los agricultores y ganaderos desde una perspectiva de economía moral, centrándose en discusiones sobre precios justos. Argumentamos que es importante considerar la perspectiva histórica de los sistemas alimentarios desde el punto de vista de la economía política y examinar las tensiones y choques entre valores y normas a través de la noción de economía moral. Analizamos estas perspectivas a través de diversos casos de estudio en diferentes regiones españolas: agricultores y ganaderos en Galicia, viticultores en El Penedès y sistemas de aprovisionamiento "alternativos" en Cataluña. Además, combinamos la perspectiva de la economía moral con contribuciones feministas y ecofeministas que nos ayudan a comprender una de las demandas más comunes de los agricultores y ganaderos: precios justos que garanticen los medios de vida y la dignidad. Este documento también se ocupa del papel ambivalente del estado como regulador de precios y de las aspiraciones de los agricultores y ganaderos a la autonomía del mercado y el estado.

The hegemonic agro-food system currently dominant in Spain and other European countries challenges farmers' livelihoods. This paper addresses farmers' (un)sustainabilities from a moral economy perspective, focusing on discussions about just prices. We argue that it is important to consider the historical perspective of food systems from a political economy point of view and to examine tensions and clashes between values and norms through the notion of moral economy. We analyse these perspectives through various case studies in different Spanish regions: farmers in Galicia, viticulturists in El Penedès and "alternative" provisioning systems in Catalonia. Furthermore, we combine the moral economy perspective with feminist and eco-feminist contributions that help us to understand one of farmers' most common demands: just prices that guarantee livelihoods and dignity. This paper also deals with the ambivalent role of the state as a price regulator and with farmers' aspirations of autonomy from the market and the state. The global health crisis caused by COVID-19 during the first half of 2020 stresses the need to continue exploring the (un)sustainabilities of our hegemonic agro-food system and the potentialities and limitations of counter-hegemonic food provisioning systems that try to build alternative food paths. ; El sistema agroalimentario hegemónico actualmente dominante en España y otros países europeos desafía los medios de vida de los agricultores. Este artículo aborda las (in)sostenibilidades de los agricultores y ganaderos desde una perspectiva de economía moral, centrándose en discusiones sobre precios justos. Argumentamos que es importante considerar la perspectiva histórica de los sistemas alimentarios desde el punto de vista de la economía política y examinar las tensiones y choques entre valores y normas a través de la noción de economía moral. Analizamos estas perspectivas a través de diversos casos de estudio en diferentes regiones españolas: agricultores y ganaderos en Galicia, viticultores en El Penedès y sistemas de aprovisionamiento "alternativos" en Cataluña. Además, combinamos la perspectiva de la economía moral con contribuciones feministas y ecofeministas que nos ayudan a comprender una de las demandas más comunes de los agricultores y ganaderos: precios justos que garanticen los medios de vida y la dignidad. Este documento también se ocupa del papel ambivalente del estado como regulador de precios y de las aspiraciones de los agricultores y ganaderos a la autonomía del mercado y el estado.

In China, the All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) is the sole legal trade union organisation. It was established in 1925 and over the years and decades has gone through many changes. After 1949 it was restructured according to the needs of a socialist command economy and became the »transmission belt« through which the Party controlled workers. The year 1978 was again a turning point, when China started its liberalisation and, fed by surplus labour from a peasant economy, gradually re-established labour markets. Since then, the system of industrial relations at all levels has been undergoing profound changes, in parallel with which the traditional functions of ACFTU are being challenged. The process of adjusting industrial relations to the return of privately-owned companies is taking place in a situation in which the Communist Party of China (CPC) and ACFTU are maintaining their traditional bonds and ACFTU continues to function as an extension of the party-state. There are many questions about the future of this relationship. In view of intensifying labour protests and strikes for higher wages, ACFTU is facing a dilemma: should it side with the workers or act as a mediating force whenever labour conflicts arise? The relations between the CPC and ACFTU and the functional embedding of Chinese union organisations in industrial relations have a great bearing on the Chinese political economy. This chapter takes ACFTU as the focus of its analysis. After a brief look at its history before 1949 (Section 1) it looks at the transformation of industrial relations under the socialist command economy and analyses the organisational profile of unions and the ways they interact with the party-state (Section 2). Section 3 marks the adaptation of industrial relations to the labour markets which evolved after 1978 around migrant labour and through public sector reform, while Section 4 deals with ACFTU's strategies for organising the private sector. Mediation and lobbying are key functions of ACFTU (Section 5), but growing labour conflicts and, in particular, wage strikes are presenting unions in China with new challenges (Section 6). Finally, Section 7 assesses the extent to which ongoing interventions can serve as successful strategies for building collective bargaining around the official union organisations.

Den globale kapitalisme er eksplosiv i sin udvikling, og det har resulteret i, at den ofte beskrives ud fra en række nye synonymer, såsom vidensøkonomi, oplevelsesøkonomi eller kreativ økonomi. Denne artikel vil undersøge om de modsætninger og problemer, som denne nye kapitalisme skaber for lønarbejderne, kan analyseres fra en kritisk position med udgangspunkt i Marx' økonomikritik. Begrundelsen for at vælge dette kritikperspektiv er, at den meget levedygtige globale kapitalisme viser sin dynamik gennem en eksplosiv udbredelse af vareliggørelsen af alle former for aktiviteter til alle dele af samfundet og hele kloden. Vareformens dominans gør det afgørende at fastholde, at kritiske nøgleindsigter i denne samfundsstruktur skal udvikles gennem en fornyet kritisk refleksion af den mest omfattende analyse af vareformen i et kapitalistisk samfund, og den finder vi hos Marx i Kapitalen. Marx' analyse af kapitalismen er ikke først og fremmest en teori om økonomiens strukturering og udvikling, men en teori om magt og sociale relationer i arbejdslivet i det kapitalistiske samfund. Teorien er en formanalyse, forstået som en analyse af de former, vare- og værdiformen, som med Marx' ord gennemtrænger og strukturerer de samfund, der er bygget op på en kapitalistisk vareøkonomi – hvorfor en kritik må sættes ind netop der.

ENGELSK ABSTRACT:
Finn Hansson: Marx and Modern Working Life. A Discussion of the Labour Theory of Value's Meaning for the Critique of Working Life in Global Capitalism

Global capitalism has often been described through a number of synonyms like knowledge economy, experience economy or creative economy. This article will show that this "new" capitalism is really not that new and that new problems in working life can be analyzed and understood by going back to Marx and his critique of the political economy. The key reason for going back to Marx is that his social criticism rests on a theory of the commodity and value form – and that modern capitalism has extended commoditization to all sectors of society. The aim of Marx's social critique in Capital is to understand the roots of power and social dominance in work-life situations and its impact on the reproduction of labour power. His major tool is the theory of forms, commodity and value forms, permeating the whole capitalist society.

Key words: Capitalism, work life, critical sociology, Marxism.

[ES] One of the objectives of the Borbones' scientific policy was that of potential disciplines which could be applied in the necessary promotion of the Spanish economy. This was the case with mineralogy, which was developed and taught in a number of illustrated scientific institutions. One of these centres was the Office of Natural History in Madrid, where the work of the German specialist Christian Herrgen contributed to the institutionalisation of Spanish mineralogy. ; Peer reviewed ; [ES] One of the objectives of the Borbones' scientific policy was that of potential disciplines which could be applied in the necessary promotion of the Spanish economy. This was the case with mineralogy, which was developed and taught in a number of illustrated scientific institutions. One of these centres was the Office of Natural History in Madrid, where the work of the German specialist Christian Herrgen contributed to the institutionalisation of Spanish mineralogy. ; [EN] One of the goals of the scientific ~policy of the governments of the Borbones were that of favors the disciplines subject to be applied for the necessary stimulus of the Spanish economy. Such was the case of the Mineralogy, science that was developed and imparted in several scientific cultured institutions. One of these centres were the Cabinet o i Natural History from Madrid, in which the work of ¡he German specialist Christian Herrgcn contributed to the institutionalization of the Spanish Mineralogy. ; [ES] One of the objectives of the Borbones' scientific policy was that of potential disciplines which could be applied in the necessary promotion of the Spanish economy. This was the case with mineralogy, which was developed and taught in a number of illustrated scientific institutions. One of these centres was the Office of Natural History in Madrid, where the work of the German specialist Christian Herrgen contributed to the institutionalisation of Spanish mineralogy. ; [ES] Uno de los objetivos de la política científico de los gobiernos Borbones fue la ...