Suchergebnisse

This volume focuses on how, in Europe, the debate on the commons is discussed in regard to historical and contemporary dimensions, critically referencing the work of Elinor Ostrom. It also explores from the perspective of new institutional political ecology (NIPE) how Europe directly and indirectly affected and affects the commons globally. Most of the research on the management of commons pool resources is limited to dealing with one of two topics: either the interaction between local participatory governance and development of institutions for commons management, or a political- economy approach that focuses on global change as it is related to the increasingly globalised expansion of capitalist modes of production, consumption and societal reproduction. This volume bridges the two, addressing how global players affect the commons worldwide and how they relate to responses emerging from within the commons in a global- local (glocal) world. Authors from a range of academic disciplines present research findings on recent developments on the commons, including: historical insights; new innovations for participatory institutions building in Europe or several types of commons grabbing, especially in Africa related to European investments; and restrictions on the management of commons at the international level. European case studies are included, providing interesting examples of local participation in commons resource management, while simultaneously showing Europe as a centre for globalized capitalism and its norms and values, affecting the rest of the world, particularly developing countries. This book will be of interest to students and researchers from a wide range of disciplines including natural resource management, environmental governance, political geography and environmental history.

Institutionalization of korean communication -- Communication theory: recounting forty years of communication research : a scholarly mosaic of the Korean American communication association / Jeong-Nam Kim, Yu Won Oh, and Narae Kim -- Communication law in Korea : a topic for global research / Kyu Ho Youm and Ahran Park -- Political economy of the korean media industry / Shin Dong Kim -- Communication systems -- Political communication of Korea in the ICT era : triadic interactions among government, media, and the public / Seok Kang, Yeojin Kim, and Chang Sup Park -- Korean journalism : from partners of political power to adversarial agents of social change / Hun Shik Kim -- Communication and technology / Namkee Park -- Public communication -- A survey of health communication scholarship on Korea : breadth, depth, and trends of published research / Hye-ryeon Lee, Hye-Jin Paek, and Minsun Shim -- A review of Korea-related advertising research / Yongick Jeong and Yeuseung Kim -- The development and trends of public relations research, theory, and practice in Korea / Jae-Hwa Shin -- Digital media -- Digital media and culture in Korea / Kyong Yoon -- Game studies in the age of digital Korea / Dal Yong Jin -- Urban communication and community studies : Korean communication scholars' perspectives / Yong-Chan Kim -- Visual communication : photojournalism and beyond / Yung Soo Kim -- Cultural studies -- Intercultural communication : challenges of studying "Korean" culture and communication in globalizing world / Min-Sun Kim -- Sports communication / Younghan Cho and Ji-Hyun Ahn -- Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender studies / Ji Hoon Park -- Hallyu: Korean wave media culture in a digital age / Youna Kim -- From national to transnational : a historiography of Korean cinema / Hye Seung Chung -- About the contributors

The science is clear: climate change is a fact and the probability is extremely high that it has been caused by humans. At the same time, policy responses arehesitant, rather lukewarm and differ substantially between nation-states. The question is, what drives and what blocks radical action? This book makes the case that institutional settings, path dependence and emerging change coalitions are critical in explaining climate policies across the global political economy. Technological and social-political innovations are key drivers for dealing with climate change. This class of innovation is very much guided, or suppressed, by a national economy's established institutional settings. By anchoring national case studies in a version of the well established 'varieties of capitalism' approach, the chapters of this book show why some economies are policy leaders and others become policy followers, or even policy interlockers. Moreover, the case studies demonstrate the extent to which external events and institutional constraints from the international polity influence national innovation strategies. Taking a unique analytical approach, which combines insightsfrom innovation policies and a variety of capitalism literature, the authors provide genuine comprehension of the interplay between institutional settings, political actors and climate policies. National Pathways to Low Carbon Emission Economies offers a valuable examination of these issues on climate change that will be of interest to academics and postgraduates researching climate policy, economic policy and social movements. Furthermore, it is relevant for policy analysts and policy makers who are interested in learning from climate policies in the context of innovation strategies for a range of countries.

Preface -- Contents -- Social Media in Libraries and Information Centers -- 1 Reaching Your Community via Social Media: Academic Libraries and Librarians Using Facebook and Twitter for Outreach -- Abstract -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Choosing a Social Media Platform -- 2.1 Audience -- 2.2 Privacy -- 2.3 Time Commitment -- 3 Social Media Best Practices -- 3.1 Content of Posts -- 3.2 Format, Length, and Frequency of Posts -- 4 Assessing Your Social Media Use -- 5 Conclusion -- References -- 2 Social Networks Impact on Information Consumption and Usage: e-Marefa Case -- Abstract -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Structure of Social Networks -- 3 Content Viralization -- 4 Social Content Evaluation -- 5 Profile-Oriented Publishing -- 6 Social Capital -- 7 Research Method and Results -- 8 Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- 3 Analysing How the Prosumption of Information in Social Media Shapes Wikipedia -- Abstract -- 1 Why Social Media? -- 2 Technological, Social, Economic and Political Perspectives -- 2.1 Technological Determinism or Social Constructivism? -- 2.2 Political and Economic Perspectives: Political Economy -- 3 Explicating the Underpinning Determinants of Social Media -- 3.1 Internet, World Wide Web and Wikipedia: The Tensions -- 3.2 Prosumer Capitalism -- 3.3 Information as a Gift or Commodity? -- 4 Social Media Shaping E-publishing -- References -- Social Media and E-Learning -- 4 The Role of Social Networks in Increasing the Activity of E-learning -- Abstract -- 1 Introduction -- 2 E-learning -- 2.1 The Definition -- 2.2 Historical Background -- 2.3 Benefit and Drawback of E-learning -- 3 The Social Network -- 3.1 Definition -- 3.2 Historical Background -- 3.3 Advantages and Disadvantages -- 4 The Relationship Between Social Network and E-learning -- 5 The Use of Social Media as E-learning Platforms -- 6 Practical Part

Half title page -- Series page -- Title page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Contributors -- 1 - Introduction -- I -- II -- III -- IV -- V -- Notes -- 2 - The political economy of an anti-rent-seeking equality agenda -- The sources of upward redistribution -- The progressive agenda: showing that inequality was by design and putting facts on the ground -- Creating facts on the ground -- The politics of restructuring markets -- Addendum -- Notes -- 3 - Towards a new paradigm for the Left in the United States -- The organizational challenge -- The programmatic challenge -- The contradictory nature of the transition -- Towards a politics of habitation -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 4 - Trawling the past as a guide to the future -- The nature of our contemporary condition -- The politics of transition -- New needs and old solutions -- The treasure trove of policy -- The question of agency -- Final thoughts -- Notes -- 5 - A new politics from the Left -- A cool straightforward leader refusing to perform a role in a dysfunctional state -- Rethinking power and knowledge -- Lessons from the Greek defeat -- Prerequisites of an organization radicalizing the relationship between social struggles and elector -- Notes -- 6 - Social democracy in a dangerous world -- The shifting constellation of Left and Right -- The motivations of political participation -- Ways ahead -- Notes -- 7 - Whose side are we on? Liberalism and socialism are not the same -- Vanishing constituencies -- Divisive conflict: the case of immigration -- Liberalism, collectivism, socialism -- Fighting capitalism today -- Notes -- 8 - Class, party and the challenge of state transformation -- Class struggle before class: then and now -- Political revolution today? From Sanders to Syriza -- Syriza and the problem of state transformation -- Signposts towards democratic socialism -- Conclusions.

Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgements -- List of Abbreviations -- Part I: Historical Foundations of the ACP-EU Relationship -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Historical Context: Evolution of the ACP-EU Relationship -- Main Issues in the ACP-EU Relationship -- Shifting Strategies and Interests -- The Nature and Role of Development in the ACP-EU Relationship -- The Impact of the ACP-EU Partnership on ACP Regional Integration -- The Challenge of Asymmetries Between the ACP and the EU -- Political Issues in the ACP-EU Relationship -- Outline of the Book -- Notes -- Chapter 2: A History of the ACP-EU Relationship: The Origins and Spirit of Lomé -- From Yaoundé to Lomé -- Lomé and the Birth of the ACP -- The Life of Lomé -- From Lomé to Cotonou -- Concluding Reflections -- Notes -- Part II: An Anatomy of the ACP-EU Relationship -- Chapter 3: The EU and Africa: The Political Economy of an Asymmetrical Partnership -- Africa-EU Trade: From Lomé to Cotonou -- Africa-EU Economic Partnership Agreements -- African Opposition to the Economic Partnership Agreements -- The Role of Development Assistance in Africa-EU Relations -- Political Aspects of the Africa-EU Relationship -- Concluding Reflections -- Notes -- Chapter 4: The EU and the Caribbean: The Necessity of Unity -- From CARICOM to CARIFORUM -- From Lomé to Cotonou -- Trends in the EU-Caribbean Relationship -- The EU-CARIFORUM Economic Partnership Agreement -- Flawed Negotiations -- Absence of an Effective Development Dimension -- Surrender of Policy Space -- Impact on Regional Integration -- Onerous Implementation -- The Future of Caribbean-EU Relations -- Caribbean-ACP Relations -- A Caribbean Perspective on the Future of ACP-EU Relations -- Concluding Reflections -- Notes -- Chapter 5: The EU and the Pacific: A Tale of Unfulfilled Expectations

Preface and introduction / Yahia H. Zoubir and Gregory White -- A political economy perspective on North African transitions / Gonzalo Escribano -- Maghrebi youth in the wake of the Arab Spring : general observations and evidence from Tunisia and Algeria / Mark Tessler and Jennifer Miller-Gonzalez -- Civil-military relations in Algeria and Egypt : a comparative analysis / Miloud Chennoufi -- Security sector reforms in North Africa / Eduard Soler i Lecha -- Berbers in an Arab Spring : the politics of amazigh identity and the North African uprisings / Michael J. Willis -- Civil insurrections in North Africa : history and prospects / Stephen Zunes -- Social media and mobilization in the Arab Spring and beyond / Lina Khatib -- Western Sahara : change under the radar / Alice Wilson -- Algeria : reforms without change? / Ahmed Aghrout and Yahia Zoubir -- The making and unmaking of the 2012 constitution in Egypt / Ibrahim Awad -- Libya : from 'reform' to revolution / Alison Pargeter -- Political change in Mauritania : desperately seeking its 'Arab Spring' / Abdoulaye Diagana -- Morocco : keeping revolution at bay with an enhanced status quo / Azzedine Layachi -- From democratic consensus to a struggle for power : the fragility of transition in Tunisia / Emma C. Murphy -- The evolving foreign policies of North African states (2011-2014) : new trends in constraints, political processes and behavior / Miguel Hernando de Larramendi and Irene Fernandez Molina -- The United States and North Africa / Yahia H. Zoubir and Stephen Zunes -- Barcelona, twenty years on / George Joffe -- China in North Africa : a strategic partnership / Imen Belhadj and Degang Sun, with the collaboration of Yahia Zoubir -- The role of the GCC in North Africa in light of the Arab Spring / Elena Maestri -- North Africa's energy challenges / Hakim Darbouche and John Hamilton.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of maps and tables -- Acknowledgements -- 1. The politics of economic restructuring in India -- 1.1 Introducing the core topics -- 1.2 Theoretical foundations -- 1.3 A hybrid conceptual framework -- 1.4 Positioning this research -- 1.5 Presenting the volume -- 2. Nation-building and scale in India's federal polity -- 2.1 Institutional infrastructure of India's federal system -- 2.2 State scaling in the service of a national development strategy -- 2.3 Policy space at the State level -- 2.4 Political economy of multilevel policy-making -- 2.5 Scales for political society and collective action -- 2.6 The emergence of regional parties -- 2.7 Conclusion -- 3. The politics and scales of economic reforms -- 3.1 The substance of India's economic reforms -- 3.2 Sovereignty issues: the decision to reform in 1991 -- 3.3 A first phase of policy reform in the 1980s -- 3.4 Policy-making in a multiscalar framework -- 3.5 The politics of reforms -- 3.6 Regional political systems -- 3.7 Conclusion -- 4. Reforms and the rescaling of state spaces -- 4.1 Subnational states in the rescaling literature -- 4.2 Competitive regions: promotional policies for industrial development -- 4.3 Changing perceptions of subnational territory -- 4.4 Reform of States' public finances and central directives -- 4.5 Fiscal scope and subnational state capacity -- 4.6 Analytical narratives of State-level reforms -- 4.7 Conclusion -- 4.8 Appendix -- 5. State spatial strategies via Special Economic Zones -- 5.1 India's revamped SEZ policy -- 5.2 Economic performance and spatial effects of SEZs -- 5.3 Rescaling economic regulation -- 5.4 Implementing the SEZ policy in a multiscalar state -- 5.5 Land - a State 'subject'? -- 5.6 State-level strategies for developing SEZs.

This new work by the leading Marxian philosopher of our day is a milestone in human self-understanding. It focuses on the location where action emerges from freedom and necessity, the foundation of all social science. Today, as never before, the investigation of the close relationship between social structure -- defined by Marx as arising from the life-process of definite individuals -- and the various forms of consciousness is particularly important. We can only perceive what is possible by first identifying the historical process that constrains consciousness itself, and therefore social action. The relationship between social structure and forms of consciousness discussed in this volume is multifaceted and profoundly dialectical. It requires the presentation of a great wealth of historical material and the assessment of the relevant philosophical literature, from Descartes through Hegel and the Liberal tradition to the present, together with their connections with political economy and political theory. István Mészáros moves beyond both abstract solutions to the surveyed methodological questions and one-sided structuralist evaluation of the important substantive issues, bringing the process of our understanding of social structure and consciousness to a level not previously attained. Above all, in the spirit of the Marxian approach, even the most complicated problems are analyzed in relation to the major practical concerns of our time. The primary aim of this work is to outline the dialectical intelligibility of historical development toward a viable societal reproductve order. Social Structure and Forms of Consciousness is of the highest importance as both a political and philosophical work, illuminating the place from where we must act, today. Publisher's note.

Scholars studying the electoral breakthroughs of right-wing illiberalism have arrived at two general conclusions: while they largely rejected the hypothesis that this phenomenon is grounded in voters' attitudinal shift, they have shown that those voting for the illiberal Right have distinguishing socio-economic and attitudinal characteristics. My analysis reconciles these two sets of findings by documenting the gradual emergence and transformation of the right-wing electorate in Poland in the period 1993–2018 and points to the consolidation of a right-wing partisanship as an organizing factor of the "illiberal moment." Using the POLPAN panel dataset I find that populist and authoritarian attitudes indeed emerge in Poland in the twenty-first century to distinguish those supporting the Right more and more centered around the PiS party. These attitudes, however, have been incorporated in the context of partisan rivalry—right-wing voters, for example, are more supportive of limiting democratic procedures but only when the Right is in power. In the first decade of the twenty-first century PiS also politicized the lack of partisan consensus on the expansion of the welfare state. PiS incorporated this demand in its stance legitimizing the expansion of the welfare state through what was available in its ideological repertoire: national solidarity, national victimhood, and the idea of a sovereign nation-state joined under the umbrella of Catholic symbolism. This post-consensus polarization and asymmetrical political radicalization resembles the "illiberal moment" in Western Europe that followed the convergence between center-left and center-right parties but they lack a crystallized class-based political identity and social-democratic understanding of political economy to build on.

This article examines the history of, and legal precedent set by, Four B Manufacturing v. United Garment Workers of America, a 1980 Supreme Court of Canada case involving an Indigenous-owned manufacturing firm that resisted the efforts of its Indigenous and non-Indigenous workers to form a union on the Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory, a reserve in southeastern Ontario. The employer, Four B, contested the jurisdiction of the Ontario Labour Relations Board and argued, unsuccessfully, that as an "Indian enterprise," its own operations were a matter of federal jurisdiction. We return to the case of Four B for three interrelated reasons. First, we argue that Four B remains relevant because of the ways that the political economy of settler-colonial Canada continues to structure Indigenous enterprises, labour, and employment as ongoing sites of tension. Second, as the inaugural case dealing with the "core of Indianness" – a contested legal concept used by the courts to determine federal jurisdiction over Indigenous labour – this case both set the legal precedent and shaped the subsequent political terrain of Indigenous labour relations. Third, the issues addressed in Four B contextualize recent jurisdictional struggles over Indigenous enterprises, labour, and employment in what we term the "Indigenous public sector" – namely, health care, social services, and First Nations government administration. The article reviews the case history of Four B, setting this against the backdrop of deindustrialization in southeastern Ontario during the period, before tracing how the case influenced the juridical and political landscape of Indigenous labour relations. We close by considering the potential tensions between Indigenous self-determination and the exercise of collective bargaining rights by Indigenous workers.

This chapter examines contemporary labor-management relations in autocratic regimes, drawing on two sets of countries, namely transitional peripheral economies in Central Asia (Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan) and hierarchical market economies in Latin America (Colombia and Honduras), for analysis. We discuss the political economy, work, and labor relations of these countries, highlighting the role of the state, business, and international non-government organizations. We also take into account the impact of large-scale (often in millions) migration of workers both internally within the country and cross-border. It is important to note that, just as there are different types of democratic systems, there are also different types of autocratic regimes with distinct political, economic, and social policy orientations, and this directly impacts the nature of labor relations. Under Latin American right-wing authoritarianism, a primary focus is on supporting a relatively small property-owning elite, and any countervailing worker power is seen as a direct attack on the latter. Even if workers have employment rights under the law, this zero-sum game view frequently results in extra-legal attacks on worker activists and their representatives, making union organization an extremely dangerous business. In contrast, the Central Asian autocracies, business elites are tied up within extended clan networks. Especially within Uzbekistan, a much closer emphasis has been placed on the provision of a critical mass of jobs as a means of buying political stability. Unions have been afforded a place in the system both for historical reasons and as proof of an ability to create a critical mass of decent work; at the same time, there is little room for union autonomy.

AbstractAs the global crisis triggered by the COVID-19 virus unfolded, The Economist magazine published a cover in May 2020 titled "Goodbye globalization: the dangerous lure of self-sufficiency." The title summed up well the new political interest in the ideology of national economic self-sufficiency in the pandemic context. Unfortunately, contemporary textbooks in the field of international political economy (IPE) say little about this kind of "autarkic" thought. No survey of the history of autarkic thought exists even within specialist IPE literature or in the fields of intellectual history and the history of economic thought. Filling this gap in existing scholarship, this article highlights a rich history of autarkic thought that includes the ideas of famous thinkers such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Johann Fichte, Mohandas Gandhi, and John Maynard Keynes. Three core rationales for a high degree of national self-sufficiency have been advanced in the past: (1) insulation from foreign economic influence, (2) insulation from foreign political and/or cultural influence, and (3) the promotion of international peace. At the same time, considerable disagreements have existed among autarkists about some of these rationales and their relative importance, as well as about the precise meaning of national self-sufficiency. These disagreements stemmed not just from differences in their specific goals but also from the different conditions across time and space in which autarkic thought was developed. In addition to improving understanding of the autarkic ideological tradition, this article contributes to emerging scholarship attempting to overcome Western-centrism in IPE scholarship as well as literature exploring the new politics of de-globalization in the current era.

International political speeches have played an extremely important role in political environment and take broader public attention due to their political, economy, and cultural values manifested through the language used. Systemic–Functional Grammar introduced and developed by Halliday (1967) sets out that with languages there are ideational meta-function, interpersonal meta-function, and textual meta-function. Hiring the theory of transitivity from Halliday's Systemic Functional Linguistics, this study focuses on analysing Joko Widodo's keynote speech. The aim is to figure out the deeper meaning of the speech through the distributions and so the dominations of the transitivity processes along with their participants. At the same time this study tries to find out the hidden information by analysing the functions of the transitivity processes and the main participants. The qualitative method is employed for the transitivity analysis while the quantitative method is taken to provide the statistic description on the distributions of the types of the process and the participants found. The analysis generates two major findings: First, there are five types of process: material, relational, verbal, mental, existential and the participants found, and no single behavioural process and its participants occurred. Among them, the material process and relational process along with their participants dominate the speech, which makes it well-delivered, more powerful, objective, and convincing. Second, the pronouns 'we, our, and us' are found as the main participants in Joko Widodo's keynote speech that indicate his efforts to draw a close relation between him and his audience so his addressing has succeeded.

Recent empirical research shows that if we look at the nature of party-society linkages the differences between cases in the "moderate" and the "radical" strands of the Latin American left are less stark than we initially thought. Uruguay's Frente Amplio (FA), for instance, has more in common with Bolivia's Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) than with Brazil's Workers' Party (PT)—particularly in its degree of openness and responsiveness to the party's social bases. In this article, we link this finding to broader macro political outcomes that are central in the study of Latin American political economy today. Bolivia and Uruguay are, in many ways, representative of broader regional trends of the early twenty-first century: both cases experienced a dramatic growth of the middle classes, the expansion of social programs benefiting large groups, notable declines in poverty as well as in social and economic inequalities, and the increased access of subordinate social groups to national decision-making. They have achieved, in short, significant progress advancing an agenda of incorporation, defined as the expansion of substantive citizenship rights. In this paper, we explain how party organizational attributes of the MAS and the FA, especially their strong societal linkages, have contributed to shaping such outcomes—which, despite similarities in their general tendency, vary in depth and scope across the two cases. We also trace how underlying socio-political pressures generated by each party's organized social bases have constrained progress in areas that are crucial to sustaining important advances made in the past decade, such as labor, tax, education, and health reforms. This article draws on data collected through extensive fieldwork in Uruguay and Bolivia.