Suchergebnisse

"In politics the thing to do is build yourself an army." The remark is attributed to the late Jimmy Hines, a successful Tammany Hall politician of the 1930's. In June, 1945, half way between the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, at the head of the largest army in its history, prepared for the reward of virtue and patience—power in Ottawa and Ontario. The problems of building that army and then maintaining it under the adverse conditions following June, 1945, constitute the theme of this paper.In its first decade the C.C.F. had successfully welded a united, national organization out of a federation of parties and groups along a social-democrat and agrarian-protest spectrum. The absence of a New Deal party gave the "movement," as its members still call it, its opportunity. Its central bond was a common hatred of capitalism, allegedly responsible for the depression and its accompanying hardships. It was, however, less than unanimous about the remedy. The Regina Manifesto of 1933, the party's initial declaration of faith and intentions, was framed in the social democratic tradition. "No CCF government," it concluded, "will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism." But no statement of policy could ever avert the inevitable debate on "how far" and "how fast" socialism should be implemented.The topography of C.C.F. beliefs can be roughly charted by identifying its closest friends and mentors and its ideological boundaries on the "right" and "left." Its chief, though not unanimous, favourites have always been the Labour and Social Democratic parties of the Commonwealth, Scandinavia, and especially Great Britain. Its supporters ranged all the way from people who were made uneasy by talk of socialism despite endless assurances, to those drawn enviously to the glamour of revolutionary intrigue and virile, uncompromising militancy which they associated with Communism and Trotskyism. While these 'left wingers" pressed the leaders constantly to declare themselves on the questions of "how far" and "how fast," the great majority entrusted these matters to the leaders and concentrated instead on building the organization.

Despite the considerable influence exercised on North American historians by what Professor Careless has called "frontierism," those who have dealt with the early history of the North Pacific have been almost unanimous in finding in metropolitan institutions the key to developments in that area. The usual interpretation is based on the hypothesis of a sharp competition for the North Pacific trade in furs between various forms of enterprise, each of which mirrored the institutions of the metropolis which had spawned it—a semi-government Russian corporation, government-directed Spanish enterprise (or lack of it), British enterprise almost hopelessly handicapped by obsolete trad¬ing institutions, and unrestricted (free) Yankee enterprise, with an occasional genuflection towards a similarly "free" enterprise based on Montreal but handicapped by the British connection. In that competition, it is alleged, the handicaps of government regulation precluded successful Russian, Spanish, or British competition with the "free enterprise" of the New Englander, and this, coupled with his superior resourcefulness and shrewdness—by-products, apparently, of the institutions of his particular metropolis—enabled him to dominate the North Pacific trade in furs.While this interpretation may "validate the status" of one metropolis and at the same time "denigrate that of others"—the purpose, Leach suggests,2 of national myths and legends—it appears to be founded on caricatures of the forms of enterprise there, and on some lack of appreciation of the global setting in which the trade was carried on. Those caricatures, it would seem, derive from a focusing of attention on particular, and allegedly deplorable, elements of the metropolitanism of Spain or Russia or Britain, and from the assumption that, despite the remoteness of the frontier, those elements com¬pletely dominated the enterprise of the various competitors. The failure to achieve a proper perspective of the place of the North Pacific in the overseas thrust of European powers probably derives from a lack of appreciation of ends other than business profits and of the existence of alternative oppor¬tunities for such profits.

There is a rarity of empirical res in the field of race relations in Germany, partly due to the absence of a general body of soc-psychol'al theory. Interviewing a representative sample of the pop Df Western Germany, a PO polling agency reported 41% as tolerant, 14% as non-committal & 23% as anti-semitic. The Institut fur Sozialforschung at Frankfurt-on-Main indicated 33% as non-anti-semitic, 18% as pro-Jewish, 12% as partly anti-semitic, & 34% as anti-semitic. It was also found that anti-semitism is more prevalent among academically educated people. An extensive long-range res program immediately concerned with cognitive & affective aspects of race relations as conceptually linked with soc perception has been set up. Its general conceptual scheme includes ideas that: (1) racial stereotypes (S's) constitute affective & congnitive judgments by the members of one nation about the members of another, (2) perceptions of how others judge (as compared to the selfconceptions of a nation) have an important bearing on relations between the 2 nations, (3) the number of individuals of a given nation considered to possess a special attribute varies greatly, (4) a knowledge of the extent to which an individual believes his S's are shared by others might be useful in combating nat'l prejudice, (5) there is no agreement on the degree of consensus which should be taken as the interior of a S, (6) the number of types of S's in a given nation are of signif, (7) judgements are made with varying degrees of conviction & concern as to their validity, & (8) it is important to learn the reasons individuals give for the views of others they hold. Sodhi's first study, NATIONALE VORURTEILE, examined the S's Germans have about their own nation & about 13 other nat or racial groups. A high degree of agreement was found among the S's in the ascription of traits to diff nations. Categories most often used in characterizing nations were: (1) soc-ethical behavior, (2) will power & achievement, (3) manners, (4) att toward homeland & nation, & (5) mood & temperament. B. J. Keeley.

H. R. 11 and S. 11 are modest and simple legislative proposals.'They provide for no change in our antitrust laws prohibiting price discrimination except to limit somewhat the use of the "good faith" defense. The extent of this limitation goes no further than to assist the Act by providing that the "good faith" defense shall not operate as an absolute and complete bar to a proceeding by the Government against the practices of destructive price discrimination: In other words, those discriminations which would have the effect of substantially lessening competition and tending to create a monopoly may not be defended by showing that they were practiced in "good faith." It appears that those opposing H. R. 11 and S. 11 want to insure legality of price discriminations, even at the cost of lessening competition and creation of monopoly. Actually, they are arguing for those ugly results, with the concession that the ugliness my be covered with the veil of "good faith" meeting of competition. Therefore, the naked issue over whether H. R. 11 and S. 11 should be enacted into law is, like the bill, quite simple. It is this: "Shall we tolerate practices which destroy competition and create monopoly, even when those practices are based upon good intentions?" It should not be difficult for us to resolve that issue, especially in the light of our national anti-monopoly public policy. Certainly, no practice destructive of competition and creative of monopoly can be said to be consonant with our antimonopoly public policy, even though the architect of such practices had some good, though misguided, purposes in mind. For ex-ample, mergers of corporations which destroy competition violate the antimerger law even though based on good intentions and for good purposes. In criminal causes, to be sure, evidence of intent is relevant to the issue. Here, we are not discussing proposals for amending the Criminal Code. Instead, we are discussing legislative proposals out of which only civil actions may arise.

Report of the Special Committee on the Problem of Hungary: The Special Committee on the Problem of Hungary, at its last meeting, June 7, 1957, adopted its report to the General Assembly. The committee, composed of representatives of Australia, Ceylon, Denmark, Tunisia, and Uruguay, had been appointed by the General Assembly at its second emergency special session to provide information regarding the situation created by Soviet intervention in the internal affairs of Hungary as well as the developments relating to the Assembly's recommendations on this subject. The report, based on available documentation and the testimony of in witnesses, dealt with a brief history of the Hungarian uprising, the movement as seen by the Soviet Union and by the government of Janos Kadar, the Soviet military intervention and its political background, the effects of the use or threat of use of force on the political independence of Hungary, and specific acts violating other rights of the Hungarian people. The committee believed that the uprising in October and November 1956 had been a spontaneous, improvised national movement, stemming from resentments caused by longstanding grievances, particularly against the inferior status of Hungary in relation to the Soviet Union. The thesis put forth by the Soviet Union and the Kadar government that the uprising had been fomented by Hungarian reactionary circles and strengthened by western "imperialists" was unacceptable to the committee, which felt that the movement had been led by students, workers, soldiers and intellectuals, who had demanded, inter alia, that democratic socialism should be the basis of the Hungarian political structure and that such social achievements as land reform should be safeguarded. Reporting that Soviet authorities had taken steps as early as October 20 to make armed intervention possible, the committee felt that it could not say whether the Soviets had anticipated the occurrence. It stressed, however, that the Warsaw Treaty did not provide for Soviet armed intervention to dictate political developments within any signatory's frontiers.

Today's youths are the most important persons in America. They are important because the present-day youths are "builders of America of tomorrow." One thing that determines the type of "builders" they become, though, is depended upon the kind of leadership they receive today. The kind of leadership they receive from various organizations to which they belong is an important factor. One such organization that can play a big role in helping youth to take his place tomorrow is the 4-H Club organization. The 4-H Club can only do its part by realizing that in the development of youth—good leadership has played a dynamic role. Therefore, it is imperative in 4-H Clubs that only the services of conscientious leaders are secured. Four-H work, the youth phase of the Cooperative Extension Service, is a part of the National Agricultural Extension System which is designed to reach every state in the United States. It was organized by the United States Department of Agriculture in cooperation with the State Colleges of Agriculture and the county extension organization under the Smith-Lever Act of 1914.^" Acts of Congress and the State Legislature authorized the banks to make appropriations for its operation. The primary purpose of 4—H Club work is to develop in boys and girls, between the ages of nine and twenty—one year, leadership, initiative, citizenship, and character. This is done through organized activities built around farm life and homemaking. Programs for 4-H Club meetings usually consist of three parts business, demonstrations, land discussions. The business part of the program consists of getting the boys and girls interested in varied lines of work to be carried on by the club" Certain goals for the year are set up and plans are formulated for reaching these goals. The members of the club decide on certain projects they would like to work on during the year in order to reach the goals they set up.

An analysis of an ordered set of roles & positions in the pol'al structure of a small Ru community (pop 3,000) with some empirical examples of the interactional relationships of roleplayers to the top-leadership. 260 persons randomly selected were asked questions about: formal org membership; local & out-of-town newspaper consumption; length of residence in community; disposition to move away; associations with national, state, & local officials & employees; voting in Sch & city elections; party affiliation; & choices of most influential townspeople. Data were derived from intensive interviews & observation. Definitions: 'political structure'--involves a network of communications channels mediating policy messages; 'political role'--patterns of behavior characterizing pol'al activity within the pol'al structure; 'roles' --operationally defined in terms of (1) giving advice, (2) discussing public affairs with others, (3) taking an active part on issues, (4) attending meetings on public affairs. These behavioral practices were used to define 'role aggregates': advisors, talkers, listeners, workers, & nonparticipants. Of the 260 persons there were 20 advisors, 37 talkers, 33 listeners, 24 workers, & 132 non-participants. These role aggregates were characterized as follows: (1) Top Leadership: 3 individuals were felt to be most influential & at the core of the top leadership; they frequently held public office, had high SES, & were most active in community politics; their main concern was with 'social harmony' & 'political stability'; (2) Advisors had high educ, income, & media literacy; were highly concerned with community politics & were not disposed to leave the community; (3) Talkers resembled advisors, high ratio of F's; pol'ly active; (4) Listeners attended meetings but did little talking; had more educ & higher incomes than talkers but read less; they were non-joiners, & non-readers of local paper; (5) Workers took an active part on issues but did little discussing; read more than listeners but less than talkers; had low income; (6) Non-Participants had low educ &would like to leave the community. Authors conclude that the pol'al system involves independent decision-making at all levels in the structure for many policy matters; &the various role aggregates are treated diff'ly by the top leadership. T. L. Blair.

The fifteenth session of the Trusteeship Council, which had opened at Headquarters on January 25, 1955, ended on March 28, 1955Cameroons under French administration: The Council considered the report of its drafting committee2 on conditions in French-administered Cameroons on February 24 and 25. On the basis ofthe draft report and clarifying amendments, the Council requested the administering authority totransmit a concise statement evaluating the effects of the association of the Cameroons with the French Union on the future political development of the territory. The administering authority was further asked to inform the Council of the results of studies being undertaken concerningthe status of the inhabitants of the territory and to consider the possibility of establishing a Cameroonian citizenship. By a vote of 7 to 1 with 4 abstentions, the Council, noting that thebill providing for the extension of the powers of the Territorial Assembly and the establishment of an Executive Council had not as yet been submitted to the French Parliament for adoption, recommended that steps be taken as soon as possible to realize these goals and, in particular, that the Territorial Assembly be given powers to discuss political questions and to take decisions on all matters internal to the territory. Unanimous approval was given a recommendation expressing the hope that the French National Assembly would put into effect as soon as possible the proposed legislation converting Douala, Yaoundé and N'Kongsamba into communes de plein 1 For information on the early part of the fifteenth session, exercice. Continued development of elected municipal institutions throughout the territory was also recommended. A recommendation by the drafting committee on the question of the reorganization of the traditional chiefdoms, concerning which a bill was awaiting action in the French Parliament, was amended by theCouncil to delete any inference that the Council was not reaffirming its earlier view that universal suffrage should be achieved. The Council, in the amended recommendation, expressed the hope that the bill would be adopted and implemented before the next elections, if necessary.

Discussion of the complaint by Israel against Egypt concerning Egyptian restrictions on the passage of ships trading with Israel through the Suez Canal and Egyptian interference with shipping proceeding to the Israel port of Elath on the Gulf of Aqaba, which was begun on February 5, 1954, continued during the period under review. A second item on the agenda of the Council was the complaint by Egypt against Israel of violation of the Egyptian-Israel General Armistice Agreement at the demilitarized zone of El-Auja. Continuing the explanation of Egypt's position, Mahmoud Azmi (Egypt) on March 12 presented at length historical, psychological, legal and political considerations to support his argument that the Council should recover its resolution of September 1, 1951, in which it called on Egypt to terminate restrictions on the passage of international commercial shipping and goods through the Suez Canal and find some other means of dealing with the situation. After alleging that 114 persons had been killed in territory under Egyptian control and 60 persons injured since 1951 as a result of Israel violations of the Armistice Agreement, Mr. Azmi held that the procedure followed by Egyptian authorities did not constitute a military blockade but was one regarded in international law as appropriate for exercise of the right of visit and search; cited several judicial opinions in support of his argument that an armistice did not end a state of war and that a state of war did not end until a peace treaty had been ratified; quoted Article 51 of the Charter to prove that United Nations Members had the inherent right of self-defense; argued that the Suez Canal Convention signed at Constantinople in 1888 provided Egypt with the right to take all useful measures in the canal to ensure the defense of the country and public order; and declared that, concerning the Israel complaint of measures taken by Egypt at the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba, international law affirmed that gulfs, including international gulfs, were subject to the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the coastal states and were accorded the same treatment as national and territorial waters.

The importance of studying and analyzing the factors affecting commercial farming operations cannot be over-stressed in a society which is increasingly demanding more and better food. Every sign points upward to scientific investigations and laboratory studies that aid not only in the quantity but the quality of food produced. It is becoming increasingly apparent that America must continue to grow? food for some of the European Countries, Although food sent abroad, is considered surplus", and is purchased by our government, this product would have ordinarily found its way into the channels of trade had it not been for a government price guarantee that assured the farmers a set percent of the 1959 price. The world today has a growing awareness that food is basic to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The National Nutrition Conference, held in Washington, D. C., in May 1941 focused the attention of the nation on the problem of securing more adequate diets for all our people. Since that time there have been a series of international conferences concerning the problem of making "Freedom from Want" a reality on a world basis. Interest in vegetable production and marketing has increased greatly during the past few years. Vegetables now occupy a more prominent place in the diets of many people than was formerly the case. This is due partly to the stimulation of home vegetable gardening during World War II, and partly to the increased knowledge regarding the real value of vegetables in the diet. Recent discoveries show that many vegetables are rich in vitamins. These discoveries reveal further that the presence of vitamins in the diet is essential to human health. These discoveries have emphasized the importance of vegetables as a source of human food. Research studies show an increase in the consumption of fruits as well as vegetables. Investigations reveal that more consideration is being given the quality as well as the quantity of fruits purchased for consumption.

No one in England would claim that the radical readjustments of the national economy necessitated by the Second World War had yet been completed. Nevertheless, it is undoubtedly true that much progress has been made, in many ways even beyond the pre-war level of attainment, since the fighting came to an end; and certainly the past five and a half years have been a period of intense activity, aimed perhaps not so much at reconstruction of a former economic system but rather at building a structure which should be more in accord with popular aspirations than the kind of economy that prevailed before the war.This interpretation of fundamental objectives is supported by a quick review of the tasks confronting Great Britain as she emerged from the war. First, and of immediate concern, was the delicate process of transition to a peace economy, involving the innumerable interlocking problems of switching manpower and physical resources back from war service to the purposes of a more peaceable way of life. Then there were more deep-seated problems to be faced, such as the replacement of physical assets, both social and economic, destroyed during the war or rendered obsolescent while the economic system had been concentrated upon the overriding purposes of war production. Along with these went a whole network of complicated problems of monetary reorganization, arising largely from the facts that in process of financing war requirements Britain's international position had been dramatically changed, from the status of a creditor country to that of a debtor, that her international reserves had been heavily reduced, and that her export trade had been ruthlessly sacrificed as part of the larger strategy of war. Finally, and underlying all these, was the widespread demand for the establishment of an economic system which should serve the needs of the people more effectively and more equitably than in times past, above all, one which should guarantee to every willing and competent citizen the continuous opportunity of remunerative employment. Naturally, there was wide disagreement about the best means of securing all these ends; but the ends themselves were generally accepted as necessary and worthy objectives.

Program in which Brooks Hays gave an address to salute the silent allies in Iron Curtain nations, held at Carnegie Hall ; RESOLUTION for "Unity - Liberation - Federation11 WHEREAS, The greatest military victory of world history has been turned almost into outright political defeat for the forces of freedom, and WHEREAS, Aggressive world communism extends its dictatorial powers ever further into Europe and Asia, and plainly divides the world between the nations which still preserve freedom and independence and those who live in subjugation under the organized minority of world international communism, and WHEREAS, The oppressive tyranny of communism is inimical to every religion and to the most fundamental rights of man, now therefore BE IT RESOLVED, That we here present, on behalf of 350,000,000 people suffering equally under the yoke of communism: the oppressed peoples of Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia (Czechs and Slovaks), Estonia, Hungary, Yugoslavia (Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes), Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Roumania, and Russia (Byelorussians, Ukrainians, and others), do hereby pledge ourselves to work together for the liberation of our peoples; to strive to solve by our own efforts any differences which might separate us; and to refrain from raising any controversial issue over national or political problems until liberation from the common foe of com­munism has been achieved, hereby affirming our solidarity and community of purpose in the cause of freedom; and BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, That with God's help we will preserve this high unity of purpose after liberation, so that our peoples may live together in peace and freedom in the spirit of the Atlantic Charter and in harmony with the great objectives of the United Nations; and in the same spirit, we will try to create - or to take part in - different federations which will conform with the aspirations of our peoples and the general interest within the framework of the United Nations; and BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, That we solemnly state that the liberation of our countries signifies for us the establishment of regimes founded on the principle of democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of equal justice under law.

World War II has called forth greater organizational and administrative efforts than ever before on the part of the armed forces, private industry, and government. The sheer size of the new organizations that were formed to fight battles, manufacture matériel, and administer government programs has intensified the problems of top management and executive control, as well as the technical problems of military operations, supply, and industrial production. Great dynamic changes in society always afford occasion for reappraising basic philosophies, and these significant changes in the scope and scale of our great enterprises are no exception. The field of management is perhaps less spectacular, less open to popular discussion than are the issues of foreign policy and of government participation in the national economy. But effective management of our enterprise is of fundamental importance to a successful conclusion of the war and subsequent maintenance of peace. The demands of the war on the home front have stimulated much re-thinking of the theories of government and business administration. This article is concerned with the relation between the basic theories of two of the greatest contributors to the field of management—Frederick Taylor and Henri Fayol.We all know what the task of organizing for war has been during the past four years. Arms production of undreamed of magnitude had to be developed in a matter of months. To produce the vast number of planes, tanks, and ships, new enterprises sprang up over night and existing ones expanded to many times their original size. Similarly, the federal government, in addition to creating tremendous staffs in the War and Navy Departments, had to develop quickly "administrative leviathans" to control prices and ration goods, allocate industrial production, and direct the production and distribution of foods. War-time control had to be exercised to an unprecedented degree, frequently for hitherto unregulated matters, in connection with oil, censorship, transportation, manpower, and the like. Besides a need for more technical personnel in industrial production, there developed a need for people able to organize and direct large new enterprises.

It is proposed in this article to consider the Draft Conventions adopted by the International Labor Conference at its Nineteenth Session primarily with a view to illustrating the nature of the contribution which the Conference is making to international legislation and the manner in which problems which have some general bearing upon the development of international law and organization arise for consideration in connection with International Labor Conventions. It is unnecessary for this purpose to recapitulate the composition, powers, and procedure of the International Labor Conference, or to review that part of the activities of its Nineteenth Session which did not lead to the immediate adoption of Draft Conventions. It is therefore necessary to warn the reader that this article is not an attempt to give him a general impression of the Conference. It does not attempt to review the general discussions of social policy based upon the director's report. It does not describe the Unemployment (Young Persons) Recommendation, 1935, an important pronouncement which is one of the most valuable results of the Conference, but which, being a Recommendation, is intended "to be submitted to the Members for consideration with a view to effect being given to it by national legislation or otherwise," and is therefore incapable of becoming by ratification the source of international obligations. This article, further, gives no account of the preliminary discussions which will probably lead to the adoption of Draft Conventions in future years; nor does it review the work of the Conference in supervising the application of existing Conventions. Its scope is limited strictly to a discussion of the five Draft Conventions actually adopted at the Nineteenth Session, i.e., the Forty-Hour Week Convention, 1935; the Reduction of Hours of Work (Glass-Bottle Works) Convention, 1935; the Maintenance of Migrants' Pension Rights Convention, 1935; the Underground Work (Women) Convention, 1935; and the Hours of Work (Coal Mines) Convention (Revised), 1935. Certain of these instruments raise far-reaching questions of economic and social policy; but discussion of such questions would not be appropriate in what is intended as a legal commentary.

In the brief for the Province of Nova Scotia, presented to the provincial Royal Commission inquiring into Nova Scotia's disabilities under the Canadian federal system, Professor Rogers includes an estimate of the regional incidence of the customs duties. This is the first study of its kind to be made in Canada. It may be expected to give rise to a good deal of controversy on account of the complexity of the problem and because other provinces are already beginning to make parallel estimates which do not altogether agree with those made for Nova Scotia. Professor Rogers's discussion of the burden of the tariff was condensed into a single chapter, owing to the large amount of general historical and argumentative material which it was necessary to include. It is therefore desirable to quote from the unpublished minutes of evidence in order to do full justice to the reservations which Professor Regers made in putting forward his estimates. In Halifax on August 13, 1934, he said:
It is desirable to emphasize again that this table representing the provincial distribution of tariff subsidies and tariff costs is chiefly valuable as an indication of a condition. It is not an exact statement of the effects of the tariff upon the incomes of the several provinces of the Dominion. It does not indicate the tendency of the tariff to contract the income of the export industries by reason of the increase in costs of such industries. It does illustrate, however, the effect of the tariff upon the internal distribution of the national income…. Personally I would hardly suggest that this is more than an approach to a method of measuring the provincial incidence of the tariff. But I do feel convinced that the results which attend a computation of this kind bring out a condition which really exists, and that the final result in respect to the provincial incidence of the tariff is probably an under-statement rather than an over-statement. I do feel that we have reached a point where we are compelled to try to express the effects of the tariff in more complete terms.