Suchergebnisse

Las represas amazónicas de Brasil tienen importantes impactos sociales y ambientales que sistemáticamente se subestiman en los estudios de impacto ambiental (EIA) presentados para la concesión de licencias. Los impactos incluyen el desplazamiento de la población, la pérdida de pesquerías, la metilación del mercurio y las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero. Se ha ignorado al personal técnico del Instituto Brasileño de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales Renovables (IBAMA), responsable de la concesión de licencias, para aprobar una serie de presas a pesar de los grandes impactos, la falta de consulta con los pueblos indígenas y las EIA inadecuadas. Hay proyectos de ley y enmiendas constitucionales que amenazan con destruir o abolir por completo el sistema de licencias. El uso de "suspensiones de seguridad" ha neutralizado en gran medida al sistema judicial en sus esfuerzos por hacer cumplir las reglamentaciones que requieren consultar a los pueblos indígenas u obligan al cumplimiento de los requisitos de licencia ambiental. La gravedad de la situación es evidente, entenderlo es el primer paso para cambiar los sistemas de toma de decisión y de concesión de licencias que conducen a los impactos ilustrados por la historia reciente en la Amazonia. Brasil tiene amplias opciones energéticas con menos impacto socio-ambiental que las represas que hoy reciben prioridad. ; As barragens brasileiras na Amazônia têm grandes impactos sociais e ambientais, que são sistematicamente subestimados nos Estudos de Impacto Ambiental (EIAs) no processo de licenciamento. Impactos incluem deslocamento de população, perda de pesca, metilização de mercúrio e emissão de gases de efeito estufa. A equipe técnica no Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renováveis (IBAMA), responsável pelo licenciamento, tem sido ignorado para aprovar uma série de barragens, apesar dos altos impactos, da falta de consulta aos povos indígenas e dos EIAs inadequados. Há projetos de lei e propostas de emendas constitucionais que ameaçam a desconfigurar ou até eliminar o sistema de licenciamento como um todo. O uso de "suspensões de segurança" neutraliza, em grande parte, o sistema judicial em seus esforços para fazer cumprir a lei que exige a consulta aos povos indígenas ou para obrigar o cumprimento das exigências do licenciamento ambiental. A gravidade deste quadro é evidente, mas entendê-lo é o primeiro passo para que sejam mudados os sistemas de tomada de decisão e de licenciamento que levam aos impactos ilustrados pela história recente na Amazônia. O Brasil dispõe de amplas opções energéticas com menos impactos socioambientais do que as barragens que recebem prioridade hoje. ; Brazil's Amazon dams have major social and environmental impacts, which are systematically underestimated in the environmental impact studies (EIAs) submitted for licensing. Impacts include population displacement, loss of fisheries, mercury methylation and greenhouse-gas emissions. The technical staff of the Brazilian Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (IBAMA) responsible for licensing has been overridden to approve a series of dams despite high impacts, no consultation with indigenous peoples and inadequate EIAs. Pending legislation and constitutional amendments threaten either gutting or abolishing outright the entire licensing system. The use of "security suspensions" has largely neutralized the judicial system in its efforts to enforce regulations requiring consulting indigenous peoples or for fulfilling environmental licensing requirements. The seriousness of this picture is evident, but understanding it is the first step in changing the decision-making and licensing systems that lead to the impacts illustrated by recent history in the Amazon. Brazil has ample energy options with less socio-environmental impacts than the dams that receive priority today.

Las represas amazónicas de Brasil tienen importantes impactos sociales y ambientales que sistemáticamente se subestiman en los estudios de impacto ambiental (EIA) presentados para la concesión de licencias. Los impactos incluyen el desplazamiento de la población, la pérdida de pesquerías, la metilación del mercurio y las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero. Se ha ignorado al personal técnico del Instituto Brasileño de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales Renovables (IBAMA), responsable de la concesión de licencias, para aprobar una serie de presas a pesar de los grandes impactos, la falta de consulta con los pueblos indígenas y las EIA inadecuadas. Hay proyectos de ley y enmiendas constitucionales que amenazan con destruir o abolir por completo el sistema de licencias. El uso de "suspensiones de seguridad" ha neutralizado en gran medida al sistema judicial en sus esfuerzos por hacer cumplir las reglamentaciones que requieren consultar a los pueblos indígenas u obligan al cumplimiento de los requisitos de licencia ambiental. La gravedad de la situación es evidente, entenderlo es el primer paso para cambiar los sistemas de toma de decisión y de concesión de licencias que conducen a los impactos ilustrados por la historia reciente en la Amazonia. Brasil tiene amplias opciones energéticas con menos impacto socio-ambiental que las represas que hoy reciben prioridad. ; As barragens brasileiras na Amazônia têm grandes impactos sociais e ambientais, que são sistematicamente subestimados nos Estudos de Impacto Ambiental (EIAs) no processo de licenciamento. Impactos incluem deslocamento de população, perda de pesca, metilização de mercúrio e emissão de gases de efeito estufa. A equipe técnica no Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renováveis (IBAMA), responsável pelo licenciamento, tem sido ignorado para aprovar uma série de barragens, apesar dos altos impactos, da falta de consulta aos povos indígenas e dos EIAs inadequados. Há projetos de lei e propostas de emendas constitucionais que ameaçam a desconfigurar ou até eliminar o sistema de licenciamento como um todo. O uso de "suspensões de segurança" neutraliza, em grande parte, o sistema judicial em seus esforços para fazer cumprir a lei que exige a consulta aos povos indígenas ou para obrigar o cumprimento das exigências do licenciamento ambiental. A gravidade deste quadro é evidente, mas entendê-lo é o primeiro passo para que sejam mudados os sistemas de tomada de decisão e de licenciamento que levam aos impactos ilustrados pela história recente na Amazônia. O Brasil dispõe de amplas opções energéticas com menos impactos socioambientais do que as barragens que recebem prioridade hoje. ; Brazil's Amazon dams have major social and environmental impacts, which are systematically underestimated in the environmental impact studies (EIAs) submitted for licensing. Impacts include population displacement, loss of fisheries, mercury methylation and greenhouse-gas emissions. The technical staff of the Brazilian Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (IBAMA) responsible for licensing has been overridden to approve a series of dams despite high impacts, no consultation with indigenous peoples and inadequate EIAs. Pending legislation and constitutional amendments threaten either gutting or abolishing outright the entire licensing system. The use of "security suspensions" has largely neutralized the judicial system in its efforts to enforce regulations requiring consulting indigenous peoples or for fulfilling environmental licensing requirements. The seriousness of this picture is evident, but understanding it is the first step in changing the decision-making and licensing systems that lead to the impacts illustrated by recent history in the Amazon. Brazil has ample energy options with less socio-environmental impacts than the dams that receive priority today.

Сучасні тенденції обумовлюють значну роль візуалізаційного механізму симво­лічної політики. Символ не лише репрезентує дійсність, він тотожний їй. Механіз­мом її формування визначено сприйняття символічного об'єкту, обумовлене соціальним позиціонуванням. Зв'язок архітектури та політики продемонстровано на прикладах президентських резиденцій Туреччини, пам'ятників Т. Шевченку, а змі­ну інформаційного наповнення об'єкту - площі Згоди та Вандомської колони. ; Современные тенденции обусловливают значительную роль визуализационного механизма символической политики. Символ не только представляет действитель­ность, он тождественен ей. Механизмом ее формирования определено восприятие символического объекта, обусловленное социальным позиционированием. Связь архитектуры и политики продемонстрирована на примерах президентских резиден­ций Турции, памятников Т. Шевченко, а изменение информационного наполнения объекта - площади Согласия и Вандомской колонны. ; Problem setting. The architecture has the powerful potential of impact on political consciousness of citizens. This role is reinforced due to the development of high technologies, growing data streams, etc. The policy of national memory in Ukraine is the testimony of this phenomenon.Recent research and publications analysis. The researches, devoted to the relations between the architecture and politics, including the problem of human rights, are spread recently. The studying of architecture impact on formation of symbolic policy, are spread within Urban Studies. O. Hatherley, S. Low et al. study the impact of city squares on political communications. The significant contribution into study on impact of architecture on social relations was made by neuropsychologist C. Ellard. Some researchers have analyzed the political the political aspects of the government institutions architecture. N. Khoma develops the theoretical principles for political Urban Studies in Ukraine. However, there are the contradictions in national researches; they often pay attention only to reflection of tendencies for political development in architecture.Paper objective. The paper objective is to analyze the mutual impact of architecture and social political relations, in particular, architecture ability not only to reflect the tendencies in social political development but to impact on them.Paper main body. A symbol not only represents the social actuality, it is such actuality and it forms it within dynamic aspect. This stipulates not only the propagandist but social organizing functions of architecture. Hereby, the architectural objects produce the senses, which their creators have not anticipated. Moreover, they can change the symbolic load with time. The mechanism to form the actuality through symbolization is the embodiment of new sense into symbolic object by its consumer, and the discrepancies in perception relate to different social positioning of consumers. The theoretical substantiation of these phenomena is the concept by M. McLuhan, in particular, his principle according to which the medium is the message the medium is amputated from its creator. As a result of this, the architecture can refer to other actuality, namely to society with its range of persuasions, emotions, etc.The history of president's residencies in Turkey is analyzed in the paper as the example for impact of form on development of political relations. Moving of the President to the new residence was preceded to constitutional implementation of president's government. Place de la Concorde and Vendome Column in Paris were chosen as the example for change in information content of architectural objects. The authors explain the discrepancies in shapes for T. Shevchenko monuments in Ukraine with discrepancies in concepts of nation, which are defended by different regional communities in Ukraine.Conclusions of the research. The authors refer the perspectives for researches on role of architecture in formation ofpolitical relations to accumulation of actual material both as to symbolization of certain architectural elements and mechanisms to form the senses of architectural spaces.

Сучасні тенденції обумовлюють значну роль візуалізаційного механізму симво­лічної політики. Символ не лише репрезентує дійсність, він тотожний їй. Механіз­мом її формування визначено сприйняття символічного об'єкту, обумовлене соціальним позиціонуванням. Зв'язок архітектури та політики продемонстровано на прикладах президентських резиденцій Туреччини, пам'ятників Т. Шевченку, а змі­ну інформаційного наповнення об'єкту - площі Згоди та Вандомської колони. ; Современные тенденции обусловливают значительную роль визуализационного механизма символической политики. Символ не только представляет действитель­ность, он тождественен ей. Механизмом ее формирования определено восприятие символического объекта, обусловленное социальным позиционированием. Связь архитектуры и политики продемонстрирована на примерах президентских резиден­ций Турции, памятников Т. Шевченко, а изменение информационного наполнения объекта - площади Согласия и Вандомской колонны. ; Problem setting. The architecture has the powerful potential of impact on political consciousness of citizens. This role is reinforced due to the development of high technologies, growing data streams, etc. The policy of national memory in Ukraine is the testimony of this phenomenon.Recent research and publications analysis. The researches, devoted to the relations between the architecture and politics, including the problem of human rights, are spread recently. The studying of architecture impact on formation of symbolic policy, are spread within Urban Studies. O. Hatherley, S. Low et al. study the impact of city squares on political communications. The significant contribution into study on impact of architecture on social relations was made by neuropsychologist C. Ellard. Some researchers have analyzed the political the political aspects of the government institutions architecture. N. Khoma develops the theoretical principles for political Urban Studies in Ukraine. However, there are the contradictions in national researches; they often pay attention only to reflection of tendencies for political development in architecture.Paper objective. The paper objective is to analyze the mutual impact of architecture and social political relations, in particular, architecture ability not only to reflect the tendencies in social political development but to impact on them.Paper main body. A symbol not only represents the social actuality, it is such actuality and it forms it within dynamic aspect. This stipulates not only the propagandist but social organizing functions of architecture. Hereby, the architectural objects produce the senses, which their creators have not anticipated. Moreover, they can change the symbolic load with time. The mechanism to form the actuality through symbolization is the embodiment of new sense into symbolic object by its consumer, and the discrepancies in perception relate to different social positioning of consumers. The theoretical substantiation of these phenomena is the concept by M. McLuhan, in particular, his principle according to which the medium is the message the medium is amputated from its creator. As a result of this, the architecture can refer to other actuality, namely to society with its range of persuasions, emotions, etc.The history of president's residencies in Turkey is analyzed in the paper as the example for impact of form on development of political relations. Moving of the President to the new residence was preceded to constitutional implementation of president's government. Place de la Concorde and Vendome Column in Paris were chosen as the example for change in information content of architectural objects. The authors explain the discrepancies in shapes for T. Shevchenko monuments in Ukraine with discrepancies in concepts of nation, which are defended by different regional communities in Ukraine.Conclusions of the research. The authors refer the perspectives for researches on role of architecture in formation ofpolitical relations to accumulation of actual material both as to symbolization of certain architectural elements and mechanisms to form the senses of architectural spaces.

The weekend before Christmas 2018, the United States government began its longest shutdown in history, which extended well into the new year. The crisis was the result of the ongoing legal controversies surrounding migratory rights and U.S. immigration policy, and following the shutdown, President Trump declared a national emergency at the southern border. The executive branch has a constitutional responsibility to enforce all U.S. laws. However, while the Trump administration has focused pointedly on executive branch enforcement of immigration and migratory laws at the southern border, it has made no effort to enforce an international treaty and three long-standing U.S. statutes protecting migratory birds. More than one thousand species of birds are legally protected by U.S. law, making it a criminal felony, punishable by up to two years jail time and fines of up to one-quarter million dollars, for killing even a single migratory bird. Despite these harsh penalties, hundreds of thousands of these statutorily protected birds are killed by wind power turbines in the U.S. each year. Wind power, however, is an indispensable tool to address global climate change for a multitude of reasons. For instance, wind power is an essential technology to reduce U.S. greenhouse gas emissions and to meet the goals the U.S. previously pledged as part of the international Paris Agreement of 2016. Wind power does not emit either carbon-dioxide ("CO2") or methane into the atmosphere, nor does it contribute to climate change. Further, wind power has been the leading source among all new electric power technologies installed in the U.S. for the past decade, and wind power is now cost-competitive with most other means of power generation. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security has also identified sixteen critical infrastructure sectors in the United States, each of which depends fundamentally on a stable power supply, a requirement that can be bolstered, if not achieved, by wind. Creating legal and economic implications for the power sector, the Trump administration announced its unilateral executive policy not to enforce the Migratory Bird Treaty Act ("MBTA"), a century-old statute that implements an eponymous treaty protecting migratory birds. The cessation of legal enforcement of the MBTA will decrease the costs of wind facilities, as the MBTA makes the killing of a single bird on any day a felony crime. There is now a yin and yang for wind power. Civil law is populated with important state and federal economic and legal incentives for wind power generation and infrastructure transition. Yet, federal investment tax incentives are currently being phased out and the newest tax regime is not nearly as supportive. In a parallel legal realm, criminal law creates an elevated risk for the decidedly modest number of wind turbines that kill an estimated one-quarter million protected birds annually in the U.S. There is a temporal mismatch between these federal criminal statutes, a transitory policy which does not enforce those laws, and civil law incentives for the industry. However, this criminal risk for wind facilities is not static; it changes with different occupants of the executive branch which enforces federal criminal law. There is an added dimension when the technology involved is not a mere substitute commodity, but is critical to mitigate global climate change. This confluence of competing factors requires reconciliation by legislative change, regulatory clarification, or judicial determination. This Article navigates several layers of this emerging technology- species conflict and its counterposed statutory objectives to chart a new direction in U.S. law.

This thesis undertakes a critical analysis of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities as contained within Article 14 of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). While both of these instruments contain guarantees of the right to liberty, their normative content is different and this therefore presents challenges for states that have ratified both treaties. Article 14 requires that any detention of an individual is not based on the existence of a disability whereas Article 5 expressly provides for the detention of an individual where they are found to be of 'unsound mind'. This thesis interrogates the construction of the right to liberty contained in both instruments. It sets out the drafting history of Article 14 of the CRPD, specifically focusing on the impact of the social model of disability on that provision, as well as the need to view the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities in the context of other provisions of the CPRD, particularly Articles 19 and 25. The jurisprudence of the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is then analysed, as are the differing interpretations of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities contained within the United Nations human rights architecture. Conclusions are drawn regarding how this conflict of interpretation of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities might be resolved. Article 5 of the ECHR is then discussed and the normative requirements of that provision are examined and contrasted with those of Article 14 of the CRPD. Countervailing factors which weigh against any reconciliation between the ECHR's construction of the right to liberty and that contained in Article 14 of the CRPD are discussed. The potential for harmonisation between these two norms is then analysed. Finally, Ireland is taken as a case study in order to assess the impact of both the CRPD and the ECHR on the practice of involuntary detention domestically, at both the judicial and legislative level. Conclusions are drawn regarding the constitutional requirements and judicial attitudes which have influenced the effect which these international instruments have had on both the case law and legislation in this area of law. This analysis demonstrates that the case law in this area exposes a failure on the part of the Irish judiciary to engage with the requirements of either Article 14 of the CRPD or Article 5 of the ECHR, choosing instead to decide cases based on questions of constitutionality or statutory interpretation. It is concluded that this judicial approach has generally led to the dominance of a paternalistic interpretation of the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities, despite reform of the law in this area by way of the Mental Health Act 2001. More recently, however, the potential for a domestically focused legal interpretation to also yield more rights-based interpretations of the right to liberty has become evident. This analysis also concludes that the impact of both the ECHR and the CRPD has been more evident in legislative and policy reform on the right to liberty of persons with psychosocial disabilities in Ireland. This has been particularly apparent in the case of the CRPD, which has been enthusiastically adopted by civil society organisations in their efforts to achieve reform in this area. In the case of Ireland, it is concluded that if greater cognisance of its international obligations are taken in the future, this will likely be focused on ECHR rather than CRPD compatibility.

Der Band "Zwischen Wirtschaft und Staat – Aspekte der Gesetzgebungsgeschichte und der Zusammenarbeit in der beruflichen Bildung" umfasst sowohl historische als auch aktuelle Diskussionen, die nicht unbedingt im berufsbildungswissenschaftlichen Fokus stehen. Der Beitrag "Keine Experimente. Zur Entwicklung des Rechts der dualen Berufsausbildung im 20. Jahrhundert" stellt eine fundierte Analyse der Entwicklung der deutschen Berufsbildungsgesetzgebung ab den 1920er Jahren dar. Die verschiedenen Gesetzentwürfe sowie realisierten Gesetze werden im Kontext der jeweiligen berufsbildungspolitischen und - soweit nachvollziehbar - auch der berufs- und wirtschaftspädagogischen Debatten der jeweiligen Zeit beschrieben, analysiert und kommentiert. Es wird ein Bild der Kontinuitäten aber auch Brüche in der Argumentation der zeitgeschichtlichen Berufsbildungspolitiken der unterschiedlichen Beteiligten gezeichnet. Anhand der gesellschaftlichen, wirtschaftlichen und berufsbildungspolitischen Interessenkontexte wird herausgearbeitet, ob für die jeweiligen Entwicklungen eher berufsbildungspolitische Interessen oder aber vorrangig bzw. ausschließlich wirtschaftspolitische Interessen determinierend waren. Die Verfasser gehen von der Hypothese aus, dass es sich in den Etappen nicht um jeweils neue Entwicklungen handelte, sondern eine im Mittelalter begründete Tradition fortgeschrieben wurde. Sie weisen nach, dass die Berufsausbildung, der erst zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt die Berufsschule zugefügt wurde, vor allem anhand wirtschaftlicher Interesse geregelt werden sollte. In dem Beitrag "Zusammenarbeit von Bund und Ländern in der Beruflichen Bildung nach 1969 – Komplexität, Hindernisse und Chancen" gehen die Verfasser aus fundierter Kenntnis der besonderen Bedeutung der Zusammenarbeit zwischen dem Bund und den Ländern aufgrund der jeweils grundgesetzlich formulierten Zuständigkeiten nach. Das Berufsbildungsgesetz von 1969 beschrieb nur rudimentär die Aufgaben des zweiten Partners der dualen Berufsbildung, der Berufsschule. Dies blieb der Ständigen Konferenz der Kultusminister KMK sowie den sie bildenden Ländern vorbehalten. Aufgrund der geteilten Zuständigkeit ergab sich die Notwendigkeit einer förmlichen und inhaltlichen Zusammenarbeit. Nachfolgend gibt es ein "Plädoyer für ein eigenständiges Forschungs- und Lehrgebiet "Recht und Ökonomie der Beruflichen Bildung", um eine bislang wenig beachtete Lücke in den Berufsbildungswissenschaften zu schließen. Sowohl das Recht als auch die ökonomischen Fragen sind derzeit nicht systematisch in wissenschaftlichen Institutionen bzw. an den Hochschulen abgebildet. Den Abschluss des Bandes bildet ein kritischer Beitrag über 25 Jahre Berufsbildungspolitik im geeinten Deutschland als brachliegendem Forschungsfeld. ; The volume "Zwischen Wirtschaft und Staat – Aspekte der Gesetzgebungsgeschichte und der Zusammenarbeit in der beruflichen Bildung" includes historical as well as current discourses which are not necessarily in the focus of vocational training sciences. The essay "Keine Experimente. Zur Entwicklung des Rechts der dualen Berufsausbildung im 20. Jahrhundert" is a fundamental analysis of the development in the German legislation of vocational education training (VET) since the 1920s. The different bills are described in the context of the political discourses for vocational education and training as well as in those of vocational educational sciences. It also contains descriptions, analyses and commentaries. It is a description of continuities and fractures in the argumentation of the contemporary history of VET politics by the different actors. On the basis of the social, economic and political contexts of vocational training, it is carved out, whether the respective developments have been determined by vocational education politics or rather primality – or even exclusively – economic politics. The authors start with the hypothesis that the different stages had and have not been new developments, but rather a tradition which has been carried on since the middle ages. They prove that VET to which VET schooling was added at a later point in time, was first regulated by economic interests. In the essay "Zusammenarbeit von Bund und Ländern in der Beruflichen Bildung nach 1969 – Komplexität, Hindernisse und Chancen" the authors follow the particular importance of the collaboration between the federal and regional governments on the basis of the respective constitutional responsibilities. This law for VET from 1969 described only very generally the role of the VET-school, which remained the responsibility of the "The Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs of the Länder in the Federal Republic of Germany". On behalf of the divided responsibility the necessity of a formal and contention cooperation emerged. Subsequently, a "Plädoyer für ein eigenständiges Forschungs- und Lehrgebiet "Recht und Ökonomie der Beruflichen Bildung" has been included to close a rarely observed missing link in the VET sciences. Both the law as well as the economic questions are currently not represented in the special scientist institutes and universities. The volume is concluded by a critical article about 25 years of VET politics in the unified Germany as an unknown/unattended field of VET research.

Danışman: Alihan Limoncuoğlu. ; Bu çalışmada referandumun tarihsel süreç içerisindeki yeri ele alınmıştır. Referandumun kökeni araştırılarak; hangi ülkelerde, ne zaman başvurulduğuna bakılmış ve demokrasi ile ilişkisi incelenmiştir. Türkiye'de yapılan Referandumlar ele alınarak olaylar kronolojik sıralama ile analiz edilmiş ve hangi siyasi aşamalardan sonra kabul edildiğine bakılmıştır. Özelikle askeri darbeler sonucunda hazırlanan yeni anayasa maddelerinin kabulü için halk oylamasına gidilmesi nedeniyle plebisit özeliği taşıdığı görülmüştür. Bu doğrultuda plebisit ve referandum karşılaştırılması yapılmıştır. 1961 yılından 2018'e kadar toplam yedi halk oylaması yapılmıştır. Yapılan bu referandumların üçü Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde gerçekleştirilmiştir. En son yapılan (16 Nisan 2017) referandum ile de Türkiye'deki hükümet şekli değişmiş, parlamenter sistem kaldırılarak yerine 'Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi' getirilmiştir. Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde üç kez referandum yapılmıştır. Yapılan bu Referandumların hepsi halkın çoğunluğu tarafından kabul edilmiştir. Bu nedenle Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin elde ettiği büyük toplumsal desteği açıklamak için Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin Yeni Sağ ile ilişkisi incelenmiştir. Türkiye özelinde bu ilişkinin araştırılması için ise, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin Neo-liberalizm ile nasıl bir bağ kurduğu ve bu bağın temsili demokrasi açısından olası sonuçları tartışılmıştır. Bu çalışma ün ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlk bölümde demokrasi tanımı, çeşitleri ve referandumun tarihçesi incelenerek teorik bir çerçeve çizilmiştir. İkinci bölümde ise Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde referandumun değişen anlamı ve 70'lerin Yeni Sağ ile ilişkisi incelenmiştir. Son bölümde ise: Türkiye'de yapılan referandumlar ve bu referandumlara gidilen süreçler incelenmiştir. Bu çalışma genellikle literatür taraması yapılarak teorik bir analizle ortaya konulmuştur. Bölümler arasında; araştırmanın konusu, amacı, problemi, kapsamı ve metodu hakkında genel bilgiler verilmiştir. ; This study deal with the importance of the referendum in the historical process. By looking at the origin of the referendum, the countries in which it was first applied in the world and when it was held were researched and the relationship with democracy was examined. Referendums held in Turkey were analyzed in chronological order by considering the events and has been examined which political steps were followed. Particularly for the acceptance of new constitutional articles prepared as a result of the military coup, it has been seen that the public vote has the plebiscit character. In this direction, İt has been compared plebiscite and referendum. A total of seven referendums were held from 1961 to 2018. Only, three of them were held during the Justice and Development Party period. The most recent one (April 16, 2017) has changed the form of government in Turkey as the parliamentary system has been abolished and replaced with the 'Presidential Government System'. Three referendums were held during the Justice and Development Party period and each referendum was accepted by the majority of the people. For this reason, the relationship between the Justice and Development Party and the New Right has been examined in order to explain the great social support achieved by the Justice and Development Party. To investigate this relationship in Turkey, It has been discussed that How the Justice and Development Party links Neo-liberalism and what are the possible consequences for democracy in the form of this bond. This study consists of three main parts. In the first part, a theoretical framework was drawn by examining the definition of democracy, its varieties and the history of the Referendum. In the second part, the changing meaning of the referendum and its relation with the new right have been examined during the Justice and Development Party period. In the last chapter, It has been examined that the referendum held in Turkey and the referendum process. This study is usually done through a literature review and a theoretical analysis. In the framework of the research, given that the general information about the subject and purpose, problem, scope and method of the research.

The present text outlines the genesis and evolution of the modern appreciation of the landscape in Catalonia, from the mid 19th century to the present. In order to better understand this evolution, four stages are established. The first stage, which stretches from the end of the 19th century to the Spanish Civil War, is of great importance for its seminal nature and the close connection between the cultural and symbolic appreciation of the landscape and the origins of Catalanist thought. The second refers to the Franco period, marked by the practical disappearance of any interpretation of the landscape linked to political Catalanism. The third stage spans from the first years of democracy until the breakdown of constitutional consensus at the beginning of the 21st century, and the fourth and current phase is closely related to the paradigm shift introduced by a civil society that vindicates, among other rights, that of self-determination. The article shows that, in one way or another, the appreciation of the landscape in Catalonia has always had a connotation of identity issues and reassertion of a distinct and differentiated personality, and has always been conceived as the result of a long and distant process of historicity of territory and territorialisation of history ; El presente texto esboza la génesis y la evolución de la valoración moderna del paisaje en Cataluña, desde mediados del siglo XIX hasta el presente. Para entender mejor dicha evolución se han establecido cuatro etapas. La primera etapa, la que va de finales del siglo XIX hasta la Guerra Civil española, es de gran relevancia por su carácter seminal y por la estrecha conexión de la valoración cultural y simbólica del paisaje con los orígenes del pensamiento catalanista. La segunda se refiere al período franquista y en ella prácticamente desaparece cualquier interpretación del paisaje que se vincule al catalanismo político. La tercera etapa va de los primeros años de la democracia hasta la quiebra del consenso constitucional, a principios de los años 2000, y la cuarta etapa, la actual, está estrechamente relacionada con el cambio de paradigma impulsado por una sociedad civil que reclama, entre otros derechos, el de autodeterminación. El artículo muestra que, de una manera u otra, la valorización del paisaje en Cataluña ha tenido siempre una connotación identitaria y de reafirmación de una personalidad propia y diferenciada y ha sido siempre concebido como el resultado de un largo y lejano proceso de historicidad del territorio y de territorialización de la historia ; Le présent article évoque la genèse et l'évolution de l'appréciation moderne du paysage en Catalogne, depuis la moitié du XIXe siècle jusqu'à nos jours. Afin de mieux appréhender cette évolution, quatre étapes ont été identifiées. La première, qui s'étend depuis la fin du XIXe siècle jusqu'à la Guerre d'Espagne, est déterminante par sa nature originelle et les liens étroits entre l'approche culturelle et symbolique du paysage et les origines de la pensée catalaniste. La deuxième correspond à la dictature franquiste, période au cours de laquelle disparaît toute forme d'interprétation du paysage liée au catalanisme politique. La troisième étape démarre avec le retour à la démocratie et prend fin au début des années 2000, quand le consensus autour de la Constitution espagnole commence à s'éroder. Enfin, la quatrième étape, l'actuelle, est étroitement liée au changement de paradigme promu par une société civile qui réclame notamment le droit à l'autodétermination. L'article montre que d'une façon ou d'une autre, l'appréciation du paysage en Catalogne a toujours eu une connotation identitaire et de réaffirmation d'une personnalité distincte, et qu'elle a toujours été conçue comme le résultat d'un très long processus d'historialisation du territoire et de territorialisation de l'histoire

The present text outlines the genesis and evolution of the modern appreciation of the landscape in Catalonia, from the mid 19th century to the present. In order to better understand this evolution, four stages are established. The first stage, which stretches from the end of the 19th century to the Spanish Civil War, is of great importance for its seminal nature and the close connection between the cultural and symbolic appreciation of the landscape and the origins of Catalanist thought. The second refers to the Franco period, marked by the practical disappearance of any interpretation of the landscape linked to political Catalanism. The third stage spans from the first years of democracy until the breakdown of constitutional consensus at the beginning of the 21st century, and the fourth and current phase is closely related to the paradigm shift introduced by a civil society that vindicates, among other rights, that of self-determination. The article shows that, in one way or another, the appreciation of the landscape in Catalonia has always had a connotation of identity issues and reassertion of a distinct and differentiated personality, and has always been conceived as the result of a long and distant process of historicity of territory and territorialisation of history ; El presente texto esboza la génesis y la evolución de la valoración moderna del paisaje en Cataluña, desde mediados del siglo XIX hasta el presente. Para entender mejor dicha evolución se han establecido cuatro etapas. La primera etapa, la que va de finales del siglo XIX hasta la Guerra Civil española, es de gran relevancia por su carácter seminal y por la estrecha conexión de la valoración cultural y simbólica del paisaje con los orígenes del pensamiento catalanista. La segunda se refiere al período franquista y en ella prácticamente desaparece cualquier interpretación del paisaje que se vincule al catalanismo político. La tercera etapa va de los primeros años de la democracia hasta la quiebra del consenso constitucional, a principios de los años 2000, y la cuarta etapa, la actual, está estrechamente relacionada con el cambio de paradigma impulsado por una sociedad civil que reclama, entre otros derechos, el de autodeterminación. El artículo muestra que, de una manera u otra, la valorización del paisaje en Cataluña ha tenido siempre una connotación identitaria y de reafirmación de una personalidad propia y diferenciada y ha sido siempre concebido como el resultado de un largo y lejano proceso de historicidad del territorio y de territorialización de la historia ; Le présent article évoque la genèse et l'évolution de l'appréciation moderne du paysage en Catalogne, depuis la moitié du XIXe siècle jusqu'à nos jours. Afin de mieux appréhender cette évolution, quatre étapes ont été identifiées. La première, qui s'étend depuis la fin du XIXe siècle jusqu'à la Guerre d'Espagne, est déterminante par sa nature originelle et les liens étroits entre l'approche culturelle et symbolique du paysage et les origines de la pensée catalaniste. La deuxième correspond à la dictature franquiste, période au cours de laquelle disparaît toute forme d'interprétation du paysage liée au catalanisme politique. La troisième étape démarre avec le retour à la démocratie et prend fin au début des années 2000, quand le consensus autour de la Constitution espagnole commence à s'éroder. Enfin, la quatrième étape, l'actuelle, est étroitement liée au changement de paradigme promu par une société civile qui réclame notamment le droit à l'autodétermination. L'article montre que d'une façon ou d'une autre, l'appréciation du paysage en Catalogne a toujours eu une connotation identitaire et de réaffirmation d'une personnalité distincte, et qu'elle a toujours été conçue comme le résultat d'un très long processus d'historialisation du territoire et de territorialisation de l'histoire

El presente texto esboza la génesis y la evolución de la valoración moderna del paisaje en Cataluña, desde mediados del siglo XIX hasta el presente. Para entender mejor dicha evolución se han establecido cuatro etapas. La primera etapa, la que va de finales del siglo XIX hasta la Guerra Civil española, es de gran relevancia por su carácter seminal y por la estrecha conexión de la valoración cultural y simbólica del paisaje con los orígenes del pensamiento catalanista. La segunda se refiere al período franquista y en ella prácticamente desaparece cualquier interpretación del paisaje que se vincule al catalanismo político. La tercera etapa va de los primeros años de la democracia hasta la quiebra del consenso constitucional, a principios de los años 2000, y la cuarta etapa, la actual, está estrechamente relacionada con el cambio de paradigma impulsado por una sociedad civil que reclama, entre otros derechos, el de autodeterminación. El artículo muestra que, de una manera u otra, la valorización del paisaje en Cataluña ha tenido siempre una connotación identitaria y de reafirmación de una personalidad propia y diferenciada y ha sido siempre concebido como el resultado de un largo y lejano proceso de historicidad del territorio y de territorialización de la historia. ; The present text outlines the genesis and evolution of the modern appreciation of the landscape in Catalonia, from the mid 19th century to the present. In order to better understand this evolution, four stages are established. The first stage, which stretches from the end of the 19th century to the Spanish Civil War, is of great importance for its seminal nature and the close connection between the cultural and symbolic appreciation of the landscape and the origins of Catalanist thought. The second refers to the Franco period, marked by the practical disappearance of any interpretation of the landscape linked to political Catalanism. The third stage spans from the first years of democracy until the breakdown of constitutional consensus at the beginning of the 21st century, and the fourth and current phase is closely related to the paradigm shift introduced by a civil society that vindicates, among other rights, that of self-determination. The article shows that, in one way or another, the appreciation of the landscape in Catalonia has always had a connotation of identity issues and reassertion of a distinct and differentiated personality, and has always been conceived as the result of a long and distant processof historicity of territory and territorialisation of history. ; Le présent article évoque la genèse et l'évolution de l'appréciation moderne du paysage en Catalogne, depuis la moitié du XIXe siècle jusqu'à nos jours. Afin de mieux appréhender cette évolution, quatre étapes ont été identifiées. La première, qui s'étend depuis la fin du XIXe siècle jusqu'à la Guerre d'Espagne, est déterminante par sa nature originelle et les liens étroits entre l'approche culturelle et symbolique du paysage et les origines de la pensée catalaniste. La deuxième correspond à la dictature franquiste, période au cours de laquelle disparaît toute forme d'interprétation du paysage liée au catalanisme politique. La troisième étape démarre avec le retour à la démocratie et prend fin au début des années 2000, quand le consensus autour de la Constitution espagnole commence à s'éroder. Enfin, la quatrième étape, l'actuelle, est étroitement liée au changement de paradigme promu par une société civile qui réclame notamment le droit à l'autodétermination. L'article montre que d'une façon ou d'une autre, l'appréciation du paysage en Catalogne a toujours eu une connotation identitaire et de réaffirmation d'une personnalité distincte, et qu'elle a toujours été conçue comme le résultat d'un très long processus d'historialisation du territoire et de territorialisation de l'histoire.

The objective of this study is to analyze the institutional normativity and political dynamics of the province of Tucumán (Argentina) during the decade of 1870, in the context of the tensions derived from the conformation of the Argentine State. This study in the ield of political history is centered in the analysis of the electoral practices of clubs and committees in the province of Tucumán and their "condescending" relations with working class sectors, without ignoring the central role achieved by the provincial and national State as producer of electoral normativity, as well as a principal actor in the elections. Another aspect of the work involves exploring the functioning of the clubs and committees and their relation with working class sectors, which were generally veriied from a "top to bottom" perspective, through intermediaries(overseers, judges and campaign managers) in a relationship that political historiography has identiied as passive, and whose principal goal was improving the eficacy of previously constructed networks of patronage. These elements allow anappreciation of the way in which in 1870, the incoporation of the leadership of the province of Tucuman into the national political order allowed for the coniguration of a dynamic of institutional stability, founded on respect for constitutional norms that constituted the system´s main source of legitimacy. ; El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la normativa institucional y la dinámica política de la provincia de Tucumán (Argentina) durante la década de 1870, en el marco de las tensiones derivadas de la conformación del Estado argentino. El artículo está centrado en el análisis de las prácticas electorales de los clubes y comités de la provinciade Tucumán y sus relaciones "hacia abajo" con los sectores populares, lo que no implica desconocer el rol central que desempeñó el Estado provincial y nacional, no sólo como productor de la normativa electoral, sino también como actor que participaba activamente en las elecciones. Otro aspecto del trabajo explora el funcionamiento de los clubes y comités y sus relaciones con los sectores populares, que generalmente se veriicaron de arriba hacia abajo, a través de intermediarios(capataces, jueces y comisarios de campaña), en una relación que la historiografía política ha caliicado como pasiva y cuyo principal propósito era mejorar la eicacia de las redes clientelares construidas. Estos aspectos nos permiten apreciar cómo en 1870 la incorporación de la dirigencia de la provincia de Tucumán a un orden político nacional permitió conigurar una dinámica de estabilidad institucional, fundada en el respeto de las normas constitucionales que constituyeron la fuente principal de legitimidad del sistema. ; L'objectif de cet article est d'analyser les normes et les processus politiques de la province de Tucumán (Argentine) pendant la décennie 1870, dans le cadre des tensions découlant de la conformation de l'État argentin. L'article est axé sur l'analyse des pratiques électorales des clubs et des comités de la province de Tucumán, ainsi que sur les relations que ceux-ci entretenaient avec les secteurs populaires, cequi n'implique pas la méconnaissance du rôle central qui a joué l'État provincial et national, non seulement comme producteur des règlements électoraux, mais aussi comme acteur dynamique des élections. Un autre aspect du travail consiste à explorer le fonctionnement des clubs et des comités et leurs relations avec les secteurs populaires à travers des intermédiaires (contremaîtres, juges et commissaires decampagne), dans une relation qualiié par l'historiographie politique comme passive et dont le principal objectif était d'améliorer l'eficacité des réseaux clientélaires. Ces aspects nous permettent d'apprécier comment l'intégration des dirigeants de la province de Tucumán à l'ordre politique national en 1870, a permis un équilibre institutionnel, fondé sur le respect des normes constitutionnelles qui constituaientla principale source de légitimité du système.

Assessing the extreme profusion of legal and journalistic texts dealing with human rights in Arabic, the aim of this thesis is to retrace the history of those texts" translation and to highlight on the most important phasis of its evolution, at terminological, phraseological and ideological levels. This research has made us go back to nineteenth century Arab modernist intellectuals" productions. We recalled in Chapter 1 to the both historical and discursive contexts in which the concept of human rights was born. Then, we have presented a detailed description of the translations of three representative texts: the translations of the 1814 French Constitutional Charter by Rifâ"a Râfi " al-Tahtâwî (1801-1873), of the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Human being and the Citizen (DDHC) by Farah Antûn (1874-1922) and of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) by the United Nations translation services. Chapter 2 demonstrates that the translated texts always denote elements of contradiction or at least some contention between, on the one hand, the ideological motives at the heart of the drafting of the original texts and, on the other hand, the intellectual purposes of the translators. And in such context, Chapter 3 sticks to this point focusing this time on three translations of texts related to the same field but belonging to different genres: a political speech ("A new beginning", Barack Obama), a feature article (Human Rights Watch) and an extract from a survey(Amnesty International). We have highlighted the very complexity inherent to the status of translators of texts dealing with human rights. They, on the one hand, have to be conversant with linguistics, terminological and notional knowledge and, on the other hand, have to keep to traductive strategies (lexical and phraseological choices) in order not to misrepresent the designs of the source text (political, activist, informative .). ; Partant du constat de l"extrême profusion de textes juridiques et journalistiques relatifs aux droits humains traduits en arabe, nous avons voulu retracer l"histoire de la traduction de ce genre de textes et mettre en lumière les moments forts de son évolution, aux niveaux terminologique, phraséologique et idéologique. Cette recherche nous a fait remonter jusqu'aux productions d'intellectuels arabes modernistes du XIXème siècle. Nous avons rappelé dans le chapitre 1 les contextes à la fois historiques et discursifs qui ont vu ou fait naître le concept de droits de l'homme puis avons présenté une description détaillée des traductions de 3 textes de référence : les traductions de la Charte constitutionnelle française de 1814 par Rifâ"a Râfi" al-Tahtâwî (1801-1873), de la Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen de 1789 (DDHC) par Farah Antûn (1874-1922) et de la Déclaration Universelle des Droits de l'Homme (DUDH) de 1948 par les services de traduction de l"Onu. Dans le chapitre 2, nous avons cherché à montrer que les textes traduits laissaient toujours transparaître des contradictions ou une certaine concurrence entre, d"une part, les motivations idéologiques qui président à la rédaction des textes sources et, d"autre part, les motivations intellectuelles de leurs traducteurs. Toujours dans cette perspective, nous avons étudié, au chapitre 3, trois traductions de textes relatifs au domaine mais de genres différents: un discours politique («A new beginning», Barack Obama), un article spécialisé (Human Rights Watch) et un extrait de rapport (Amnesty International). Nous avons mis en avant la complexité du statut des traducteurs de textes relatifs aux droits humains qui doivent, d"une part, avoir des connaissances à la fois linguistiques, terminologiques et notionnelles, et, d"autre part, adopter des stratégies traductives (choix lexicaux et phraséologiques) qui respectent la visée du texte source (politique, militante, informative…).

Uno de los grandes cambios establecidos en la Constitución de 1991, y el principal dentro del sistema electoral, fue el establecimiento de la circunscripción nacional para la elección del Senado de la República. Como toda norma, tenía unos objetivos claros a la hora de su implementación que eran, sin duda alguna, visibles en las extensas discusiones dentro del proceso constituyente. Este artículo pretende evaluar uno de esos objetivos, específicamente el orientado a la búsqueda manifiesta de hombres y mujeres que forjasen proyectos políticos para todo el colectivo colombiano y que, al hacerlo, buscasen su elección en todo el territorio nacional y se autoconcibieran como líderes de toda la nación, superando el vínculo tradicionalmente regional que la historia ha visto pasar por el Senado en sus extensos 60 años de existencia. Para ello hemos sistematizado, descrito y analizado los resultados de los cinco eventos electorales que se han llevado a cabo para la elección del Senado desde 1991, con la ayuda de una revisión bibliográfica pertinente que permite comprender dichos resultados y ubicarlos en una esfera lógica de comportamiento de los candidatos escogidos en la circunscripción nacional. En este caso la explicación se inscribe dentro de la teoría de elección racional. ; --- One of the great changes established in the Constitution of 1991, and the main one within the electoral system, was the establishment of National Electoral District for the election of the Senate of the Republic. As with all laws, there were clear objectives at the time of its implementation that are, without doubt, visible in the extensive discussions within the constitutional process. This article intends, therefore, to evaluate one of these objectives, specifically the one focused on the public search for men and women who would forge political projects for Colombia as a whole and by doing so, would seek to be elected across the national territory and to design themselves as leaders of the whole country, thus overcoming the traditional regional links that history has seen pass through the Senate in its extensive 60 yeas of existence. In this light, the electoral results of the five electoral events that have taken place for the election of the Senate since 1991, have been automated, described, and analyzed, with the help of the relevant bibliographic review that allows to understand said results and place them within the logical sphere of the behavior of candidates chosen in the national district; in this case, the explanation is in line with the rational election theory. ; Uma das grandes mudanças estabelecidos na Constituição de 1991, e o principal dentro do sistema eleitoral, foi o estabelecimento da circunscrição nacional para a eleição do Senado da República. Como toda norma, tinha uns objetivos claros no momento de sua implementação que eram, sem dúvida, visíveis nas extensas discussões dentro do processo constituinte. Este artigo pretende avaliar um desses objetivos, especificamente o orientado à busca manifesta de homens e mulheres que forjassem projetos políticos para todo o coletivo colombiano e que, ao fazê-lo, buscassem sua eleição em todo o território nacional e se auto- concebessem como líderes de toda a nação, superando o vínculo tradicionalmente regional que a história tem visto passar pelo Senado em seus extensos 60 anos de existência. Para isso temos sistematizado, descrevido e analisando os resultados dos cinco eventos eleitorais que se têm levado a cabo para a eleição do Senado desde 1991, com a ajuda de uma revisão bibliográfica pertinente que permite compreender ditos resultados e localizá-los em uma esfera lógica de comportamento dos candidatos escolhidos na circunscrição nacional. Neste caso, a explicação inscreve-se dentro da teoria de eleição racional.

La presente tesis titulada Antropología de la participación política: estudio comparativo de las formas de interacción política en municipios de España y México puede ser considerada una obra singular en una triple dimensión: la interdisciplinariedad (se tratan conceptos de la Antropología, las Ciencias Políticas, la Sociología y la Historia); la interculturalidad dentro del área geográfica iberoamericana (los trabajos de campo se realizan en municipios ubicados en los territorios español y mexicano); la elección de la política como eje analítico central.Aspiramos dentro del marco teórico de la antropología política, a estudiar comparativamente las modalidades de participación político-electoral de los c iudadanos como actores fundamentales en un sistema político democrático. Las unidades de análisis van a ser las formas concretas de participación política, definidas como interacciones entre individuos ocupantes de determinados roles. El objetivo último es establecer una clasificación intercultural de contextos de participación la cual, en función de las condiciones socioeconómicas de los ciudadanos, tenga en cuenta, primero, las posibilidades de éstos de ocupar los citados roles, y segundo, la capacidad de influir en el proceso de toma de decisiones a partir de tales posiciones dentro del juego político.La metodología en la que se basa el presente estudio es la etnografía. Programamos una etnografía multisituada manera de estudiar fenómenos socioculturales no en un solo lugar, sino en varios- pero localizada el conocimiento del investigador siempre empieza por lo local-. Los trabajos de campo se desarrollan en España y después en México de la siguiente manera: Nava del Rey (Valladolid - Castilla y León), durante y entre las campañas de las elecciones municipales de mayo de 2003 y europeas de junio de 2004; Valle de Trápaga (Vizcaya; País Vasco), autonómicas de abril de 2005; y finalmente, Xico (Veracruz) y Jiquilpan de Juárez (Michoacán), elecciones a la presidencia de julio de 2006. ; The current thesis titled Anthropology of political participation: comparative study of the forms of political interaction in Spanish and Mexican villages can be considered a unique text in three ways: the interdisciplinary (we talk about Anthropology concepts, Political Science, Sociology and History); the inter-culturalism in the specific area of Iberoamerica (the fieldworks were developed in Spanish and Mexican countries); the choice of policy as analytical central axis.Resorting to the theories of Political Anthropology, we compare the five forms of political-electoral participation of citizens as main actors in constitutional democracies. The analysis items are going to be the concrete forms of political participation; we define those forms as interactions between people acting in several social roles. Our main goal is building an intercultural classification of participation contexts which, depending on the social and economic conditions of citizens, will take care on the possibilities of citizens on representing the social roles, and them, the capacity to influence in the political process using those roles inside the political game.The methodology of the current investigation is ethnography. We have developed a multi-placed but localized ethnography programme we study sociocultural phenomenons in several places but the knowledge of social scientist starts always in a local place-. The fieldworks have been developed in Spain and Mexico, in the villages of Nava del Rey (Valladolid - Castilla y León), during and between the campaign of the local elections on May, 2003 and European elections on June, 2004; Valle de Trápaga (Vizcaya; País Vasco), autonomic elections on April, 2005; and finally, Xico (Veracruz) and Jiquilpan de Juárez (Michoacán), campaign of the candidates to the federal Presidency on July, 2006.