Suchergebnisse

Background Payments to healthcare providers create a set of economic incentives that influence their behavior, considerations and decision-making. Diagnosis related groups (DRGs) incentivize hospitals to (a) increase the number of cases; (b) increase the income per patient; and (c) reduce costs per patient. For each incentive there may be positive and negative consequences. For example, increasing the number of cases is a positive consequence if the procedures are clinically desirable and appropriate, and if they contribute to reducing waiting times and improving the efficiency of the hospital. However, if the hospital carries out unnecessary or inappropriate procedures, the financial incentive produces a negative result. Responses to economic incentives have important consequences on the patients' clinical outcomes and the providers' financial stability. A principal-agent relationship occurs when one individual (the principal) engages another (the agent), and delegates decision-making power to the agent to perform a service on its behalf. Physicians are perfect agents if they are fully committed to their patients. However, the reality is more complex, and physicians have a range of commitments and considerations, such as their own financial well-being or their organizations' objectives of fiscal equilibrium or profit maximization. Physicians and hospital managers are employed by hospitals and are supposed to act in the interest of their employer. At the same time, they are consulted by patients to make treatment decisions on their behalf. Thus, hospital professionals are "dual agents" because they must reconcile patients' clinical needs and the best treatment available with economic considerations. These simultaneous commitments are sometimes compatible, but may collide or create dilemmas. In some situations, these may result in distorted decision-making or professional burnout, but in others, professionals may be able to fulfill at least some of these considerations. When handled poorly, misaligned considerations may lead to improper care or unbalanced finances. In 2010, the Israel Ministry of Health intensified the adoption of a local variant of DRGs, known as Procedure-Related Group (PRGs) based payments. The main difference between the methods is that while DRGs classify patients based on the main diagnosis, PRGs classify them based on the main procedure performed, and are not adjusted to case-mix or severity of case like DRGs. The PRG reform opened a window of opportunity to study these new economic incentives, and how they impact hospital activities and health professionals' considerations, decision-making, and behavior. The reform created a "natural experiment" that enabled comparison between "before with per diem payments" and "after with PRGs" at various levels. It also made possible a set of interesting comparisons between the Israeli PRG and other countries' DRG-based payments. Objectives This dissertation had four main objectives: 1. To analyze the effects of the PRG reform on hospital activities, as measured by the number of patients and lengths of stay at the ward level. 2. To examine the impact of the introduction of PRG-based payments on average length of stay (ALoS) at the procedure level. 3. To examine the impact of PRG payments from the perspectives of hospital professionals (managers and physicians). Specifically, the goal was to explore which economic incentives were created by the reform, how it affected admission and treatment decision-making, clinical practice, what changes occurred and how hospitals as organizations responded to the payment reform. 4. To examine how hospital professionals work to balance and reconcile clinical and economic considerations in their decision-making in two countries with activity-based payment systems. Methods A mixed-methods design was applied. Sections ‎5.1 and 5.2, which are quantitative, examined the effect of the adoption of PRGs on hospital activity as measured by number of patients and ALoS. We analyzed inpatient data provided by the Ministry of Health from all 29 public hospitals in Israel between 2005 and 2016. In section ‎5.1, the observations were made at the level of hospital wards, as proxies for clinical fields. We used difference-in-differences analyses, where the intervention group was surgical wards for which many PRG codes were created between 2010-2013, and the control group was surgical wards for which no PRG codes were created. In section 5.2 the unit of analysis was 14 procedures. We employed a mixed-effects duration analysis approach to address the strictly non-negative and right-skewed ALoS data. We opted for a Bayesian approach to estimate the relative change in ALoS. Since a quantitative analysis may not capture all the impacts of the payment reform, we expanded the data collection and analysis by applying a qualitative approach. In sections ‎5.3 and ‎5.4 we examined the perspectives of hospital professionals in terms of the effects of the PRGs' economic incentives and impact. Data were collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews with hospital directors (chief executive officers [CEOs] and chief financial officers [CFOs]), chief physicians and physicians in five Israeli and five German hospitals, purposefully sampled by maximum variation. The interviews were conducted between December 2017 and August 2018 in Israel, and between March and August 2019 in Germany. We interviewed 33 hospital professionals from Israel and 13 from Germany. We used thematic analysis that also involved intercoder reliability and triangulation. Results The findings detailed in section ‎5.1 revealed that discharges increased more in the control group wards (surgical wards for which no new PRG code was created) than in the intervention wards as a group (surgical wards where many new PRG codes were created). However, a more in-depth analysis of each intervention ward separately indicated that discharges increased in some, but decreased in other wards. The ALoS decreased more in intervention wards from 3.85 to 3.59 days, which represents 6%, compared to 1% in the control group. Difference-in-differences results suggested no causality between the PRG payment reform and changes in inpatient activity. The study reported in Section 5.2 showed that when refining the unit of analysis to procedures (instead of wards), the changes became more visible. Length of stay declined in half of the procedures analyzed, and in particular in six out of seven urological procedures. In these procedures, there was a 14% average reduction in ALoS, which ranged from 11% to 20%. In section ‎5.3, hospital professionals reported that the payment reform led to organizational changes such as increased transparency due to better reporting of activity and enhanced supervision of activities by the MoH and hospital managers. The interviewees also reported several steps taken in response. These included (1) shifting activities to afterhours and using operating rooms more efficiently to enable increased surgical activity; (2) reducing costs by shortening lengths of stay, as well as cost-consciousness in procurement; and (3) increasing revenues by improving coding and a more judicious selection of procedures. Respondents also reported moderating factors that reduced the effects of the reform. For example, organizational factors such as the public nature of hospitals or the (un)availability of healthcare resources did not always allow hospitals to increase the number of cases treated. In addition, conflicting incentives such as multiple payment mechanisms or the underpricing of procedures tended to blur the incentives of the reform. Finally, managers and physicians noted that they have many other considerations that outweigh economic issues. Compared to managers, clinicians were more careful with the economic incentives in their daily work. Extending the latter conclusion in section ‎5.3, section ‎5.4 reports on how hospital professionals, as "dual agents" attempt to re-equilibrate misaligned considerations in Israel and Germany. The focus was on dilemmas between clinical and economic considerations, and strategies to mitigate them. Hospital professionals report many situations in which activity-based payment incentives, proper treatment, and clinical and economic considerations are aligned. In this case, efficiency can be improved; e.g., by curbing unnecessary expenditures, or specializing in certain procedures. When considerations misalign, the hospital professionals identified a range of strategies that can contribute to reducing dilemmas in decision-making or reconciling competing considerations. These included 'reshaping management', such as planning the treatment ahead and improving the coding, and 'reframing decision-making', which involves working with averages and developing toolkits for decision-making. Discussion In this dissertation, we evaluated the direct and indirect impact of PRGs on providers; namely, both the hospital as an organization and its professionals. Through a case study of the hospital payment reform in Israel, we analyzed the economic incentives created and subsequent responses at different levels: the ward, the procedure, the manager and the physician. The quantitative analysis did not suggest causality between the PRG payment reform and changes in inpatient activity at the ward level. However, a more fine-grained analysis at the procedure level found decreases in ALoS in half of the procedures under consideration. This might have freed resources to treat more patients, which may have reduced waiting times. It may have been easier to reduce ALoS in the urological procedures since these had relatively long initial ALoS. The factors that may have hampered the effects of the reform as measured by the number of patients and ALoS emerged to reflect inadequate pricing of procedures, and conflicting incentives created by other co-existing hospital-payment components such as caps and retrospective subsidies. Stretched hospital resources may have also blunted the hospitals' ability to reduce ALoS. Secondly, the findings from the qualitative methodology indicated that PRG payments affected the organizational dynamics of the hospitals and altered decision-making on admission and treatment policies. The findings also unpacked potential explanations to the (apparently) mitigated effects of the payment reform in the quantitative analysis. The perspectives of a range of Israeli hospital professionals at various levels (CEOs, CFOs, ward directors, physicians) helped clarify that the potential effects were moderated by many other factors such as organizational characteristics, conflicting incentives, and other considerations that outweighed the economic issues. These explanations can also account for the inconclusive evaluations of payment reforms in other countries. Finally, the results suggested that the misalignment between economic and clinical considerations may not be necessarily negative if professionals manage to balance and reconcile them. Context is important in determining whether considerations are aligned or not. Reconciling strategies are fragile and can be easily disrupted as a function of the context. Creating toolkits for better decision-making such as clear criteria or clinical guidelines, planning the treatment course in advance to reduce waste, working with averages, and having interdisciplinary teams to think together about ways to improve efficiency can help mitigate the dilemmas of hospital professionals. Different actors had different approaches regarding reconciling strategies. While physicians focused more on the clinical practice and how to solve dilemmas at the patient level (e.g., reducing LoS), chief physicians could take into consideration the entire ward and "work with averages", and CEOs could rethink the coding policy. Yet, professionals in all roles developed strategies to mitigate dilemmas. Similarly, in some cases, actors in the different countries had also different approaches and some reconciliation strategies depended on the context. For example, specialization in specific clinical fields was reported only by German participants in small hospitals. Israeli professionals are more used to work under pressure and resource constraints than their German colleagues, and are therefore less critical about "working faster". Yet, comparing Germany to Israel also highlights the fundamentally similar dilemmas faced by hospital professionals, despite different levels of resources, as well as commonalities in reconciliation strategies Conclusions and recommendations for policymakers Payment reforms for health providers such as hospitals need to consider the entire provider market, available resources, other – potentially conflicting – payment components, and the various parties involved and their interests. When designing and implementing payment reforms for health providers, policymakers need to pay attention to moderating factors that may blunt the reform's intended objectives. Economic incentives are important tools that shape hospital professionals' decision-making, but they are not the only ones. The commitment to the patients, their families, managerial needs and prestige are other considerations that matter. As "dual agents", managers and physicians may face difficult dilemmas when attempting to disentangle these considerations. Decision-makers and managers can help overcome these dilemmas, and support professionals to make optimal clinical and economic decisions. ; Hintergrund Zahlungen an Leistungserbringer im Gesundheitswesen beinhalten eine Reihe von ökonomischen Anreizen, die deren Verhalten, Überlegungen und Entscheidungen beeinflussen. DRGs setzen Anreize für Krankenhäuser, (a) die Anzahl der Fälle zu erhöhen; (b) die Einnahmen pro Patient zu erhöhen; und (c) die Kosten pro Patient zu senken. Alle diese Anreize können sowohl zu positiven als auch zu negativen Konsequenzen führen. Zum Beispiel ist die Erhöhung der Fallzahl eine positive Konsequenz, wenn die Eingriffe klinisch wünschenswert und richtig sind und wenn sie dazu beitragen, die Wartezeiten zu reduzieren und die Effizienz des Krankenhauses zu verbessern. Wenn das Krankenhaus jedoch unnötige oder unangemessene Eingriffe durchführt, dann hat der finanzielle Anreiz eine negative Folge. Eine Prinzipal-Agenten-Beziehung liegt vor, wenn eine Person (der Prinzipal) eine andere Person (den Agenten) beauftragt und dem Agenten die Entscheidungsbefugnis überträgt, eine Aufgabe in seinem Namen durchzuführen. Ärzte sind perfekte Agenten, wenn sie sich voll und ganz für ihre Patienten einsetzen. Die Realität ist jedoch komplexer, und Ärzte haben verschiedene Verpflichtungen und Überlegungen, wie z. B. ihr eigenes finanzielles Wohlergehen oder die Ziele ihrer Organisationen in Bezug auf finanzielles Gleichgewicht oder Gewinnmaximierung. Ärzte und Krankenhausmanager sind bei Krankenhäusern angestellt und sollen im Interesse des Arbeitgebers handeln. Gleichzeitig werden sie von Patienten konsultiert, um Behandlungsentscheidungen in deren Namen zu treffen. Damit sind Angestellte im Krankenhaus "duale Agenten", weil sie die klinischen Bedürfnisse der Patienten und die beste verfügbare Behandlung mit wirtschaftlichen Überlegungen in Einklang bringen müssen. Diese gleichzeitigen Verpflichtungen sind manchmal miteinander vereinbar, können aber auch kollidieren oder Dilemmata erzeugen. In manchen Situationen können Dilemmata zu einer verzerrten Entscheidungsfindung oder einem Burnout führen, aber in anderen Situationen können Angestellte in der Lage sein, die Überlegungen miteinander in Einklang zu bringen. Im Jahr 2010 verstärkte das israelische Gesundheitsministerium die Einführung einer lokalen Variante der DRGs, der Procedure-Related Groups (PRGs) basierten Vergütung. Die PRG-Reform eröffnete die Möglichkeit, die geschaffenen ökonomischen Anreize zu erforschen und zu untersuchen, wie sich diese auf die Aktivitäten der Krankenhäuser und die Überlegungen, Entscheidungen und das Verhalten des medizinischen Personals auswirken. Die Reform schaffte ein "natürliches Experiment", das einen Vergleich zwischen "vorher mit Tagespauschalen" und "nachher mit PRGs" auf verschiedenen Ebenen ermöglicht. Es erlaubt auch einen interessanten Vergleich zwischen der israelischen PRGs mit den DRG-basierten Vergütungssystemen anderer Länder. Zielsetzungen Diese Dissertation hat vier Hauptziele: 1. Die Analyse der Auswirkungen der PRG-Reform auf die Krankenhausaktivitäten, gemessen an der Anzahl der Patienten und der Verweildauer auf Stationsebene 2. Die Untersuchung der Auswirkungen der Einführung von PRG-basierten Vergütungen auf die durchschnittliche Verweildauer auf der Prozedurenebene 3. Die Untersuchung der Auswirkungen der PRG-Zahlungen aus der Perspektive der Krankenhausmitarbeiter (Manager und Ärzte). Insbesondere soll untersucht werden, welche ökonomischen Anreize die Reform schuf, wie sie die Aufnahme- und Behandlungsentscheidungen sowie die klinische Praxis beeinflusste, welche Veränderungen auftraten und wie Krankenhäuser als Organisationen auf die Vergütungsreform reagierten. 4. Die Untersuchung, wie Krankenhausfachkräfte klinische und ökonomische Überlegungen bei ihren Entscheidungen in zwei Ländern mit aktivitätsbezogenen Vergütungssystemen abwägen und miteinander in Einklang bringen. Methoden Ich habe verschiedene Methoden angewandt. Kapitel 5.1 und 5.2 basieren auf quantitativen Analysen und untersuchen den Effekt der Einführung von PRGs auf die Krankenhausaktivität, gemessen an der Anzahl der Patienten und der Aufenthaltsdauer. Wir analysierten stationäre Daten, die vom Gesundheitsministerium aus allen 29 öffentlichen Krankenhäusern in Israel für die Jahre 2005-2016 bereitgestellt wurden. In Kapitel 5.1 waren die Beobachtungseinheiten Krankenhausabteilungen. Wir verwendeten Difference-in-Difference-Analysen, wobei die Interventionsgruppe chirurgische Stationen waren, für die viele PRG-Codes zwischen 2010-2013 erstellt wurden, und die Kontrollgruppe chirurgische Stationen, für die keine PRG-Codes erstellt wurden. In Kapitel 5.2 waren die Einheit der Analyse 14 Prozeduren. Wir verwendeten einen Mixed-Effects-Duration-Analysis-Ansatz, um die streng nicht-negativen und rechtsschiefen Verweildauer-Daten (LoS) zu berücksichtigen. Wir haben uns für einen Bayes'schen Ansatz entschieden, um die relative Veränderung der LoS zu schätzen. Da die quantitative Analyse möglicherweise nicht alle Auswirkungen der Vergütungsreform erfasst, haben wir die Datenerhebung und -analyse durch die Anwendung eines qualitativen Ansatzes erweitert. In den Kapiteln 5.3 und 5.4 wurden die Perspektiven von Krankenhausfachleuten hinsichtlich der Auswirkungen der ökonomischen Anreize und Effekte der PRGs untersucht. Die Daten wurden durch halbstrukturierte Tiefeninterviews mit Krankenhausdirektoren (CEOs und CFOs), Chefärzten und Ärzten in fünf israelischen und fünf deutschen Krankenhäusern erhoben, die gezielt nach maximaler Variation ausgewählt wurden. Die Interviews fanden zwischen Dezember 2017 und August 2018 in Israel und zwischen März und August 2019 in Deutschland statt. Wir befragten 33 Krankenhausmitarbeiter aus Israel und 13 aus Deutschland. Wir verwendeten eine thematische Analyse und bezogen Intercoder-Reliabilität und Triangulation mit ein. Ergebnisse Die Ergebnisse aus Kapitel 5.1 zeigen, dass die Entlassungen auf den Stationen der Kontrollgruppe (chirurgische Stationen, für die kein neuer PRG-Code erstellt wurde) stärker zunahmen als auf den Stationen der Interventionsgruppe (chirurgische Stationen, auf denen viele neue PRG-Codes erstellt wurden). Eine verfeinerte Analyse jeder behandelten Station separat zeigt jedoch, dass die Entlassungen in einigen Stationen zunahmen, in anderen jedoch abnahmen. Die durchschnittliche Verweildauer (ALoS) nahm auf den Stationen der Interventionsgruppe stärker ab. Die Difference-in-Differences-Ergebnisse konnten keine Kausalität zwischen der PRG-Reform und den Veränderungen der stationären Aktivität nahelegen. Kapitel 5.2 zeigt, dass bei einer Verfeinerung der Analyseeinheit auf Prozeduren (anstelle von Stationen) die Veränderungen deutlicher sichtbar sind. Bei der Hälfte der analysierten Prozeduren ging der LoS zurück, insbesondere bei sechs von sieben urologischen Prozeduren. Bei diesen Prozeduren gab es eine durchschnittliche Reduzierung des LoS um 14%, die zwischen 11% und 20% lag. In Kapitel 5.3 berichteten die Krankenhausberufe, dass die Vergütungsreform zu organisatorischen Veränderungen wie erhöhter Transparenz und verbesserter Überwachung führte. Die Befragten berichteten auch über verschiedene Maßnahmen als Reaktion. Dazu gehörten (1) die Verlagerung von Aktivitäten in den Feierabend und die effizientere Nutzung von Operationssälen (OPs), um eine erhöhte chirurgische Aktivität zu ermöglichen; (2) die Reduzierung von Kosten durch Verkürzung der Verweildauer und Kostenbewusstsein bei der Beschaffung; und (3) die Steigerung der Erlöse durch verbesserte Kodierung und Auswahl von Verfahren. Die Befragten berichteten auch von moderierenden Faktoren, die die Auswirkungen der Reform reduzierten. Zum Beispiel erlaubten organisatorische Faktoren wie der öffentliche Charakter von Krankenhäusern oder die (Un-)Verfügbarkeit von Gesundheitsressourcen den Krankenhäusern nicht immer, die Anzahl der behandelten Fälle zu erhöhen. Auch widersprüchliche Anreize unterschiedlicher Vergütungsmechanismen oder die zu niedrig angesetzten Preise von bestimmten PRGs reduzierten die Anreize der Reform. Schließlich berücksichtigen Manager und Ärzte bei ihren Entscheidungen viele unterschiedliche Überlegungen, die die ökonomischen häufig überwiegen. Im Anschluss an die letzte Erkenntnis aus Kapitel 5.3 berichtet Kapitel 5.4 darüber, wie Krankenhausmitarbeiter in Israel und Deutschland als "duale Agenten" zwischen den unterschiedlichen Überlegungen abwägen. Der Fokus lag auf klinischen und ökonomischen Erwägungen und den verwendeten Strategien, um Dilemmata zwischen ihnen zu entschärfen. Krankenhausmitarbeiter berichten von vielen Situationen, in denen die Vergütung Anreize für eine angemessene Behandlung bietet und klinische und wirtschaftliche Überlegungen in Einklang stehen. Dies ist der Fall, wenn die Effizienz verbessert werden kann, z.B. durch die Eindämmung unnötiger Ausgaben oder die Spezialisierung auf bestimmte Verfahren. Für Situationen, in denen die klinischen und wirtschaftlichen Überlegungen nicht übereinstimmen, haben Krankenhausmitarbeiter eine Reihe von Strategien identifiziert, die dazu beitragen können, die gegensätzlichen Überlegungen in Einklang zu bringen. Diese Strategien beinhalten: 'Umgestaltung des Managements', wie z.B. die Planung der Behandlung im Voraus und die Verbesserung der Kodierung; und 'Reframing der Entscheidungsfindung', was die Arbeit mit Durchschnittswerten und die Entwicklung von Tool-Kits für die Entscheidungsfindung beinhaltet. Diskussion In dieser Dissertation habe ich die direkten und indirekten Auswirkungen von PRGs auf die Leistungserbringer untersucht, sowohl auf das Krankenhaus als Organisation als auch auf seine Fachkräfte. Anhand der Fallstudie der Krankenhausvergütungsreform in Israel analysierte ich die geschaffenen ökonomischen Anreize und die nachfolgenden Reaktionen auf verschiedenen Ebenen: der Station, dem Verfahren, dem Manager und dem Arzt. Die quantitative Analyse konnte keine Kausalität zwischen der PRG-Vergütungsreform und Veränderungen der stationären Aktivität auf der Stationsebene aufzeigen. Eine verfeinerte Analyse auf der Prozedurenebene fand jedoch bei der Hälfte der analysierten Prozeduren einen Rückgang der LoS. Dies könnte Ressourcen freigesetzt haben, um mehr Patienten zu behandeln, was die Wartezeiten reduziert haben könnte. Möglicherweise war es einfacher, die LoS bei den urologischen Prozeduren zu reduzieren, da diese ursprünglich relativ lange LoS aufwiesen. Faktoren, die die Auswirkungen der Reform, gemessen an der Anzahl der Patienten und der LoS, behindert haben könnten, sind nicht sachgerecht kalkulierte Preise und widersprüchliche Anreize, die durch andere, nebeneinander bestehende Komponenten der Krankenhausvergütung, wie z. B. Obergrenzen und rückwirkende Zuschüsse, geschaffen wurden. Angespannte Krankenhausressourcen könnten auch die Fähigkeit der Krankenhäuser, die LoS zu reduzieren, beeinträchtigt haben. Zweitens fand ich mit qualitativen Methoden heraus, dass die PRG-Zahlungen die organisatorische Dynamik der Krankenhäuser beeinflussten und die Entscheidungsfindung über die Aufnahme- und Behandlungspolitik veränderten. Die Ergebnisse dieser zweiten Analyse enthüllten auch mögliche Erklärungen für die (scheinbar) uneindeutigen Effekte der Vergütungsreform, die in der quantitativen Analyse berichtet wurden. Durch die Perspektiven von israelischen Krankenhausmitarbeitern aus verschiedenen Ebenen (CEOs, CFOs, Stationsleiter, Ärzte) verstanden wir, dass mögliche Effekte von vielen verschiedenen Faktoren wie organisatorische Eigenschaften, widersprüchliche Anreize und andere Überlegungen, die die wirtschaftlichen überwiegen, beeinflusst wurden. Diese Erklärungen können möglicherweise die Ergebnisse bestehender Evaluierungen von Vergütungsreformen in anderen Ländern erklären, in denen keine signifikanten Effekte festgestellt wurden. Schließlich habe ich gelernt, dass ein (scheinbarer) Konflikt zwischen ökonomischen und klinischen Erwägungen nicht zwangsläufig negativ ist, wenn es den Fachleuten gelingt, sie auszubalancieren und in Einklang zu bringen. Der Kontext ist wichtig, um festzustellen, ob die Überlegungen aufeinander abgestimmt sind oder nicht. Strategien zur Vereinbarkeit sind fragil und können je nach Kontext leicht gestört werden. Die Erstellung von Tool-Kits für eine bessere Entscheidungsfindung, die Planung des Behandlungsverlaufs im Voraus, die Arbeit mit Durchschnittswerten und interdisziplinäre Teams, die gemeinsam über Wege zur Verbesserung der Effizienz nachdenken, können dazu beitragen, die Dilemmata des Krankenhauspersonals zu mildern. Schlussfolgerungen und Empfehlungen für politische Entscheidungsträger Vergütungsreformen für Leistungserbringer wie Krankenhäuser müssen den gesamten Leistungserbringermarkt, die verfügbaren Ressourcen, andere - möglicherweise widersprüchliche - Vergütungskomponenten sowie die verschiedenen beteiligten Parteien und ihre Interessen berücksichtigen. Bei der Gestaltung und Umsetzung von Vergütungsreformen für Leistungserbringer muss die Politik auf moderierende Faktoren achten. Ökonomische Anreize sind wichtige Instrumente, die die Entscheidungsfindung von Krankenhausmitarbeitern beeinflussen, aber nicht die einzigen. Das Engagement für die Patienten, die Bedürfnisse des Managements und das Prestige sind weitere Überlegungen, die eine Rolle spielen. Als "duale Agenten" können Manager und Ärzte vor schwierigen Dilemmata zwischen diesen Überlegungen stehen. Entscheidungsträger und Manager können dazu beitragen, diese Dilemmata zu entschärfen, und die Fachkräfte dabei unterstützen, optimale klinische und wirtschaftliche Entscheidungen zu treffen.

Ambient Assisted Living (AAL) is an emerging multidisciplinary research area that aims to create an ecosystem of different types of sensors, computers, mobile devices, wireless networks, and software applications for enhanced living environments and occupational health. There are several challenges in the development and implementation of an effective AAL system, such as system architecture, human-computer interaction, ergonomics, usability, and accessibility. There are also social and ethical challenges, such as acceptance by seniors and the privacy and confidentiality that must be a requirement of AAL devices. It is also essential to ensure that technology does not replace human care and is used as a relevant complement. The Internet of Things (IoT) is a paradigm where objects are connected to the Internet and support sensing capabilities. IoT devices should be ubiquitous, recognize the context, and support intelligence capabilities closely related to AAL. Technological advances allow defining new advanced tools and platforms for real-time health monitoring and decision making in the treatment of various diseases. IoT is a suitable approach to building healthcare systems, and it provides a suitable platform for ubiquitous health services, using, for example, portable sensors to carry data to servers and smartphones for communication. Despite the potential of the IoT paradigm and technologies for healthcare systems, several challenges to be overcome still exist. The direction and impact of IoT in the economy are not clearly defined, and there are barriers to the immediate and ubiquitous adoption of IoT products, services, and solutions. Several sources of pollutants have a high impact on indoor living environments. Consequently, indoor air quality is recognized as a fundamental variable to be controlled for enhanced health and well-being. It is critical to note that typically most people occupy more than 90% of their time inside buildings, and poor indoor air quality negatively affects performance and productivity. Research initiatives are required to address air quality issues to adopt legislation and real-time inspection mechanisms to improve public health, not only to monitor public places, schools, and hospitals but also to increase the rigor of building rules. Therefore, it is necessary to use real-time monitoring systems for correct analysis of indoor air quality to ensure a healthy environment in at least public spaces. In most cases, simple interventions provided by homeowners can produce substantial positive impacts on indoor air quality, such as avoiding indoor smoking and the correct use of natural ventilation. An indoor air quality monitoring system helps the detection and improvement of air quality conditions. Local and distributed assessment of chemical concentrations is significant for safety (e.g., detection of gas leaks and monitoring of pollutants) as well as to control heating, ventilation, and HVAC systems to improve energy efficiency. Real-time indoor air quality monitoring provides reliable data for the correct control of building automation systems and should be assumed as a decision support platform on planning interventions for enhanced living environments. However, the monitoring systems currently available are expensive and only allow the collection of random samples that are not provided with time information. Most solutions on the market only allow data consulting limited to device memory and require procedures for downloading and manipulating data with specific software. In this way, the development of innovative environmental monitoring systems based on ubiquitous technologies that allow real-time analysis becomes essential. This thesis resulted in the design and development of IoT architectures using modular and scalable structures for air quality monitoring based on data collected from cost-effective sensors for enhanced living environments. The proposed architectures address several concepts, including acquisition, processing, storage, analysis, and visualization of data. These systems incorporate an alert management Framework that notifies the user in real-time in poor indoor air quality scenarios. The software Framework supports multiple alert methods, such as push notifications, SMS, and e-mail. The real-time notification system offers several advantages when the goal is to achieve effective changes for enhanced living environments. On the one hand, notification messages promote behavioral changes. These alerts allow the building manager to identify air quality problems and plan interventions to avoid unhealthy air quality scenarios. The proposed architectures incorporate mobile computing technologies such as mobile applications that provide ubiquitous air quality data consulting methods s. Also, the data is stored and can be shared with medical teams to support the diagnosis. The state-of-the-art analysis has resulted in a review article on technologies, applications, challenges, opportunities, open-source IoT platforms, and operating systems. This review was significant to define the IoT-based Framework for indoor air quality supervision. The research leads to the development and design of cost-effective solutions based on open-source technologies that support Wi-Fi communication and incorporate several advantages such as modularity, scalability, and easy installation. The results obtained are auspicious, representing a significant contribution to enhanced living environments and occupational health. Particulate matter (PM) is a complex mixture of solid and liquid particles of organic and inorganic substances suspended in the air. Moreover, it is considered the pollutant that affects more people. The most damaging particles to health are ≤PM10 (diameter 10 microns or less), which can penetrate and lodge deep within the lungs, contributing to the risk of developing cardiovascular and respiratory diseases as well as lung cancer. Taking into account the adverse health effects of PM exposure, an IoT architecture for automatic PM monitoring was proposed. The proposed architecture is a PM real-time monitoring system and a decision-making tool. The solution consists of a hardware prototype for data acquisition and a Web Framework developed in .NET for data consulting. This system is based on open-source and technologies, with several advantages compared to existing systems, such as modularity, scalability, low-cost and easy installation. The data is stored in a database developed in SQL SERVER using .NET Web services. The results show the ability of the system to analyze the indoor air quality in real-time and the potential of the Web Framework for the planning of interventions to ensure safe, healthy, and comfortable conditions. Associations of high concentrations of carbon dioxide (CO2) with low productivity at work and increased health problems are well documented. There is also a clear correlation between high levels of CO2 and high concentrations of pollutants in indoor air. There are sufficient reasons to monitor CO2 and provide real-time notifications to improve occupational health and provide a safe and healthy indoor living environment. Taking into account the significant influence of CO2 for enhanced living environments, a real-time IoT architecture for CO2 monitoring was proposed. CO2 was selected because it is easy to measure and is produced in quantity (by people and combustion equipment). It can be used as an indicator of other pollutants and, therefore, of air quality in general. The solution consists of a hardware prototype for data acquisition environment, a Web software, and a smartphone application for data consulting. The proposed architecture is based on open-source technologies, and the data is stored in a SQL SERVER database. The mobile Framework allows the user not only to consult the latest data collected but also to receive real-time notifications in poor indoor air quality scenarios, and to configure the alerts threshold levels. The results show that the mobile application not only provides easy access to real-time air quality data, but also allows the user to maintain parameter history and provide a history of changes. Consequently, this system allows the user to analyze in a precise and detailed manner the behavior of air quality. Finally, an air quality monitoring solution was implemented, consisting of a hardware prototype that incorporates only the MICS-6814 sensor as the detection unit. This system monitors various air quality parameters such as NH3 (ammonia), CO (carbon monoxide), NO2 (nitrogen dioxide), C3H8 (propane), C4H10 (butane), CH4 (methane), H2 (hydrogen) and C2H5OH (ethanol). The monitoring of the concentrations of these pollutants is essential to provide enhanced living environments. This solution is based on Cloud, and the collected data is sent to the ThingSpeak platform. The proposed Framework combines sensitivity, flexibility, and measurement accuracy in real-time, allowing a significant evolution of current air quality controls. The results show that this system provides easy, intuitive, and fast access to air quality data as well as relevant notifications in poor air quality situations to provide real-time intervention and improve occupational health. These data can be accessed by physicians to support diagnoses and correlate the symptoms and health problems of patients with the environment in which they live. As future work, the results reported in this thesis can be considered as a starting point for the development of a secure system sharing data with health professionals in order to serve as decision support in diagnosis. ; Ambient Assisted Living (AAL) é uma área de investigação multidisciplinar emergente que visa a construção de um ecossistema de diferentes tipos de sensores, microcontroladores, dispositivos móveis, redes sem fios e aplicações de software para melhorar os ambientes de vida e a saúde ocupacional. Existem muitos desafios no desenvolvimento e na implementação de um sistema AAL, como a arquitetura do sistema, interação humano-computador, ergonomia, usabilidade e acessibilidade. Existem também problemas sociais e éticos, como a aceitação por parte dos utilizadores mais vulneráveis e a privacidade e confidencialidade, que devem ser uma exigência de todos os dispositivos AAL. De facto, também é essencial assegurar que a tecnologia não substitua o cuidado humano e seja usada como um complemento essencial. A Internet das Coisas (IoT) é um paradigma em que os objetos estão conectados à Internet e suportam recursos sensoriais. Tendencialmente, os dispositivos IoT devem ser omnipresentes, reconhecer o contexto e ativar os recursos de inteligência ambiente intimamente relacionados ao AAL. Os avanços tecnológicos permitem definir novas ferramentas avançadas e plataformas para monitorização de saúde em tempo real e tomada de decisão no tratamento de várias doenças. A IoT é uma abordagem adequada para construir sistemas de saúde sendo que oferece uma plataforma para serviços de saúde ubíquos, usando, por exemplo, sensores portáteis para recolha e transmissão de dados e smartphones para comunicação. Apesar do potencial do paradigma e tecnologias IoT para o desenvolvimento de sistemas de saúde, muitos desafios continuam ainda por ser resolvidos. A direção e o impacto das soluções IoT na economia não está claramente definido existindo, portanto, barreiras à adoção imediata de produtos, serviços e soluções de IoT. Os ambientes de vida são caracterizados por diversas fontes de poluentes. Consequentemente, a qualidade do ar interior é reconhecida como uma variável fundamental a ser controlada de forma a melhorar a saúde e o bem-estar. É importante referir que tipicamente a maioria das pessoas ocupam mais de 90% do seu tempo no interior de edifícios e que a má qualidade do ar interior afeta negativamente o desempenho e produtividade. É necessário que as equipas de investigação continuem a abordar os problemas de qualidade do ar visando a adoção de legislação e mecanismos de inspeção que atuem em tempo real para a melhoraria da saúde e qualidade de vida, tanto em locais públicos como escolas e hospitais e residências particulares de forma a aumentar o rigor das regras de construção de edifícios. Para tal, é necessário utilizar mecanismos de monitorização em tempo real de forma a possibilitar a análise correta da qualidade do ambiente interior para garantir ambientes de vida saudáveis. Na maioria dos casos, intervenções simples que podem ser executadas pelos proprietários ou ocupantes da residência podem produzir impactos positivos substanciais na qualidade do ar interior, como evitar fumar em ambientes fechados e o uso correto de ventilação natural. Um sistema de monitorização e avaliação da qualidade do ar interior ajuda na deteção e na melhoria das condições ambiente. A avaliação local e distribuída das concentrações químicas é significativa para a segurança (por exemplo, deteção de fugas de gás e supervisão dos poluentes) bem como para controlar o aquecimento, ventilação, e sistemas de ar condicionado (HVAC) visando a melhoria da eficiência energética. A monitorização em tempo real da qualidade do ar interior fornece dados fiáveis para o correto controlo de sistemas de automação de edifícios e deve ser assumida com uma plataforma de apoio à decisão no que se refere ao planeamento de intervenções para ambientes de vida melhorados. No entanto, os sistemas de monitorização atualmente disponíveis são de alto custo e apenas permitem a recolha de amostras aleatórias que não são providas de informação temporal. A maioria das soluções disponíveis no mercado permite apenas a acesso ao histórico de dados que é limitado à memória do dispositivo e exige procedimentos de download e manipulação de dados com software proprietário. Desta forma, o desenvolvimento de sistemas inovadores de monitorização ambiente baseados em tecnologias ubíquas e computação móvel que permitam a análise em tempo real torna-se essencial. A Tese resultou na definição e no desenvolvimento de arquiteturas para monitorização da qualidade do ar baseadas em IoT. Os métodos propostos são de baixo custo e recorrem a estruturas modulares e escaláveis para proporcionar ambientes de vida melhorados. As arquiteturas propostas abordam vários conceitos, incluindo aquisição, processamento, armazenamento, análise e visualização de dados. Os métodos propostos incorporam Frameworks de gestão de alertas que notificam o utilizador em tempo real e de forma ubíqua quando a qualidade do ar interior é deficiente. A estrutura de software suporta vários métodos de notificação, como notificações remotas para smartphone, SMS (Short Message Service) e email. O método usado para o envio de notificações em tempo real oferece várias vantagens quando o objetivo é alcançar mudanças efetivas para ambientes de vida melhorados. Por um lado, as mensagens de notificação promovem mudanças de comportamento. De facto, estes alertas permitem que o gestor do edifício e os ocupantes reconheçam padrões da qualidade do ar e permitem também um correto planeamento de intervenções de forma evitar situações em que a qualidade do ar é deficiente. Por outro lado, o sistema proposto incorpora tecnologias de computação móvel, como aplicações móveis, que fornecem acesso omnipresente aos dados de qualidade do ar e, consequentemente, fornecem soluções completas para análise de dados. Além disso, os dados são armazenados e podem ser partilhados com equipas médicas para ajudar no diagnóstico. A análise do estado da arte resultou na elaboração de um artigo de revisão sobre as tecnologias, aplicações, desafios, plataformas e sistemas operativos que envolvem a criação de arquiteturas IoT. Esta revisão foi um trabalho fundamental na definição das arquiteturas propostas baseado em IoT para a supervisão da qualidade do ar interior. Esta pesquisa conduz a um desenvolvimento de arquiteturas IoT de baixo custo com base em tecnologias de código aberto que operam como um sistema Wi-Fi e suportam várias vantagens, como modularidade, escalabilidade e facilidade de instalação. Os resultados obtidos são muito promissores, representando uma contribuição significativa para ambientes de vida melhorados e saúde ocupacional. O material particulado (PM) é uma mistura complexa de partículas sólidas e líquidas de substâncias orgânicas e inorgânicas suspensas no ar e é considerado o poluente que afeta mais pessoas. As partículas mais prejudiciais à saúde são as ≤PM10 (diâmetro de 10 micrómetros ou menos), que podem penetrar e fixarem-se dentro dos pulmões, contribuindo para o risco de desenvolver doenças cardiovasculares e respiratórias, bem como de cancro do pulmão. Tendo em consideração os efeitos negativos para a saúde da exposição ao PM foi desenvolvido numa primeira fase uma arquitetura IoT para monitorização automática dos níveis de PM. Esta arquitetura é um sistema que permite monitorização de PM em tempo real e uma ferramenta de apoio à tomada de decisão. A solução é composta por um protótipo de hardware para aquisição de dados e um portal Web desenvolvido em .NET para consulta de dados. Este sistema é baseado em tecnologias de código aberto com várias vantagens em comparação aos sistemas existentes, como modularidade, escalabilidade, baixo custo e fácil instalação. Os dados são armazenados numa base de dados desenvolvida em SQL SERVER e são enviados com recurso a serviços Web. Os resultados mostram a capacidade do sistema de analisar em tempo real a qualidade do ar interior e o potencial da Framework Web para o planeamento de intervenções com o objetivo de garantir condições seguras, saudáveis e confortáveis. Associações de altas concentrações de dióxido de carbono (CO2) com défice de produtividade no trabalho e aumento de problemas de saúde encontram-se bem documentadas. Existe também uma correlação evidente entre altos níveis de CO2 e altas concentrações de poluentes no ar interior. Tendo em conta a influência significativa do CO2 para a construção de ambientes de vida melhorados desenvolveu-se uma solução de monitorização em tempo real de CO2 com base na arquitetura de IoT. A arquitetura proposta permite também o envio de notificações em tempo real para melhorar a saúde ocupacional e proporcionar um ambiente de vida interior seguro e saudável. O CO2 foi selecionado, pois é fácil de medir e é produzido em quantidade (por pessoas e equipamentos de combustão). Assim, pode ser usado como um indicador de outros poluentes e, portanto, da qualidade do ar em geral. O método proposto é composto por um protótipo de hardware para aquisição de dados, um software Web e uma aplicação smartphone para consulta de dados. Esta arquitetura é baseada em tecnologias de código aberto e os dados recolhidos são armazenados numa base de dados SQL SERVER. A Framework móvel permite não só consultar em tempo real os últimos dados recolhidos, receber notificações com o objetivo de avisar o utilizador quando a qualidade do ar está deficiente, mas também para configurar alertas. Os resultados mostram que a Framework móvel fornece não apenas acesso fácil aos dados da qualidade do ar em tempo real, mas também permite ao utilizador manter o histórico de parâmetros. Assim este sistema permite ao utilizador analisar de maneira precisa e detalhada o comportamento da qualidade do ar interior. Por último, é proposta uma arquitetura para monitorização de vários parâmetros da qualidade do ar, como NH3 (amoníaco), CO (monóxido de carbono), NO2 (dióxido de azoto), C3H8 (propano), C4H10 (butano), CH4 (metano), H2 (hidrogénio) e C2H5OH (etanol). Esta arquitetura é composta por um protótipo de hardware que incorpora unicamente o sensor MICS-6814 como unidade de deteção. O controlo das concentrações destes poluentes é extremamente relevante para proporcionar ambientes de vida melhorados. Esta solução tem base na Cloud sendo que os dados recolhidos são enviados para a plataforma ThingSpeak. Esta Framework combina sensibilidade, flexibilidade e precisão de medição em tempo real, permitindo uma evolução significativa dos atuais sistemas de monitorização da qualidade do ar. Os resultados mostram que este sistema fornece acesso fácil, intuitivo e rápido aos dados de qualidade do ar bem como notificações essenciais em situações de qualidade do ar deficiente de forma a planear intervenções em tempo útil e melhorar a saúde ocupacional. Esses dados podem ser acedidos pelos médicos para apoiar diagnósticos e correlacionar os sintomas e problemas de saúde dos pacientes com o ambiente em que estes vivem. Como trabalho futuro, os resultados reportados nesta Tese podem ser considerados um ponto de partida para o desenvolvimento de um sistema seguro para partilha de dados com profissionais de saúde de forma a servir de suporte à decisão no diagnóstico.

This research aims to know the potential effect of Intellectual Capital Performance (ICP) to the intensity of Intellectual Capital Disclosure (ICD). The independent variables used in this research are the components of ICP that consists of Value Added Human Capital (VAHU), Value Added Capital Employed (VACA), and Structural Capital Value Added (SCVA) that is measured by using the Value Added Intellectual Coefficient (VAIC™). While, the dependent variable used in this research is ICD that measured by a disclosure index and relevant scoring system. Company size and leverage are also used in the regression model as moderating variables. One year annual reports (2017) of banking sector companies registered on the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) are analyzed in quantitative research type. The samples that listed on the IDX in 2017 are selected by using purposive sampling method with certain criteria and 33 banking sector companies are obtained. The analysis is made by multiple regression analysis and the data testing is conducted by using SPSS 22 and Eviews 9 which previously has been carried out the classic assumption test first. Results of this study indicate that: (1) Simultaneously, ICP component significantly affect ICD. However, each component of VAHU and SCVA does not significantly affect the ICD, only VACA significantly affects the ICD; (2) Simultaneously, with the moderation of company size, ICP does not significantly affect the ICD. Similarly, each component of VAHU, VACA and SCVA does not significantly affect ICD; and (3) Simultaneously, with the moderation of company leverage, ICP significantly affects ICD. However, each component of VAHU and SCVA does not significantly affect the ICD, only VACA significantly affects the ICD.Keywords: Intellectual Capital Performance (ICP), Intellectual Capital Disclosure (ICD), Value Added Human Capital (VAHU), Value Added Capital Employed (VACA), Structural Capital Value Added (SCVA).Abeysekera, I. (2010). The Influence of Board Size on Intellectual Capital Disclosure by Kenyan Listed Firms. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 11 (4), pp. 504-518.Abeysekera, I., & Guthrie, J. (2004). Human Capital Reporting in a Developing Nation. British Accounting Review, 36 (3), pp. 251-268.Aditya Reza, R. (2010). Pengaruh Gaya Kepemimpinan, Motivasi, dan Disiplin Kerja terhadap Kinerja Karyawan PT. Sinar Santosa Perkasa Banjarnegara. Semarang: Universitas Diponegoro.Agnes, U. (2008). Sebuah Tinjauan Akuntansi Atas Pengukuran dan Pelaporan Knowledge. The 2nd National Conference UKWMS. Surabaya.Al-Ali, N. (2003). Comprehensive Intellectual Capital Management. New Jersey, Hoboken: Wiley.Alfaih, M. (2016). The Effectiveness of Board of Directors' Characteristics in Mandatory Disclosure Compliance. Journal of Financial Regulation and Compliance, 24 (2), pp. 154-176.Alfraih, M. (2018). Intellectual Capital Reporting and Its Relation to Market and Financial Performance. International Journal of Ethics and Systems, 34 (3), pp. 266-281.Alwert, K., Bornemann, M., & Kivikas, M. (2004). Intellectual Capital Statement - Made in Germany. Berlin: Federal Ministry for Economics and Technology.Andriessen, D. (2004). Making Sense of Intellectual Capital: Designing a Method for the Valuation of Intangibles. Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth.Andriyanto, R., & Metalia, M. (2011). Perbandingan Tingkat Kelengkapan Mandatory Disclosure dan Voluntary Disclosure Informasi Akuntansi. Jurnal Akuntansi dan Investasi, 12 (1), pp. 15-35.Arjuwati, B. (2016). Pengaruh Kinerja Intellectual Capital Terhadap Intellectual Capital Disclosure pada Perusahaan yang Listing di Bursa Efek Indonesia. Padang: Kementerian Riset, Teknologi dan Pendidikan Tinggi Politeknik Negeri Padang.Ballow, J., Burgman, R., & Molnar, M. (2004). Managing for Shareholder Value: Intangibles, Future Value and Investment Decisions. Journal of Business Strategy, 25 (3), pp. 26-34.Barney, J. (1991). Firm Resources and Sustained Competitive Advantage. Journal of Management, 17 , pp. 99-120.Barney, J., & Arikan. (2001). The Resource-based View: Origins and Implications. Strategic Management Journal, 7 (16), pp. 124-188.Barney, J., & Clark, D. (2007). Resource-based Theory: Creating and Sustaining Competitive Advantage. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc.Bestivano, W. (2013). Pengaruh Ukuran Perusahaan, Umur Perusahaan, Profitabilitas, dan Leverage Terhadap Perataan Laba pada Perusahaan yang Terdaftar di BEI (Studi Empiris pada Perusahaan Perbankan di BEI). Padang: Universitas Negeri Padang.Boedi, S. (2008). Pengungkapan Intellectual Capital dan Kapitalisasi Pasar. Semarang: Universitas Diponegoro.Bontis, N., Keow, W., & Richardson, S. (2000). Intellectual Capital and Business Performance in Malaysian Industries. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 1 (1), pp. 85-100.Brigham, E., & Houston, F. (2001). Manajemen Keuangan. Jakarta: Erlangga.Brooking, A. (1996). Intellectual Capital: Core Assets for the Third Millennium Enterprise. London: Thomson Business Press.Bruggen, A., Vergauwen, P., & Dao, M. (2009). Determinants of Intellectual Capital Disclosure: Evidence from Australia. Management Decision, 47 (2), pp. 233-245.Cahyati, A. (2012). Intellectual Capital: Pengukuran, Pengelolaan dan Pelaporan. Jurnal Riset Akuntansi & Komputerisasi Akuntansi, 3 (1).Carlucci, D., Marr, B., & Schiuma, G. (2004). The Knowledge Value Chain: How Intellectual Capital Impacts on Business Performance. International Journal of Technology Management, 27 (6/7), pp. 575.Chen, M., Cheng, S., & Hwang, Y. (2005). An Empirical Investigation of the Relationship Between Intellectual Capital and Firm's Market Value and Financial Performance. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 6 (2), 159-176.Chu, S. K., Chan, K. H., & Wu, W. W. (2011). Charting Intellectual Capital Performance of the Gateway to China. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 12 (2), pp. 249-276.Connelly, C., Zweig, D., Webster, J., & Trougakos, J. (2012). Knowledge Hiding in Organizations. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 33, pp. 64-88.Cresswell, J. (2009). Research Design Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches (Third ed.). United States: SAGE Publications, Inc.Crilly, D., & Sloan, P. (2013). Autonomy or Control? Organizational Architecture and Corporate Attention to Stakeholders. Organization Science, 25, pp. 339-355.Deegan, C. (2004). Financial Accounting Theory. Sydney: McGraw-Hill Book Company.Denziana, A., & Yunggo, E. (2017). Pengaruh Profitabilitas, Struktur Aktiva, dan Ukuran Perusahaan Terhadap Struktur Modal Perusahaan pada Perusahaan Real Estate and Property yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia Tahun 2015. Jurnal Akuntansi & Keuangan, 8 (1), pp. 51-67.Dewi, D. (2010). Pengaruh Jenis Usaha, Ukuran Perusahaan dan Financial Leverage Terhadap Tindakan Perataan Laba Pada Perusahaan Yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia (Studi Empiris di Bursa Efek Indonesia). Semarang: Universitas Diponegoro.Donaldson, T., & Preston, L. (1995). The Stakeholder Theory of the Corporation: Concepts, Evidence, and Implications. Academy of Management Review, 20, pp. 65–91.Edvinson, L. (1997). Developing Intellectual Capital at Skandia. Long Range Planning, 30 (3), pp. 366-373.Edvinsson, L., & Malone, M. (1997). Intellectual Capital: Realizing your Company's True Value by Finding Its Hidden Brainpower. New York: Harper Business.Evans, T. G. (2003). Accounting Theory: Contemporary Accounting Issues . South-Western, Thomson, Australia.Fama, E., & Jensen, M. (1983). Separation of Ownership and Control. Journal of Law and Economics, 26 (2), pp. 301-325.Ferdinand, A. (2006). Metode Penelitian Manajemen. Semarang: Badan Penerbit Universitas Diponegoro.Freedman, M., & Jaggi, B. (2005). Global Warming, Commitment to The Kyoto Protocol, and Accounting Disclosures by The Largest Global Public Firms from Polluting Industries. The International Journal of Accounting, 40 , pp. 215-232.Freeman, R. (1984). Strategic Management: A Stakeholder Approach. Boston: Pitman.Freeman, R., & Reed. (1983). Stockholders and Stakeholders: A New Perspective on Corporate Governance. Californian Management Review, 25 (2), pp. 88-106.Freeman, R., Harrison, J., & Wicks, A. (2007). Managing for Stakeholders: Survival, Reputation, and Success. London and New Haven: Yale University Press.Garcia-Ayuso, M. (2002). Factor explaining the in ethical valuation of intangibles. Sevilla: Department of Accounting and Financial Economics, Universidad De Sevilla.Gates, S., & Langevin, P. (2010). Human Capital Measures, Strategy and Performance: HR Managers' Perceptions. Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal, 23 (1), pp. 111-132.Ghozali, I. (2013). Aplikasi Analisis Multivariate dengan Program SPSS Cetakan VII. Semarang: Badan Penerbit Universitas Diponegoro.Ghuthrie, J., & Petty, R. (2001). Intellectual Capital: An Australian Annual Reporting. Journal of Inttelectual Capital, 8 (2), pp.272-87.Goh, P., & Lim, K. (2004). Diclosing Intellectual Capital in Company Annual Reports: Evidence from Malaysia. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 5 (3), pp. 500-510.Guthrie, J., & Petty, R. (2000). Intellectual Capital: Australian Annual Reporting Practices. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 1 (3), pp. 241-251.Guthrie, J., Cuganesan, S., & Ward, L. (2006). Legitimacy Theory: A Story of Reporting Social and Environmental Matters Within the Australian Food and Beverage Industry. Sydney: The University of Sydney.Guthrie, J., Petty, R., Yongvanich, K., & Ricceri, F. (2004). Using Content Analysis as a Research Method to Inquire to Intellectual Capital Reporting. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 5 (2), pp. 282-293.Hafni, A. (2018). Pengaruh Pengungkapan Sustainability Reporting dan Intellectual Capital Terhadap Nilai Perusahaan (Studi Empiris Perusahaan Sektor Pertambangan yang Terdaftar di BEI Tahun 2011-2015). Yogyakarta: Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta.Haji, A. A., & Mubaraq, S. (2012). The Trends of Intellectual Capital Disclosures: Evidence from the Nigerian Banking Sector. Journal of Human Resource Costing & Accounting, 16(3), pp. 184-209.Hall, M., Millo, Y., & Barman, E. (2015). Who and What Really Counts? Stakeholder Prioritization and Accounting for Social Value. Journal of Management Studies, 52 (7), pp. 907-934.Haniffa, R., & Cooke, T. E. (2005). The Impact of Culture and Governance on Corporate Social Reporting. Journal of Accounting and Public Policy, 24 , pp. 391-430.Harisnawati, R., Ulum, I., & Syam, D. (2017). Pengaruh Intellectual Capital Performance Terhadap Intensitas Pelaporan Modal Intelektual. Jurnal Reviu Akuntansi, 7 (1), pp. 941-950.Hariyanto, W., & Hermawan, S. (2012). Pengaruh Intellectual Capital Terhadap Business Performance Dan Competitive Advantage Pada Perusahaan Farmasi Di Jawa Timur. Sidoarjo: Universitas Muhammadiyah Sidoarjo.Healy, P., & Palepu, K. (2001). Information Asymmetry, Corporate Disclosure, and the Capital Markets. Journal of Accounting & Economics, 31 (1/3), pp. 405-440.Henri, J. (2006). Management Control Systems and Strategy: A Resource-based Perspective. Accounting, Organizations, and Society, 31, pp. 529-558.Husin, N., Ahmad, N., & Sapingi, R. (2011). Intellectual Capital: A Focus on Human Capital Reporting Practices of Top Malaysian Listed Companies. The South East Asian Journal of Management, 5 (1), pp. 51-71.Ikatan Akuntan Indonesia. (2017). Standar Akuntansi Keuangan. Jakarta: Ikatan Akuntan Indonesia.Indonesian Institute of Accountants. (2009). PSAK. Jakarta: IAI.Jawahar, I., & McLaughlin, G. (2001). Toward a Descriptive Stakeholder Theory: An Organizational Life Cycle Approach. The Academy of Management Review, 26, pp. 397–414.Jensen, M., & Meckling, W. (1976). Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, agency Costs and Ownership. Journal of Financial Economics, 3 (4), pp. 305-360.Jiao, Y. (2011). Corporate Disclosure, Market Valuation, and Firm Performance. Financial Management, 40 (3), pp. 647-676.Jihene, F., & Robert, P. (2013). The Effect of Intellectual Capital Disclosure on the Value Creation: An Empirical Study Using Tunisian Annual Reports. International Journal of Accounting and Financial Reporting, 3 (1), pp. 81-107.Kaufmann, L., & Schneider, Y. (2004). Intangibles: A Synthesis of Current Research. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 5 (3), pp. 366-388.Kementerian Keuangan Republik Indonesia Badan Pengawas Pasar Modal dan Lembaga Keuangan. (2012). Keputusan Ketua Badan Pengawas Pasar Modal dan Lembaga Keuangan Nomor: KEP-347/BL/2012.Khan, H. U., & Ali, M. M. (2010). An Empirical Investigation and Users' Perceptions on Intellectual Capital Reporting in Banks. Journal of Human Resource Costing & Accounting, 14 (1), pp. 48-69.Lev, B. (1999). The Inadequate Public Information on Intellectual Capital and Its Consequence. Conference Proceeding: Measuring and Reporting Intellectual Capital, Experience, Issues and Prospects, An International Symposium. Amsterdam: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.Li, Z., Chen, Z., Lui, T., & Chu, S. (2016). The Impact of Intellectual Capital on Company's Performances: A Study Based on MAKE Award Winners and non-MAKE Award Winner Companies. Procedia Computer Science 99, pp. 181 – 194.Lin, C. Y., & Edvinsson, L. (2011). National Intellectual Capital: a Comparison of 40 Countries. Berlin, Germany: Springer.Muttakin, M., Khan, A., & Belal, R. (2015). Intellectual Capital Disclosure and Corporate Governance: An Empirical Examination. Victoria: Deakin University.Nurcholisah, K., & Yadiati, H. W. (2017). Intellectual Capital Disclosure and Information Asymmetry in General Banking Listed in Indonesia Stock Exchange. International Business Management, 11 (4), pp. 972-983.Oktavia, M., & Daljono. (2014). Pengaruh Intellectual Capital Terhadap Kinerja Keuangan, Pertumbuhan Dan Nilai Pasar Perusahaan (Studi Empiris pada Perusahaann Konstruksi, Property & Real Estate yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia Tahun 2009-2012). Diponegoro Journal of Accounting, 3 (3), pp. 1-15.Oktavianti, H., & Wahidahwati. (2014). Faktor-faktor yang Mempengaruhi Pengungkapan Intellectual Capital. Jurnal Ilmu & Riset Akuntansi, 3 (5), pp. 1-18.Otoritas Jasa Keuangan. (2017). Undang-Undang Nomor 20 Tahun 2008 Tentang Usaha Mikro, Kecil, dan Menengah. Otoritas Jasa Keuangan.Petty, R., & Guthrie, J. (2000). Intellectual Capital Literature Review: Measurement, Reporting, and Management. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 1 (1), pp. 155-176.Prabowo, D. (2014). Analisis Faktor-Faktor yang Mempengaruhi Intellectual Capital Disclosure dan Pengaruh Intellectual Capital Disclosure terhadap Market Capitalization (Studi Empiris pada Perusahaan Real Estate dan Properti di BEI Periode 2010-2012). Semarang: Universitas Diponegoro.Priyanti, S. (2015). Determinan Pengungkapan Modal Intelektual Berdasarkan Variabel Keuangan dan Non Keuangan (Studi Empiris pada Perusahaan Perbankan yang Listing di BEI Tahun 2011-2013). Semarang: Universitas Negeri Semarang.PT Bursa Efek Indonesia. (2018). Laporan Keuangan dan Tahunan. Retrieved from Bursa Efek Indonesia: http://www.idx.co.id/.Pulic, A. (2000). VAIC – An Accounting Tool for IC Management. International Journal of Technology Management, 20 (5-8), pp. 702-714.Purnamawati, F. (2013). Analisis Intellectual Capital PT Wahyu Kreasi Utama, Jakarta. Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia.Purnomosidhi, B. (2006). Praktik Pengungkapan Modal Intelektual pada Perusahaan Publik di Bursa Efek Jakarta (BEJ). Jurnal Riset Akuntansi Indonesia, 9 (1), pp. 1-20.Puspitasari, A. (2018). The Practice of Disclosing Human Capital in Bank Jawa Barat and Banten: From the Perspective of Political Economy of Accounting. Pontianak: University of Tanjungpura.Ray, G., Barney, J., & Muhana, W. (2004). Capabilities, Business Process, and Competi-tive Advantage: Choosing The Dependent Variable in Empirical Test of The Resource-based View. Strategic Management Journal, 25, pp. 23-37.Razak, R. A., Mohammad, J., & Tobiagi, S. M. (2016). Intellectual Capital Dislosures Practices and Intellectual Capital Performance in Saudi Arabia Financial Institution. Journal of Business Studies Quarterly, 7(4), pp. 1-14.Sawarjuwono, T., & Kadir, A. (2003). Intellectual Capital: Perlakuan, Pengukuran dan Pelaporan (Sebuah Library Research). Jurnal Akuntansi dan Keuangan, 3 (1).Sawarjuwono, T., & Kadir, A. (2003). Intellectual Capital: Perlakuan, Pengukuran dan Pelaporan (Sebuah Library Research). Jurnal Akuntansi dan Keuangan, 5 (1), pp. 35–57.Schroeder, R., Bates, K., & Junttila, M. (2002). A Resource-based View of Manufacturing Strategy and the Relationship to Manufacturing Performance. Strategic Mana-gement Journal, 23, pp. 101-117.Setianto, A. (2014). Analisis Faktor-faktor yang Mempengaruhi Pengungkapan Modal Intelektual (Studi Empiris pada Perusahaan yang Terdaftar di "Indeks Kompas 100" Tahun 2010-2012. Semarang: Universitas Diponegoro.Sjamsulhadi. (2011). Analisis Modal Intelektual Pada Perusahaan Jasa Konstraktor dengan Menggunakan Metode Analytic Hierarchy Process. Jakarta: Universitas Terbuka.Solikhah, B. (2015). How is the Practice of Intellectual Capital Report in Indonesia? International Journal of Business and Management Study - IJBMS, 2 (1), pp. 263-266.Spanos, Y., & Lioukas, S. (2001). An Examination into the Causal Logic of Rent Generation: Contrasting Porter's Competitive Strategy Framework and the Resource-based View Perspective. Strategic Management Journal, 22, pp. 907-934.Stephani, T., & Yuyetta,, E. N. (2011). Analisis Faktor-faktor yang Mempengaruhi Intellectual Capital Disclosure (ICD). Jurnal Akuntansi Dan Auditing, 7 (2), pp. 111-121.Steward, T. (1997). Intellectual Capital: The New Wealth of Organizations. New York: Doubleday/Currency.Sugiyono. (2003). Metode Penelitian Bisnis. Bandung: Alfabeta.Sugiyono. (2017). Metode Penelitian Kuantitatif, Kualitatif, dan R&D. Bandung: Alfabeta.Suhardjanto, D., & Wardhani, M. (2010). Praktik Intellectual Capital Disclosure Perusahaan yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia. JAAI, 14 (1), pp. 71-85.Suwardjono. (2014). Teori Akuntansi: Perkayasaan Pelaporan Keuangan (3 ed.). Yogyakarta: BPFE.Sveiby, K. (1997). The Intangible Assets Monitor. Journal of Human Resource Costing & Accounting, 2 (1), pp. 73-97.Taliyang, S., & Jusop, M. (2011). Intellectual Capital Disclosure and Corporate Governance Structure: Evidence in Malaysia. International Journal of Business and Management, 6 (12), pp. 109–117.Tan, H., Plowman, D., & Hancock, P. (2007). Intellectual Capital and Financial Returns Of Companies. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 8 (1), pp. 76-95.Tandra, H. (2018). Pengaruh Likuiditas, Ukuran Perusahaan, dan BI-Rate terhadap Yield Obligasi Korporasi (Studi Kasus Pada Sektor Industri Perbankan Yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia Periode 2012-2016). Pontianak: Universitas Tanjungpura.Toms, S. (2010). Value, Profit, and Risk: Accounting and the Resource-based View of the Firm. Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal, 23 (5), pp. 647-670.Tristanti, L. (2012). Analisis Pengaruh Karakteristik Perusahaan Terhadap Kelengkapan Pengungkapan Sukarela (Studi Empiris pada Perusahaan Manufaktur yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia Tahun 2006-2010). Semarang: Universitas Diponegoro.Ulfa, M. (2014). Pengaruh Modal Intelektual Terhadap Nilai Perusahaan dan Kinerja Keuangan pada Perusahaan Perbankan yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia (BEI) Tahun 2008 - 2011. Surabaya: Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Ekonomi Perbanas.Ulum, I. (2012). Investigasi Hubungan antara Kinerja Modal Intelektual dan Praktik Pengungkapannya dalam Laporan Tahunan Perusahaan. Jurnal Ekonomi Bisnis, 17(1), pp. 36-45.Undang Undang Nomor 13 Tahun 2016.Undang Undang Nomor 15 Tahun 2001.Undang Undang Nomor 19 Tahun 2002.Viedma Marti, J. M. (2001). ICBS - Intellectual Capital Benchmarking System. Journal of Intellectual Capital, 2 (2), pp. 148-165.Wahdikorin, A. (2010). Pengaruh Modal Intelektual Terhadap Kinerja Keuangan Perusahaan Perbankan Yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia (BEI) Tahun 2007-2009. Semarang: Universitas Diponegoro.Watts, R., & Zimmerman, Z. (1986). Positive Accounting Theory. Prentice-Hall. Englewood Cliffs. NJ.Wernerfelt, B. (1984). A Resource-Based View of the Firm. Strategic Management Journal, 5 (2), pp. 171-180.Widarjo, W. (2011). Pengaruh Modal Intelektual dan Pengungkapan Modal Intelektual Pada Nilai Perusahaan yang Melakukan Initial Public Offering. Jurnal Akuntansi dan Keuangan Indonesia, 8 (2), pp. 157-170.Widyaningdyah, A., & Aryani, Y. (2013). Intellectual Capital dan Keunggulan Kompetitif (Studi Empiris Perusahaan Manufaktur versi Jakarta Stock Industrial Classification-JASICA). Jurnal Akuntansi dan Keuangan, 15 (1), pp. 1-14.Wijaya, M., & Amanah, L. (2017). Pengaruh Intellectual Capital Terhadap Kinerja Perusahaan Otomotif di Bursa Efek Indonesia. Jurnal Ilmu dan Riset Akuntansi, 6 (1), 296-311.Wijayanti, P. (2013). Pengaruh Intellectual Capital Terhadap Harga Saham Melalui Kinerja Keuangan pada Perusahaan Perbankan yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia (BEI) pada Tahun 2009-2011. Jurnal Ilmiah Mahasiswa FEB, 1 (2).William, S. (2001). Is Intellectual Capital Performance and Disclosure Practices Related? Journal of Intellectual Capital, 2 (3), pp. 192–203.Williams, S. (2000). Is a Company's Intellectual Capital Performance and Intellectual Capital Disclosure Practices Related?: Evidence from Publicly Listed Companies from the FTSE 100. Journal of Intellectual Capital, pp. 1-41.Windri, & Januarti, I. (2010). Pengaruh Kinerja Intellectual Capital terhadap Kinerja Intellectual Capital pada Perusahaan Manufaktur yang Terdaftar di BEI. Jurnal Akuntansi & Auditing, 7 (1), pp. 49 - 61.Wolk, C., Bresnan, J., Rosenbach, A., & Szmrecsanyi, B. (2013). Dative and Genetive Variability in Late Modern English: Exploring Cross-Constructional Variation and Change. Diachronica, 30 (3), pp. 382-419.Wolk, et al. (2013). Signaling, Agency Theory, Accounting Policy Choice. Accounting and Business Research, 18 (69), pp. 47-56.Yasin, S. (2016). Pengertian Budaya Perusahaan Menurut Para Ahli. Retrieved from Sarjanaku.com: http://www.sarjanaku.com/.Zhang, M. (2012). Board Structure, Ownership Concentration and Intellectual Capital. Wellington: Victoria Unversity.Zogning, F. (2017). Agency Theory: A Critical Review. European Journal of Business and Management, 9 (2), pp. 2-8.

Máster Universitario en Ingeniería Industrial ; Los deportes extremos, cada día más comunes en la dedicación lúdica del usuario medio, generalmente se caracterizan por aprovechar distintos tipos de energía – como la potencial almacenada en cotas altas de montaña o la energía de las olas – en energía cinética para el disfrute de la sensación de velocidad y adrenalina que, por norma general, transmiten. La necesidad del estudio hacia la innovación de este proyecto surge de las limitaciones actuales de los medios empleados en deportes de deslizamiento como el esquí – similares como el surf, wakeboard, kitesurf, sandboard -. En el caso concreto del esquí, seleccionado como dedicación especial de este estudio el 99,6% la de esquí internacional se distribuye tan solo en 56 países. España se sitúa muy cerca de uno de los principales núcleos de este deporte con más del 45% de afluencia, los Alpes, y además cuenta común importante mercado interior, sin embargo, la cifre de visitantes media en los últimos años a las estaciones españolas no ha superado los 5,5 millones de usuarios – muy lejos de los 56 de Francia o los 28 de Italia -. Tras adquirir los conocimientos sobre patentes, vías para adquirir la protección, su legislación y el procedimiento de solicitud; el estudio se encamina a lograr un salto creativo en la técnica del campo de interés. Este proceso contempla distintas fases de estudio y diseño. Las fases – definidas en el Capítulo 3 de la memoria – siguen el principio de la ingeniería concurrente empleando la sinergia entre metodologías tradicionales de estudio de patentes TRIZ, la valoración cuantitativa de diseños funcionales mediante QFD y el empleo de técnicas modernas de la industria para la síntesis de conceptos a partir de la patentometría (Método de los Escenarios Ponderados). La primera fase, la vigilancia tecnológica, elaborará una base de conocimiento con 367 patentes relacionadas con el campo de la técnica que se pretende desarrollar – en concreto los campos A63C10/11 y A63C5/08 dentro de la clasificación IPC- que son los medios de asistencia motorizados al deporte del esquí. Las patentes se clasificaron de manera cronológica de manera que el proceso permite adquirir una noción de los saltos evolutivos de las soluciones propuestas lo largo de la historia. Se pueden identificar de los estudios extraídos una tendencia creciente en este campo. La reciente influencia de las cámaras de acción y las redes sociales ha generado un boom por la práctica de nuevas actividades y deportes extremos; como consecuencia la acción inventiva recibe un gran impulso. También se analiza los datos geopolíticos de las patentes. determinar el ámbito de protección es un hito clave de la fase de vigilancia. Los resultados del análisis muestran que los principales países donde se busca proteger este tipo de invenciones son EEUU, Alemania, Francia, Japón y en una proporción no tan comparable Canadá y el resto de países europeos. Es cierto que gran parte de las patentes apuntan a un marco mundial o europeo desde un principio, lo que indica que es un mercado muy extenso en cuanto a geografía. Un 15% de las solicitudes proviene de fabricantes mientras que el 85% restante ha sido explotado por el propio inventor o probablemente licenciado a posteriori al mejor postor. Los fabricantes con más solicitudes son Atomic Gmbh, Saroy Engineering, Bibollet SA, Yamaha y Head Sport. Todos ellos son fabricantes con un gran catálogo de productos dedicados al deporte del esquí o similares, y que probablemente puedan verse interesados en la adquisición de una patente como la que se propone en caso de suponer un éxito de mercado. Esto enmarca el proyecto en un escenario ideal para buscar la inversión particular en este tipo de invención. Además, el análisis particular de los productos de estos fabricantes no lleva a ver la magnitud que realizan en I+D, la clase de productos que buscan y las posibilidades de mejora que se pueden incluir en el diseño. Todas las patentes se clasifican en problemas y sub-problemas. El objetivo es centrarse en uno de ellos para el diseño enfocado. Los problemas identificados como principales son: medios de propulsión, maniobrabilidad, versatilidad, seguridad y entrenamiento, estructura y forma y reducción del coste. La conclusión del análisis muestra que un campo que aún presenta capacidad de mejora, la versatilidad de las invenciones en distintos medios – agua, nieve, tierra -. Una vez focalizado el problema se pasa al diseño funcional. Este inicio ya parte de la opinión de usuarios potenciales en cuanto a qué conceptos entienden como funcionalidades necesarias en la invención y su importancia relativa. En base a esto, se construye un modelo de calidad con evaluaciones cuantitativas (QFD) para proponer la mejor estructura funcional. Mediante los métodos TRIZ de descomponen los elementos esenciales de las soluciones. De la descomposición de las soluciones, empleando el Métodos de Escenarios Ponderados para una síntesis de elementos a modo de rompecabezas, se conforman varias soluciones que mejoran las patentes existentes hasta la fecha. La valoración cuantitativa de estas soluciones nos lleva a la toma de decisión por una de ellas. La invención será un sistema de tracción formado por un elemento tractor dron multirrotor, de seis o más rotores accionados por motores de DC; una línea de arrastre y un sistema de control. Dicho sistema de control está conformado por un manillar de dirección, donde se alojan los controles electrónicos a distancia del vuelo del dron y los dispositivos de visualización digital del estatus de la marcha; y por un arnés, unido a la línea de arrastre principal mediante un sistema de liberación rápida en caso de caída o peligro. La línea principal pasa a través de un orificio en el manillar y está anclada a otros dos puntos en los extremos de la barra mediante un sistema regulable en longitud. El paso posterior es adecuar el diseño a un concepto visualmente atractivo y convincente para el usuario. En concreto el elemento de mayor influencia es el mencionado manillar de control. Se emplea el método Kansei para validar un diseño visual a través de síntesis de propiedades físicas y emociones del usuario. Los datos se toman mediante una encuesta en formato electrónico y sobre un set de muestras conceptuales compuesto de bocetos digitales y fotografías. a. Los resultados indican que la inclusión del arnés en el sistema es fundamental para garantizar seguridad. Asimismo, un manillar amplio y horizontal proporciona al usuario sensación de maniobrabilidad y comodidad que otras configuraciones no aportan. El contorneado del agarre, la inclusión de muchos materiales y un acabado cuidado presentan un diseño más atractivo a todos los públicos. Dicha invención fue dimensionada y validada en el Capítulo 7 de la memoria. En éste se calculó la potencia necesaria a desarrollar por un multirrotor de arrastre para tirar de un esquiador en el ascenso de una pendiente a velocidad constante. EL planteamiento estático del problema permite un primer dimensionamiento de los principales componentes del multirrotor, así como una especificación de sus capacidades de carga. En concreto, para el arrastre de un esquiador a una velocidad constante de 5 m/s y en unas condiciones de pendiente y viento desfavorables el empuje necesario en los impulsores se sitúa en torno a los 16kg de fuerza por rotor – con un número mínimo de 8 rotores para aportar redundancia – y una potencia total de 26 KW. El multirrotor tendrá una envergadura aproximada de 2,2m y sus rotores, un diámetro de 85 cm (23 pulgadas). Todo ello teniendo en cuenta un factor de sobredimensionamiento para efectos dinámicos transitorios. La selección de componentes permite elaborar el presupuesto para el prototipo inicial a construir. El prototipo inicial se sitúa en un intervalo de coste entre los 20.000€ y los 30.000€. Valor razonable al compararlo con productos de aplicación similar y prototipos de competidores directos. El cliente al que se enfoca la invención queda muy por encima del gasto medio del usuario (español) en ocio y deporte. El nicho de mercado por tanto deberán ser las grandes corporaciones que gestionan los resorts de esquí y sus actividades, de manera que la innovación pueda introducirse como valor añadido en su modelo de negocio y éstos saquen rentabilidad de la patente a través de su alquiler al usuario final como actividad. Al conocer los costes y el enfoque de ventas, junto con la inversión en la propiedad industrial se puede elaborar un estudio de viabilidad económica para la inversión en el desarrollo de esta patente. En el capítulo 8 se detalla el marco económico propicio para el desarrollo de esta inversión. El método de valoración escogido es un descuento de flujos libres de caja. Los resultados, para la estimación de crecimiento y ventas, ofrecen un VAN por encima de los 100.000 €, una tasa de rentabilidad del 17% superior al retorno exigido por el mercado (11,5%). Teniendo en cuenta que la inversión se realiza hasta el fin de la protección industrial (20 años) el periodo de retorno son 13 años. Con todo ello la solicitud de patente se realizó el día 27 de Enero de 2017se realizó siguiendo las pautas establecidas por la Ley, como se puede observar en el Documento 2 de este proyecto. Se obtuvo el número de solicitud P201700061 para la patente "Sistema de remolque por multirrotor para deportes de deslizamiento". ; Extreme sports, more and more common in the leisure time of the average user, are usually characterized by taking advantage of different types of energy - such as the potential energy stored at high mountain heights or wave energy - in kinetic energy to enjoy the sensation of speed and adrenaline that, as a general rule, these kind of sports transmit. The need for study towards innovation of this project arises from the current limitations of the means employed in sliding sports such as skiing - similar to surfing, wakeboarding, kitesurfing, sandboarding. In the specific case of skiing, selected as the special dedication of this study, 99.6% of international skiing is distributed in only 56 countries. Spain is situated very close to one of the main centers of this sport with more than 45% of influx, the Alps, and also counts with an important domestic market, however the average number of visitors in recent years to the Spanish resorts has not exceeded 5.5 million users - far from the 56 in France or 28 in Italy. After gaining knowledge about patents, ways to acquire protection, its legislation and the application procedure; the study aims to achieve a creative leap in the technique on the field of interest. This process contemplates different phases of study and design. The phases - defined in Chapter 3 of the report - follow the principle of concurrent engineering using the synergy between traditional patent study methodologies TRIZ, the quantitative valuation of functional designs using QFD and the use of modern industry techniques for synthesis of concepts from the patentometry (Method of Weighted Scenarios). The first phase, technological surveillance, will develop a knowledge base with 367 patents related to the field of the technology that is intended to be developed - specifically fields A63C10/11 and A63C5/08 within the IPC classification - which are the means of motorized assistance to skiing. The patents were classified in a chronological way so that the process allows acquiring a notion of the evolution of the solutions proposed throughout the history. A growing trend in this field can be identified from the studies extracted. The recent influence of action cameras and social networks has generated a boom for the practice of new activities and extreme sports; as a result the inventive action receives a great impulse. The geopolitical data of patents is also analyzed. Determining the scope of protection is a key milestone of the monitoring phase. The results of the analysis show that the main countries who seek to protect this type of inventions are the USA, Germany, France, Japan and in a proportion not so comparable Canada and the rest of European countries. It's true that most patents point to a global or European framework from the outset, indicating that it's a very extensive market, geographically. 15% of the applications come from manufacturers while the remaining 85% has been exploited by the inventor himself or probably licensed after the highest bidder. Manufacturers with more applications are Atomic Gmbh, Saroy Engineering, Bibollet SA, Yamaha and Head Sport. All of them are manufacturers with a large catalog of products dedicated to the sport of skiing or similar, and may probably be interested in acquiring a patent like the one proposed, in the case of a market success. This frames the project in an ideal scenario to look for the particular investment in this type of invention. In addition, the particular analysis of the products of these manufacturers does not lead to seeing the magnitude they invest in R&D, the kind of products they are looking for and the possibilities of improvement that can be included in the design. All patents are classified into problems and sub-problems. The goal is to focus on one of them for the focused design. The problems identified as main are: means of propulsion, maneuverability, versatility, safety and training, structure and shape and cost reduction. The conclusion of the analysis shows that a field that still presents capacity for improvement, the versatility of inventions in different media - water, snow, earth. Once focused the problem we move on to functional design. This beginning already derives from part of the opinion of potential users as to what concepts they understand as necessary functionalities in the invention and its relative importance. Based on this, a quality model is constructed with quantitative evaluations (QFD) to propose the best functional structure. Through the TRIZ methods the essential elements of the solutions are decomposed. From the decomposition of the solutions, using the Weighted Scenario Methods for a synthesis of elements as a puzzle, several solutions are formed that improve the existing patents to date. The quantitative evaluation of these solutions leads us to the decision-making of one of them. The invention will be a traction system formed by a multi-rotor driving element, of six or more rotors driven by DC motors; a drag line and a control system. This control system is made up of a steering handle, which houses the remote electronic controls of the flight of the drone and the devices of digital display of the status of the march; and by a harness, attached to the main drag line by means of a quick release system in case of fall or danger. The main line passes through a hole in the handlebar and is anchored to two other points at the ends of the bar by a system adjustable in length. The next step is to adapt the design to a visually attractive and convincing concept for the user. In particular, the most influential element is the mentioned control handlebar. The Kansei method is used to validate a visual design through the synthesis of physical properties and emotions of the user. The data are taken through a survey in electronic format and on a set of conceptual samples composed of digital sketches and photographs. The results indicate that the inclusion of the harness in the system is fundamental to guarantee safety. Also, a wide horizontal handlebar gives the user a feeling of maneuverability and comfort that other configurations do not provide. The contouring of the grip, the inclusion of many materials and a careful finish present a design more attractive to all audiences. The mentioned invention was dimensioned and validated in Chapter 7 of the report. Here was calculated the power the dragging multi-rotor has to develop to pull a skier in the ascent of a slope at constant speed. The static approach of the problem allows a first dimensioning of the main components of the multi-rotor as well as a specification of its load capacities. Specifically, to drag a skier at a constant speed of 5 m/s and under unfavorable slope and wind conditions, the necessary thrust in the impellers is around 16 kg of force per rotor - with a minimum number of 8 Rotors to provide redundancy - and a total power of 26 KW. The multi-rotor will have an approximate span of 2.2m and its rotors, a diameter of 85cm (23 inches). All this taking into account an oversizing factor for transient dynamic effects. The selection of components allows the budget for the initial prototype to be constructed. The initial prototype is in a cost range between €20,000 and €30,000. Fair value when compared to products of similar application and prototypes of direct competitors. The customer to whom the invention is focused is well above the average expenditure of the user (Spanish) in leisure and sports. The market niche should therefore be the large corporations that manage the ski resorts and their activities, so that the innovation can be introduced as added value for their business model and these will make profitability of the patent through their rent to the final user as an activity. By knowing the costs and the approach of sales, together with the investment in the industrial property an economic feasibility study for the investment in the development of this patent can be elaborated. Chapter 8 details the economic framework conducive to the development of this investment. The valuation method chosen is a discount of free cash flows. The results, for the estimation of growth and sales, offer a NPV above 100,000 €, a rate of return of 17% higher than the return demanded by the market (11.5%). Considering that the investment is made until the end of industrial protection (20 years) the return period is 13 years. With all of this, the patent application was made on the 27th of January 2017, and was done following the guidelines established by the Law, as can be seen in Document 2 of this project. Application number P201700061 was obtained for the patent "Sistema de remolque por multirrotor para deportes de deslizamiento".

Lue Birch, July16, 2013 ; Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. ; The following is an oral history interview with Lue Birch. The interview was conducted on July 16, 2013, by Jordan Chavez and Lorrie Rands. Lue Birch discusses his experience with 25th street. ; 9p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Lue S. Birch Interviewed by Jordan Chavez 16 July 2013 Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Lue S. Birch Interviewed by Jordan Chavez 16 July 2013 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. After World War II, the railroad business declined. Some government agencies and businesses related to the defense industry continued to gravitate to Ogden after the war—including the Internal Revenue Regional Center, the Marquardt Corporation, Boeing Corporation, Volvo-White Truck Corporation, Morton-Thiokol, and several other smaller operations. However, the economy became more service oriented, with small businesses developing that appealed to changing demographics, including the growing Hispanic population. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management Special Collections All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Birch, Lue, an oral history by Jordan Chavez, 16 July 2013, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, Special Collections, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Lue S. Birch July 16, 2013 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Lue Birch. The interview was conducted on July 16, 2013, by Jordan Chavez and Lorrie Rands. Lue discusses his experiences with 25th street. JC: I am Jordan Chavez and I'm sitting here with Mr. Lue Birch on July 16, 2013, at 3:00 p.m. here in his home. We are going to be talking about your life as a police officer here in Ogden. JC: Did you grow up in Ogden? LB: No, I was born in Idaho. JC: When did you move? LB: My family moved to Ogden when I was eight years old. JC: You joined the police force in 1949. What was Ogden City like then and did your beat include 25th Street? LB: Ogden had a lot of crime, mostly burglaries, but 25th Street was really rough. It was that way mainly due to the prostitution there. We walked the police beat back then, checking buildings throughout the city. We did so much walking we practically wore the sidewalks out! My partner and I cleared up 142 burglaries in three months and put 32 burglars down at the point of the mountain—I'm not bragging, that's the truth! For five years I walked the beat and then they decided to put officers in cars because they could get around much faster and curb the crime a lot better in cars than they could walking. One of the drawbacks of walking the beat was some criminals would watch the policeman on his beat and find out what his habits were 1 and then make their move. By the time the officer got back to square one, they would have the burglary done and would be gone. They couldn't do that as easily with officers patrolling in cars. Later I suggested that having two officers per car was a waste of manpower. I explained that it would cost the department two more cars, but that we would have better coverage of the city with four officers in four cars covering each corner of the city. If an officer needed backup they could get it in 2 ½ minutes by one of the other officers. JC: That is pretty good time. That's incredible actually. Seems like a very impressive rate that you and your partner had with clearing the street in such a short amount of time. LB: Yeah, some of the crooks were even coming down here from Montana. They would have somebody case the area, come in and hit the jobs, and then head back to Montana, but we were able to run them right out of Ogden. LR: What are some of your memories of being a patrolman and 25th Street? LB: I can tell you a lot of crazy stories and things that happened while I patrolled 25th Street. I was involved in the cleaning up of the "houses of ill fame." Sometimes we would sit in the main lobbies of some of the business to cut down on their business. A lot of the people that frequented these businesses would hear that we were sitting in the lobbies and would sneak in and out the back, to save their reputation. One night we arrested 35 people in a particular cathouse. The Madame would always try to give the on-duty officers coffee, cake, or liquor. I would always refuse. I told her "I don't drink coffee, I don't drink liquor, and I'm 2 skeptical on who made the cake!" I would never accept anything from them, knowing that they were wanting me to compromise my duty as an officer, in exchange for their gratuities. We arrested a Madame one time and were booking her into jail. She had rings on all of her fingers and the jewelry that she was wearing was documented at $40,000 dollars alone. She was worried that she would not get all of her jewelry back when she was released. I assured her that she would, but to be sure we would put it all into an envelope, seal it, and she could write her name along the flap, where the flap meets the envelope. That way she would know if the signature had been disturbed, the jewelry had been tampered with. When she was released her signature on the envelope was as she had written it and all of her jewelry was intact. After we cleaned up that particular group they headed for either Reno or Las Vegas because prostitution was legal there. There was one hustler that we nicknamed "Walk Your Dog" because he would be seen sometimes walking 15 dogs at once! He would walk the dogs of the prostitutes while they were "working." One time I was walking the beat and I could smell something. There was a man smoking and I yelled, "Put that cigarette out!" I had smelled gas fumes and noticed that there was a gas leak on 25th Street and Lincoln. It turned out to be a big gas main that was leaking. Had I not been walking the beat, smelled the fumes, and noticed the guy smoking, there may have been a major explosion. I also remember getting on some of the elevators in a few places around town, like the Wilson Rooms, the Calico Cat, or the Rose Rooms and they would 3 smell of marijuana. As an interesting sideline, Rose Davies, owner of the Rose Rooms, owned a cheetah as a pet. We knew this guy that had a wooden leg. You could find him everywhere around town and he was always drunk. Usually if someone had passed out or was sleeping you could tap on their leg and it would wake them up. One night I was going around tapping some of the drunk patrons on the leg to wake them up and when I got to this particular man some of the other officers started to laugh because they knew I would never be able to wake up this guy, by tapping him on the leg, because he was the guy with the wooden leg! Then there was a judge by the name of Judge J. Quail Nebeker that we would come up against every now and then. He would be for the bad guys instead of on the side of the law. We would arrest the winos and he would say "Five or ten?" which would mean five days in jail or $10 and then he would let the offender back out on the street. We started to take the crooks to South Ogden because the judge there would hand down a real sentence. You know, we would hardly ever see the crook again after he had served the real sentence given out by the South Ogden judge instead of the "five or ten" sentence. Well, 25th Street was pretty rough. Sometimes you were forced to use your brawn instead of your brain, but I loved my job working with the kids and the safety program even better than being an officer on the beat. I worked with the school kids in the safety program for 15 years. I would visit the elementary schools and if it was recess or lunchtime, I couldn't get down the hallway. The kids would mob me. I have a picture in my scrapbook that 4 shows a little kid grabbing me by the leg. Often a teacher or the principal would have to come out and rescue me. The kids always wanted to talk to Officer Birch, but then being in the safety program you have to practice what you preach because the kids are always watching you. One day I was crossing the street kitty corner and I heard this little voice behind me say, "Officer Birch, you're jay-walking." I said, "I'm sorry, I forgot. I'm glad you reminded me." I went back and crossed the street the right way. Then the little girl said, "I didn't want to see you get hurt." Boy, those kids are so great. If you want the truth, ask a child. JC: Yeah, kids are very honest. LB: Yes, they are. LR: How did you get involved with the safety program? LB: Chief Shaw was having problems with kids getting hurt in the schools. He wanted to get the kids to and from school safely. He asked me if I thought I could take over the program and make it work. So, I wrote the guidelines for the state of Utah and it spread all over the United States. It was basically a program used by police to build safety awareness among children. The safety program would later change and go on to be known as McGruff the Crime Dog. Anyway, when I was in charge of the safety program I would go to the schools and teach children how to be safe. Sometimes it would be with a film to show the kids how to cross the street, bicycle safety, hand signals—anything to get the kids to think about safety. I just taught plain stuff and I would give it to the kids straight. 5 We had bicycle programs that taught safety and agility on a bicycle. We had one where we would blindfold the rider of the bicycle. We would then put a cardboard box on the grass. The rest of the children would start clapping as the rider came toward the box. If he got off course the kids would stop clapping. Once he was back on course they would start clapping again and lead him right to the box. This one little boy told me "Officer Birch, you know that bicycle safety program we had at the park where we had to get to the box?" I said, "Yes." He said, "It saved my life. I was riding my bike down Jefferson and 24th Street and a car took the back fender off my bicycle. When it honked I knew exactly where it was so I pulled off to the side and it just took the back fender off my bike, rather than hitting me." I said, "Boy, that's really great!" We held bicycle rodeos and also had bike inspections where we would teach kids how to tighten loose parts on their bicycles. We would schedule dates at each park and then the kids in that area would attend them. The kids loved it and so did we. Then in the schools we got the little safety badges for the Triple A Safety Kids. I would go to the schools and swear in the safety patrol students that would be responsible for helping other children cross the street. I would swear them in just like a police officer and would teach them how to keep the children on the curb until the traffic was clear and then help them across the street. The kids really loved that. Then through the Chevrolet Company we started a green flag program. As long as the school didn't have any accidents during the month they could fly the 6 green flag in front of their school. It was an incentive for them to constantly think about safety. Children would come up to me and say, "We're flying the green flag!" That program was really great. At the end of the year Lagoon would give us free tickets for each of the safety patrols. We had about 160 of them. We would take them all to Lagoon. It was the highlight of the year. Area businesses would donate hotdogs, hamburger for sloppy joes, money—anything they could to help with the Lagoon safety patrol picnic each year. One year, I was able to get five buses and took the safety patrol to Hardware Ranch. I tried to give them an outing to compensate for the work they put in on the corners helping other children cross the street on their way to and from school. That's what I miss the most—the kids, but I guess I had 15 whole years of that. JC: Tell me about Marshall White. LB: Marshal White? He was Detective Sergeant Marshall White, the best shot on the Pistol Team. He and I were hunting and fishing buddies. He was a great person and a good friend of mine. We called him "Doc." He was trained as a Podiatrist, a foot doctor, but since he was black only the poor and people who couldn't pay would go to him, so he joined the police force. JC: Were you there when he died? LB: I wasn't with him when he was shot, but I was with him the night he passed away. JC: What happened? 7 LB: He had gone out on a call to arrest a 16 year-old boy that had escaped from the State Industrial School and the kid shot him. I wasn't on the call with him but a few days later in the hospital I told him, "Doc, you're going to get better, you're going to get out of here and we're going to go fishing and hunting again." He said, "Lue, I don't think so, I'm hit too hard." An hour and a half later he passed away. He was a wonderful person. I sure liked him. He was only 54 years old. LR: I have a question for you. You mentioned last time I was here, that 25th Street didn't have tunnels, but you had a story. LB: I only knew of one tunnel on 25th Street. You had to go through a tavern on 25th and Lincoln, right under where Willie Moore has his barbershop, and then you would go down to this tunnel that had a lock on the outside. When you passed through the door there was another lock on the inside. The tunnel ran under two buildings and they would hold the Chinese lottery in there. LR: I have one last question and it kind of starts back at the beginning. What prompted you to become a police officer? LB: I worked at the Defense Depot Ogden (DDO) before World War II, making $.86 cents an hour. After serving in the war, I came back to DDO where they held a job for me. I was now a hearse driver helping with the repatriation of the World War II dead. We brought back 2,400 dead, to the area, to their place of origin following the war. After that, I went to work for the Ogden City police force. I was making $222 dollars a month when I first joined the force. I became a police officer because I wanted to be on the outside looking in— not on the inside of a jail cell looking out. I wanted to be on the right side of the 8 law. I felt influential in the lives of kids. I would teach them about safety and they would listen. I'm sure that saved a few lives. I still enjoy hearing from students that remember me as Officer Friendly or Officer Birch. A couple of years ago when I was attending my great-grandson's high school football game a current police officer recognized me and came up to me and said he became an officer because of my influence. That really makes me feel good. LR: Do you have any other comments to add about 25th Street or anything else we've talked about? LB: Well, I think I've about run out of gas and that's a lot of gas too! 9

This PhD dissertation proposes a geopolitical analysis of a centrasiatic transborder region, theFerghana Valley, which is today divided between the Republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan andKyrgyzstan.A basis of the research, field trips spread over the past three years enabled the development ofinstruments such as border analysis, analytical cartography, qualitative interviews with experts andinhabitants, and bibliographical research in the Ferghana as well as the Uzbek capital city Tashkent– noticeably at the French Institute for Central Asian Studies (IFEAC). As a complement to thefield trips in Central Asia, a research period in France permitted both a consolidation in geopoliticaltheory at the French Institute of Geopolitics (IFG) of the University of Paris 8-Vincennes, andadditional bibliographical research at the French National Library (BNF).The topic of the research is hence the analysis of power rivalries between "territorial actors" overthe "territorial stake" of the Fergana Valley, a fertile basin of strategical location within the largergeopolitical context of Central Asia. Always a stake disputed by various territorial actors over time,the Fergana Valley now experiences power rivalries from contemporaneous territorial actors firstand foremost on the border and transborder levels.By doing so, the dissertation introduces a new actor in the classical geopolitical pattern of analysis:the cultural regionalism. The dissertation hence offers a detailed presentation of the culturalregionalism as well as an evaluation of its past and current importance.First focusing on the centrasiatic context and the peculiarities which stem from its borders, theintroduction presents the "stake" Fergana and its economic and physical resources which explainits importance as a territory. A rapid summary of the theory of geopolitics follows, with thejustification of the choice of the French Lacostian school as the theoretical frame of this work. Theintroduction closes on a first analysis of the Fergana as a space of border or frontier.First partThe thesis is structured in two main parts. The first, more theoretical, analyses each of the threeterritorial actors which aim for power over the Fergana: the Nation, the Religion, and the CulturalRegionalism. The presentation of the actors, of their respective embodiments and of theirmanifestations within the ferganian territory is organised according to a conceptual rationale; eventsthat occurred simultaneously are thus not considered following a chronological order, butseparately, according to their respective relations with the actors evoked.The first chapter focuses on the actor Nation. By this word we understand not only the effectiveentity of the Nation-State, and its three embodiments (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan), but alsothe Nation as an ideology which acts upon the territory through nationalistic policies. The force oflegitimation of the actor Nation did certainly not have a neutral role in the rise of this actor in theFerganian landscape, a process which led the Nation to the top of the geopolitical actors' hierarchyin the region. This chapter also analyses the representations of the Fergana which are defined andimplemented by the actor Nation since its birth in the 1920s. In fact, the Fergana valley first becamea transborder region only in these years, through its integration to the Union of the Socialist SovietRepublics (USSR) and its partition between three of the five newly created Socialist SovietRepublics in Central Asia. In the 1990s, following the fall of the USSR and the independence of thethree Republics, the borders which divided the Ferghana stopped being only internal, but becamereal and proper international borders. Among the main representations that this study looks at, aparticular attention is devoted to the study of the national borders , their creation and theirevolution. The chapter also looks at the relations between the different Nation-States, which form aunique actor when they rival against the other territorial actors – the Religion and the CulturalRegionalism –, but three well different ones when they rival among themselves.The second chapter concentrates upon the second territorial actor, the Religion. The Fergana valleyis one of the most pious and practicing region of Central Asia, and the Islamic religion alwaysplayed a major role in the society's administration and organization.The chapter proposes first an analysis of the religion's representations in the Fergana: theautochthonous sufism and its sacred geography within the Fergana valley ; the traditional Islam ofthe soviet times, which became a legal weapon used by Moscow to fight the sufi orthodoxy in theFergana ; the recently appeared wahabbite fundamentalism, imported from Afghanistan, Pakistanand Saudi Arabia following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the encounter it inducedbetween the soviet muslims and the afghan mujaheddins.It is then examined how the different variations of the actor opposed themselves to the actor Nation,over the years, for the control over the power and the resources of the Fergana. We look at how thegeopolitical rivalries vary dramatically from the soviet era to that of the independence. A specialattention is devoted to the phenomenon of politization of the actor Religion and the way this led theReligion to endorse a role of protagonist in many of the Fergana's events.The third actor is the Cultural Regionalism. It is hereby referred to the geo-cultural identity of thisregional entity, which persists in spite of nationalistic and religious pressures. In fact, as long as theFergana has existed as a place, it has always constituted a geographical, political and social whole.Although its population has been characterized during the past centuries by high levels ofmultiethnicity and linguistic heterogeneity, this did not prevent the societal amalgamation ofpopulations which always held multiethnicity as normality, and always attributed to each "group" aspecific social role within the system Fergana.Be they of language and culture persian and sedentary, turk and sedentary or turk and nomadic,these populations always shared, each in its own social role, a common life within the region. Thisvery phenomenon is the main characteristic of what we call the Cultural Regionalism of theFergana.However, this equilibrium changes with the loss of political sovereignty of the region and the rise ofnationalism under the soviet sovereignty. This chapter analyzes the main representation of the actorCultural Regionalism over time, and how it took stand against the other territorial actors, especiallythe Nation.Second partThe second part of the dissertation as dedicated to the current manifestations of the territorial actorsin the Fergana valley, particularly in its border zones. This part results from the interviews and fieldobservation undertaken in Central Asia and the Fergana in 2007, 2009 and 2010.The first chapter analyzes the border of this region from a theoretical point of view, especially in thelight of the geostrategical categories of "first line of defence" or "last line of defence".In the context of a transformation of the border from the soviet era to that of the independence, thesecond chapter explores the definition of the centrasiatic border, mainly through the analysis ofborder bureaucracy, control posts and documents required to cross the border. The chapter looks atthemes connected to the commercial transborder relations : how the "three" Fergana still manage tointeract despite growing border rigidity, which social relationships subsist today. The qualitativeinterviews led in the Fergana are a major source in this process of reviewing the difficulties ofpassage and communication within the valley, and of tracking the actual presence of the threegeopolitical actors which play a major role in the border relations and conflicts.The third chapter focuses on the Ferganian urban centres: their history, the relations that theFerganians have with them, et above all the internal and external representations of these centres ina now fully transborder region.The fourth chapter concentrates on the demographical evolutions of the Ferganian population. Upuntil then a land of immigration, the Fergana became a land of emigration following theindependence and the materialization of the borders.The fifth chapter deals with the Ferganian infrastructures, especially the rail and road networks, andtheir relationship of reciprocal influence with the mutation of the borders in the region.The sixth chapter builds on the theoretical interrogations evoked in the introduction of thedissertation and develops a conclusive analysis of the Fergana of the borders nowadays.ConclusionThe conclusion of this research depicts the current Fergana, the relations between the differentgeopolitical actors and underscores the persistence of the actor Cultural Regionalism.It establishes the existence of tremendous changes in the region Fergana from various viewpoints:the Ferganian population has new frames of cultural, political and social reference whoseimportance increased dramatically ; new political forms and cultural structures influenced its selfimage,its very identity: "russian, muslim, ferganian", then "soviet, uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz),atheist, ferganian", finally "uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz), secular, ferganian".However, although the territory, its borders and inhabitants changed, and despite the strongobstacles set by the actor Nation, the cultural regionalism succeeded in maintaining itself, byadapting to the new tendencies and ways of interpretation of the Fergana.The conclusion ends with the most recent events of the Fergana, the Andjian massacre in 2005 andthe Osh clash in 2010, which are both analysed in the light of the geopolitical power rivalries whichpersist in the region. ; IntroductionCette thèse de Doctorat propose une analyse géopolitique d'une région transfrontalière de l'Asiecentrale, la vallée du Ferghana, aujourd'hui divisée entre les Républiques d'Ouzbékistan, duTadjikistan et du Kirghizistan.Des séjours sur le terrain répartis sur trois ans ont constitué la base de la recherche, au travers del'analyse des frontières, de la cartographie analytique, d'entretiens qualitatifs avec experts ethabitants, et de recherches bibliographiques dans le Ferghana ainsi que dans la capitale ouzbèkeTachkent – notamment près l'Institut Français d'Etudes sur l'Asie Centrale (IFEAC). Ces périodesde terrain ont été complétées par un séjour de recherche en France, articulé principalement autourd'un approfondissement théorique à l'Institut Français de Géopolitique (IFG) de l'Université ParisVIII-Vincennes et de recherches bibliographiques à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France.L'objet de ce travail est donc l'analyse des rivalités de pouvoir entre les acteurs territoriaux surl'enjeu territorial de la vallée du Ferghana, bassin fertile à la position stratégique dans le contextegéopolitique centrasiatique élargi. Si le Ferghana a toujours constitué un enjeu disputé pardifférents acteurs territoriaux, les rivalités des acteurs actuels jouent aujourd'hui surtout au niveaufrontalier et transfrontalier.Ce faisant, cette thèse introduit un nouvel acteur dans le schéma d'analyse géopolitique classique:le Régionalisme culturel. Le Régionalisme culturel en tant qu'acteur territorial y fait donc l'objetd'une présentation approfondie ainsi que d'une évaluation de son importance passée et actuelle.Concentrée d'abord sur le contexte centrasiatique et les particularités qui découlent de sesfrontières, l'introduction présente ensuite « l'enjeu » Ferghana et ses ressources physiques etéconomiques, qui expliquent l'importance de ce territoire. Elle se poursuit sur un rapide pointthéorique sur la géopolitique et la justification du choix de l'école de pensée géopolitique de YvesLacoste comme cadre théorique de cette recherche, avant de s'achever sur une première analyse del'espace Ferghana à l'aune des catégories de frontières et de confins.Première partieLa thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties. La première, à dominante théorique, analyse à tourde rôle les trois acteurs territoriaux qui rivalisent pour le pouvoir sur le Ferghana: il s'agit de laNation, de la Religion, et du Régionalisme culturel. La présentation des acteurs, de leursdifférentes incarnations et de leurs représentations respectives du territoire ferghanien sont ainsiabordés selon un ordre conceptuel ; des évènements s'étant produits simultanément ne sont ainsipas analysés chronologiquement mais séparément, en tant qu'ils se rapportent aux acteurs évoqués.Le premier chapitre est consacré à l'acteur Nation. Par cette expression nous entendons nonseulement l'entité effective Etat-Nation et ses trois incarnations (Ouzbékistan, Tadjikistan,Kirghizistan), mais aussi la Nation comme idéologie qui agit sur le territoire au travers depolitiques nationalistes. La force de légitimation de l'acteur Nation n'est pas étrangère àl'accroissement de son importance sur ce territoire, qui l'a sans aucun doute mené au sommet de lahiérarchie des acteurs géopolitiques dans cette région. Ce chapitre analyse les représentations duFerghana définies et mises en oeuvres par l'acteur Nation depuis son apparition dans les années1920. La vallée du Ferghana est en effet devenue une région transfrontalière à cette époque, avecson intégration à l'Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) et sa partition entre troisdes cinq Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques nouvellement créées en Asie Centrale. Dans lesannées 1990, avec la chute de l'URSS et l'indépendance des trois Républiques, les frontières quidivisaient le Ferghana ne sont plus simplement internes, mais deviennent bel et bieninternationales. Parmi les représentations majeures qui font l'objet d'une étude dans ce chapitre,une attention particulière est portée aux frontières nationales, leur création et leur évolution. Lechapitre s'intéresse également aux relations entre les différents Etats-Nations, qui constituent unacteur unique lorsqu'ils rivalisent contre les autres acteurs territoriaux – la Religion et leRégionalisme culturel – mais aussi trois acteurs différenciés lorsqu'ils se disputent le territoireFerghana entre eux.Le deuxième chapitre est consacré au deuxième acteur territorial, la Religion. La vallée duFerghana est l'une des régions d'Asie centrale les plus croyantes et pratiquantes, et la religionislamique y a toujours eu un rôle important dans la gestion de la société.Ce chapitre propose d'abord une analyse des représentations de la religion dans le Ferghana : lesoufisme autochtone et la "géographie sacrée" des hauts lieux de ce courant de l'Islam dans leFerghana ; l'Islam traditionnel de la période soviétique, devenu une arme légale utilisée parMoscou pour combattre l'orthodoxie soufie du Ferghana ; le fondamentalisme wahabbiterécemment apparu, importé d'Afghanistan, du Pakistan et d'Arabie Saoudite à la suite del'invasion de l'Afghanistan par les Soviétiques en 1979 et de la rencontre qui s'en est ensuivieentre les musulmans soviétiques et les moudjahiddines afghans.Ensuite est examinée la manière dont les différentes variantes de l'acteur Religion se sontopposées, au cours des années, à l'acteur Nation pour le contrôle du pouvoir et des ressources duterritoire Ferghana. Nous y voyons comment la rivalité géopolitique entre deux acteurs varie dutout au tout selon que l'on parle de l'acteur Nation au cours de la période Soviétique ou bien aucours de l'ère ayant succédé à l'indépendance.Une attention particulière est portée au phénomène de politisation de l'acteur Religion et à lamanière dont cette politisation a amené la Religion à assumer un rôle de protagoniste dans denombreux évènements du Ferghana.Le troisième acteur est le Régionalisme culturel. Avec cette expression nous faisons référence àl'identité géo-culturelle de cet ensemble régional, qui persiste malgré les pressions nationalistes etreligieuses. Car aussi loin que remonte son existence en tant que lieu, la vallée du Ferghana atoujours constitué un ensemble géographique, politique et social à part entière. Bien que sapopulation se soit distinguée au cours des derniers siècles par une grande multiethnicité ethétérogénéité linguistique, cela n'a pas empêché un amalgame sociétal de cette population qui atoujours considéré la multiethnicité comme normale, et toujours a attribué à chaque « ethnie » unrôle social déterminé au sein du système Ferghana.Qu'elles soient de langue et de culture persane et sédentaire, de langue et de culture turque etsédentaire, ou bien de langue et de culture turque et nomade, ces populations ont toujours partagé,chacune dans son propre rôle social, une vie communautaire au sein de la région, et ce phénomèneest la caractéristique principale de ce que nous appelons le Régionalisme culturel du Ferghana.Cependant, cet équilibre change avec la perte de souveraineté politique de la région, l'avènementdu nationalisme sous l'action de l'URSS, et la partition de l'espace entre trois Etats nations del'Asie centrale soviétique. Ce chapitre analyse ainsi les principales représentations de l'acteurRégionalisme culturel au cours du temps, et comment il s'est opposé aux autres acteursterritoriaux, en particulier à l'acteur Nation.Seconde partieLa seconde partie de ce travail est dédiée aux manifestations actuelles des acteurs territoriaux dansla vallée du Ferghana, plus spécialement dans ses zones de frontière. Cette partie est le résultat desentretiens et des observations de terrain réalisés en Asie centrale et dans le Ferghana au cours deséjours en 2007, 2009 et 2010.Le premier chapitre analyse la frontière de cette région du point de vue théorique, à la lumièrenotamment des catégories géostratégiques de "première ligne de défense" ou "dernière ligne dedéfense".Dans le contexte d'une modification de la frontière entre l'époque soviétique et celle del'indépendance, le deuxième chapitre approfondit la définition de frontière centrasiatique, autravers principalement de l'analyse de la bureaucratie de frontière, des postes de contrôle et desdocuments requis pour le passage de la frontière. Les thématiques liées aux relations commercialestransfrontalières y sont examinées : comment les "trois" Ferghana parviennent encore à interagirmalgré la rigidité croissante des frontières, quelles relations sociales transfrontalières subsistent ausein du Ferghana d'aujourd'hui. Les entretiens qualitatifs réalisés dans le Ferghana jouent un rôlemajeur pour recenser les difficultés de passage et de communication dans la vallée et déceler, dansles descriptions et jugements recueillis, la présence des trois acteurs géopolitiques qui toujoursjouent un rôle fondamental dans les relations et conflits de frontière.Le troisième chapitre est dédié aux centres urbains du Ferghana : leur histoire, le rapport que lesFerghaniens entretiennent avec eux, et surtout les représentations internes et externes que lescentres urbains assument au sein d'une région désormais tout à fait transfrontalière.Le quatrième chapitre se concentre sur les évolutions démographiques de la population. Jusque làterre d'immigration tout au long des années tsaristes et soviétiques, le Ferghana est devenu uneterre d'émigration avec l'indépendance et la concrétisation des frontières.Le cinquième chapitre s'intéresse au Ferghana des infrastructures, notamment les réseaux ferré etroutier, et leur rapport d'influence réciproque mutations frontalières de cette région.Le sixième chapitre reprend les interrogations théoriques posées dans l'introduction et développeune analyse conclusive sur le Ferghana des frontières aujourd'hui.ConclusionLa conclusion de cette recherche dresse le bilan actuel du Ferghana et des rapports entre lesdifférents acteurs géopolitiques, et observe la persistance de l'acteur Régionalisme culturel.Force est de constater l'existence de changements dans la région Ferghana à différents points devue. La population ferghanienne dispose de nouveaux cadres de référence culturels, politiques etsociaux qui ont pris une importance majeure. Des nouvelles formes politiques et de structuresculturelles ont eu un impact sur son image d'elle-même, sur son identité: "russe, musulmane,ferghanienne", puis "soviétique, ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), athée, ferghanienne", et enfin"ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), laïque, ferghanienne".Cependant, bien que le territoire, ses frontières et la société qui l'habite aient changé, et malgré lesobstacles forts posés par l'acteur Nation, que Régionalisme culturel a réussi à survivre, ens'adaptant aux nouvelles tendances et aux nouveaux modes d'interprétation du Ferghana.La conclusion s'achève sur les évènements les plus récents du Ferghana; massacre d'Andijan en2005 et affrontements à Osh en juin 2010, qui sont analysés à la lumière des rivalités de pouvoirgéopolitique qui persistent encore dans la région.

Author's introductionThis review of recent feminist analyses and theorizing of labor markets uses a global lens to reveal the forces shaping gender inequality. The first section introduces the key words of globalization, gender and work organization. Next, I examine gender as embodied labor activity in globalized worksites, and the effects of globalization on gendered patterns of work and life. Putting gender at the center of globalization discourses highlights the historical and cultural variability of gender relations intersecting with class, race and nationality, and highlights the impact of restructuring on workers, organizations and institutions at the local, national and regional as well as transnational levels. Then I turn to look at labor market restructuring through commodification of care, outsourcing of household tasks and informalization of employment to show how these processes shape the complexity of relationships between and the interconnectedness of social inequalities transnationally and in global cities. Place matters when analyzing how service employment alters divisions of labor and how these labor market changes are gendered. Global restructuring not only poses new challenges but also creates new opportunities for mobilization around a more robust notion of equality. The final section explores the development of spaces for collective action and the rise of new women's and feminist movements (e.g., transnational networks, non‐governmental agencies). The study of globalization, gender and employment has broad importance for understanding not only the social causes but also the social consequences of the shift to a post‐industrial society.Author recommendsAcker, Joan 2004. 'Gender, Capitalism and Globalization.'Critical Sociology 30, 1: 17–41.Feminist scholarship both critiques gender‐blind globalization discourses and an older generation of women and development theories. By tracing the lineage of current feminist literature on globalization to women and development research, Joan Acker shows both the continuities and distance traveled from the previous terrain of debate. New feminist scholarship on globalization owes a debt to these important, albeit limited, studies of women at work in Latin America, Africa and Asia, but acknowledges the need to go beyond the category of women to analyze specific forms and cultural expressions of gendered power in relationship to class and other hierarchies. One of the major advances in feminist theory comes under the microscope of Acker's keen analysis when she excavates how gender is both embodied and embedded in the logic and structuring of globalizing capitalism. This extends the case she made in her earlier pioneering research on gender relations being embedded in the organization of major institutions. For the study of globalization, Acker posits that the gendered construction (and cultural coding) of capitalist production separated from human reproduction has resulted in subordination of women in both domains. Acker uncovers the historical legacy of a masculine‐form of dominance associated with production in the money economy that was exported to and embedded in colonialist installation of large‐scale institutions. By the late 20th Century large‐scale institutions promoted images and emotions that expressed economic and political power in terms of new articulations of hegemonic masculinity. As an article outlining debates on the nature of globalization and of gender, it serves as a good introduction to the topic.Chow, Esther Ngan‐Ling 2003. 'Gender Matters: Studying Globalization and Social Change in the 21st Century.'International Sociology 18, 3: 443–460.Chow's introduction to the special issue on 'Gender, Globalization and Social Change in the 21st Century' in International Sociology (2003) reviews the literature on gender and globalization and provides an excellent overview of 'gender matters.' Her definition of globalization captures salient features of the current era. This definition encompasses the economic, political cultural and social dimensions of globalization. Further, she offers a framework for studying the 'dialectics of globalization', as 'results of conflicting interaction between the global and local political economies and socio‐cultural conditions…' A dialectics of globalization is a fruitful approach for studying transformative possibilities. This article could serve as background reading or as part of an introductory section.Arlie Russell Hochschild, Arlie Russell. 2003. 'Love and Gold.' Pp. 15–30 in Global Women: Nannies, Maids and Sex Workers in the New Economy, edited by Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Russell Hochschild. Metropolitan Books.Hochschild's chapter in Global Women examines the transfer of traditional women's work to migrant women. Women in rich countries are turning over care work (nannies, maids, elder care) to female migrant workers who can be paid lower wages with few or no benefits and minimal legal protections. This global transfer of services associated with a wife's traditional role extracts a different kind of labor than in prior migrations based on agricultural and industrial production. Emotional, sexual as well as physical labor is extracted in this current phase of globalization; in particular, emotional labor and 'love is the new gold'. Women migrate not only to escape poverty, but also to escape patriarchy in their home countries by earning an independent income and by physical autonomy from patriarchal obligations and expectations. Many female migrants who leave poor countries can earn more money as nannies and maids in the First World than in occupations (nurses, teachers, clerical workers) if they remained in their own country. Thus, migration can be seen as having contradictory effects on women's well‐being and autonomy. This chapter can be used in a section dealing with the specific topic of globalization and care work or in a section introducing the topic of gendered labor activities.McDowell, Linda, Diane Perrons, Colette Fagan, Kath Ray and Kevin Ward. 2005. 'The Contradictions and Intersections of Class and Gender in a Global City: Placing Working Women's Lives on the Research Agenda.'Environment and Planning A 37, 441–461.This group of prominent social geographers from the UK collaborates to great effect in a welcome addition to the literature theorizing the complex articulations of gender and class in global cities. Their detailed research comparing three localities in Greater London is a corrective to the oft‐cited multi‐site study of global cities by Saskia Sassen. They find that Sassen underestimates gains and losses for both men and women in the 'new' economy. Place makes a difference when assessing the impact of women's increased rates of labor market participation on income inequality and patterns of childcare. The article outlines a new research agenda by 'placing' working women's lives at the center of analysis.Parrenas, Rhacel Salazar 2008. The Force of Domesticity: Filipina Migrants and Globalization. New York: New York University Press.Rhacel Salazar Parrenas brings together her influential research on Filipina migrants and extends her path‐breaking ethnographic analysis to include Filipina domestic workers in Rome and Los Angeles and entertainers in Tokyo. David Eng incisively captures the importance of Parrenas's analysis when he states, 'Extracted from home and homeland only to be reinserted into the domestic spaces of the global north, these servants of globalization exemplify an ever‐increasing international gendered division of labor, one compelling us to reexamine the neo‐liberal coupling of freedom and opportunity with mobility and migration'. The book is well suited to illuminate discussions of domesticity and migration, transnational migrant families, the impact of migration laws in 'home' and 'host' countries, and transnational movements among migrant women.Walby, Sylvia. 2009. Globalization and Inequalities: Complexity and Contested Modernities. London: Sage.This book introduces new theoretical concepts and tests alternative hypotheses to explain variation in trajectories of gender relations cross‐nationally. It synthesizes and reviews a vast literature, ranging from the social sciences to the natural sciences to construct a new approach to theorizing the development of gender regimes in comparative perspective. Sylvia Walby seeks to explain the different patterns of inequalities across a large number of countries. The analysis differentiates between neo‐liberal and social democratic varieties of political economy, and makes explicit the gender component of institutions and their consequences. The project builds on Walby's pioneering work on comparative gender regimes, and extends the research by operationalizing empirical indicators for a range of key concepts, and by analyzing links between a wide set of institutions (including economy, polity, education and violence) and how these are gendered in specific ways. As in the past, Walby is not afraid to tackle big questions and to offer new answers. Throughout the book, like in her previous body of research, Walby takes on the question of social inclusion/exclusion and critically interrogates concepts of democracy, political participation, equality and rights. Walby uses a comparative lens to examine the democratic 'deficit' in liberal and social democratic countries, and how migration restructures patterns of inequality and the consequent reconstitution of national and ethnic relations within countries. There is more to the book than abstract theoretical debates. Walby poses and assesses alternative political projects for achieving equality. The book is an original contribution that will likely influence sociology in general and theories of social change in particular.Online resourcesStatus of women in the world: United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) http://www.unifem.orgUNIFEM was established at the United Nations in order to foster women's empowerment through innovative programs and strategies. Its mission statement summarizes UNIFEM's goals as follows: 'Placing the advancement of women's human rights at the center of all of its efforts, UNIFEM focuses on reducing feminized poverty, ending violence against women; reversing the spread of HIV/AIDS among women and girls; and achieving gender equality in democratic governance in times of peace as well as war'. The website includes information on global initiatives such as zero tolerance of violence against women, the impact of the economic crisis on women migrant workers, and strategizing for gender proportionate representation in Nigeria. Primary documents relevant to women's advancement appear on the website; these include the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. UNIFEM publishes monographs assessing the progress of women around the world. One notable example is the 2005 publication on Women, Work & Poverty by Martha Chen, Joann Vanek, Francie Lund, James Heintz with Renana Jhabvala and Christine Bonner. http://www.unifem.org/attachments/products/PoWW2005_eng.pdf Gender equity index http://www.socialwatch.org/en/avancesyRetrocesos/IEG_2008/tablas/valoresdelIEG2008.htm Social Watch produces an up‐to‐date gender equity index composed of three dimensions and indicators: empowerment (% of women in technical positions, % of women in management and government positions, % of women in parliaments, % of women in ministerial posts); economic activity (income gap, activity rate gap); and education (literacy rate gap, primary school enrollment rate gap, secondary school enrollment gap, and tertiary education enrollment gap). These separate indicators in addition to the gender equity index are arrayed by country. There are 157 countries, representing 94% of the world's population, in the sample. Mapping these indicators across countries presents a comparative picture of the absolute and relative standing of women and gender equity in the world.Focus QuestionsKey words: Globalization1. What is meant by globalization?

   a. To what extent is globalization new? Or is globalization another phase of a long historical process?
   b. Can we differentiate inter‐national (connections between) from the global (inter‐penetrations)?

Feminism and globalization

 How do feminist interventions challenge globalization theories (for example the presumed relationship between globalization and homogenization and individualization)?
 How do different feminisms frame and assess the conditions of globalization around the world?

Gender and globalization

 What role do women, and different women, play in the global economy?
 Are patriarchal arrangements changing as a result of greater economic integration at the world level?

Migration and mobilities

 What does Parrenas mean by partial citizenship?



 How does it relate to the case of Philippine migrant workers?
 What is the relationship between 'home' and 'host' nations?
 How important is a vehicle like the Tinig Filipino in forging 'imagined communities' and new realities?



 What is the mix of choice and compulsion in the different migrations mobilities of men and women?

Globalization and politics

 Are women subject to the same kinds of legal protections (and regulations) that evolved in earlier periods?
 Do new flexible production processes and flexible work arrangements undercut such legal protections?

Globalization and collective mobilization

 Does globalization open spaces for new women's movements, new solidarities, new subjectivities and new forms of organizing?

Sample syllabusCourse outline and reading assignments Conceptualizing the 'Global' and 'Globalization' Dicken, Peter, Jamie Peck and Adam Tickell. 1997. 'Unpacking the Global.' Pp. 158–166 in Geographies of Economies, edited by Roger Lee and Jane Willis. London: Arnold.Amin, Ash and Nigel Thrift. 1996. 'Holding Down the Global.' Pp. 257–260 in Globalization, Institutions, and Regional Development in Europe, edited by Ash Amin and Nigel Thrift. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Acker, Joan. 2004. 'Feminism, Gender and Globalization.'Critical Sociology 30: 17–42.Background Reading:Gottfried, Heidi. 2006. 'Feminist Theories of Work.' Pp. 121–154 in Social Theory at Work, edited by Marek Korczynski, Randy Hodson, Paul Edwards. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Peterson, V. Spike. 2008. 'Intersectional Analytics in Global Political Economy.' in UberKeruszungen, edited Cornelia Klinger and Gudrun‐Axeli Knapp. Munster: Wesfalisches Dmpfboot.Chow, Esther Ngan‐Ling. 2003. 'Gender Matters: Studying Globalization and Social change in the 21st Century.'International Sociology 18 (3): 443–460.Walby, Sylvia. 2009. Globalization and Inequalities: Complexity and Contested Modemities. London: Sage. Gender and Globalization Gottfried, Heidi. Forthcoming. 'Gender and Employment: A Global Lens on Feminist Analyses and Theorizing of Labor Markets.'Sociology CompassFernandez‐Kelly, Patricia and Diane Wolf. 2001. 'Dialogue on Globalization.'Signs 26: 1243–1249.Bergeron, Suzanne. 2001. 'Political Economy Discourses of Globalization and Feminist Politics.'Signs 26: 983–1006.Freeman, Carla. 2001. 'Is Local: Global as Feminine: Masculine? Rethinking the Gender of Globalization.'Signs 26:1007–1037. Theorizing Politics and Globalization Sassen, Saskia. 1996. 'Toward a Feminist Analytics of the Global Economy.'Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 4: 7–41.Parrenas, Rhacel Salazer. 2001. 'Transgressing the Nation‐State: The Partial Citizenship and 'Imagined (Global) Community' of Migrant Filipina Domestic Workers.'Signs 26:1129–1154.Bosniak, Linda. 2009. 'Citizenship, Noncitizenship, and the Transnationalization of Domestic Work.' Pp. 127–156 in Migrations and Mobilities: Citizenship, Borders, and Gender, edited by Seyla Benhabib and Judith Resnik. New York: New York University Press.Background Reading:Benhabib, Seyla and Judith Resnik. 2009. 'Introduction: Citizenship and Migration Theory Engendered.' Pp. 1–46 in Migrations and Mobilities: Citizenship, Borders, and Gender, edited by Seyla Benhabib and Judith Resnik. New York: New York University Press. Migrations, Mobilities and Care Hochschild, Arlie Russell. 2003. 'Love and Gold.' Pp. 15–30 in Global Women: Nannies, Maids and Sex Workers in the New Economy, edited by Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Russell Hochschild. Metropolitan Books.Hondagneu‐Sotelo, Pierrette. 2001. Domestica: Immigrant Workers Cleaning and Caring the Shadows of Affluence. Berkeley: University of California Press.Parrenas, Richard Salazar. 2008. The Force of Domesticity: Filipina Migrants and Globalization. New York: New York University Press.Pyle, Jean 2006. 'Globalizations, Transnational Migration, and Gendered Care Work.'Globalizations 3(3): 283–295.Qayum, Seemin and Raka Ray. 2003. 'Grappling with Modernity: India's Respectable Classes and the Culture of Domestic Servitude.'Ethnography 4: 520–555. Restructuring and Gender Inequality in Global Cities McDowell, Linda, Diane Perrons, Colette Fagan, Kath Ray and Kevin Ward. 2005. 'The Contradictions and Intersections of Class and Gender in a Global City: Placing Working Women's Lives on the Research Agenda.'Environment and Planning A 37: 441–461.McDowell, Linda. 1997. 'A Tale of Two Cities? Embedded Organizations and Embodied Workers in the City of London.' Pp. 118–129 in Geographies of Economies, edited by Roger Lee and Jane Willis. London: Arnold.Bruegel, Irene. 1999. 'Globalization, Feminization and Pay Inequalities in London and the UK.' Pp. 73–93 in Women, Work and Inequality, edited by Jeanne Gregory, Rosemary Sales and Ariane Hegewisch. New York: St. Martin's Press. Embodiment and Restructuring Halford, Susan and Mike Savage. 1997. 'Rethinking Restructuring: Embodiment, Agency and Identity in Organizational Change.' Pp. 108–117 in Geographies of Economies, edited by Roger Lee and Jane Willis. London: Arnold.Gottfried, Heidi. 2003 'Temp(t)ing Bodies: Shaping Bodies at Work in Japan.'Sociology 37: 257–276. Gender in the Global Economy: Post‐Socialist and Emerging Economies Salzinger, Leslie. 2004. 'Trope Chasing: Engendering Global Labor Markets.'Critical Sociology 30: 43–62.Kathryn Ward, Fahmida Rahman, AKM Saiful Islam, Rifat Akhter and Nashid Kama. 2004. 'The Nari Jibon Project: Effects on Global Structuring on University Women's Work and Empowerment In Bangladesh.'Critical Sociology 30: 63–102Otis, Eileen. 2007. 'Virtual Personalism in Beijing: Learning Deference and Femininity at a Global Luxury Hotel. Pp. 101–123 in Working in China: Ethnographies of Labor and Workplace Transformation, edited by Ching Kwan Lee. Routledge.Background Reading:Ferguson and Monique Mironesco (eds.). 2008. Gender and Globalization in Asia and the Pactific: Method, Practice, Theory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Globalization and Policy Developments Lenz, Ilse. 2004. 'Globalization, Gender and Work: Perspectives on Global Regulation.' Pp. 29–52 in Equity in the Workplace: Gendering Workplace Policy Analysis, edited by Heidi Gottfried and Laura Reese. Lexington Press.Woodward, Alison. 2004. 'European Gender Mainstreaming: Promises and Pitfalls of Transformative Policy.' Pp. 77–100 in Equity in the Workplace: Gendering Workplace Policy Analysis, edited by Heidi Gottfried and Laura Reese, Lexington Press.Fraser, Nancy. 2007. 'Reframing Justice in a Globalizing World.' in Global Inequality, edited by David Held and Ayse Kaya. Polity. Gender and the New Economy Walby, Sylvia, Heidi Gottfried, Karin Gottschall and Mari Osawa. 2006. Gendering and the Knowledge Economy: Comparative Perspectives, Palgrave, See chapters by Sylvia Walby, Mari Osawa, and Diane Perrons.Ng, Cecelia. 2004. 'Globalization and Regulation: The New Economy, Gender and Labor Regimes.'Critical Sociology 30: 103–108. Globalization and Transnational Organizing Ferree, Myra Marx. 2006. 'Globalization and Feminism: Opportunities and Obstacles for Activism in the Global Area.' Pp. 3–23 in Global Feminism: Transnational Women's Activism, Organizing, and Human Rights, edited by Myra Marx Ferree and Aili Mari Tripp. New York: New York University Press.Yuval‐Davis, Nira. 2006. 'Human/Women's Rights and Feminist Transversal Politics.' Pp. 275–295 in Global Feminism: Transnational Women's Activism, Organizing, and Human Rights, Myra Marx Ferree and Aili Mari Tripp. New York: New York University Press.Mohanty, Chandra Talpade. 2006. "Under Western Eyes" Revisited: Feminist Solidarity Through Anti‐Capitalist Struggles.' Pp. 17–42 in Feminism without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity, edited by Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press.

Dottorato di ricerca in Biotecnologie degli alimenti ; Lo smaltimento delle acque di vegetazione dei frantoi oleari costituisce, attualmente, uno dei principali problemi dal punto di vista ambientale, specialmente nei paesi del Mediterraneo dove si concentra la maggior parte della produzione mondiale di olio di oliva. Le acque di vegetazione sono tra i reflui agro-industriali a più alto tasso inquinante a causa del loro elevato carico organico, caratterizzato soprattutto da composti fenolici e polifenolici ad elevata azione antimicrobica e fitotossica. La purificazione biologica delle acque di vegetazione è particolarmente difficile poiché questo refluo presenta solidi in sospensione e un elevato carico organico, in particolare polifenoli con attività biostatica e/o biocida, che riduce fortemente le prestazione degli impianti di depurazione. Di conseguenza, l'impianto deve prevedere due o più stadi di trattamento che rendono la depurazione complessa e costosa. Attualmente, la normativa vigente consente la pratica dello spandimento delle acque di vegetazione sui terreni agrari; nonostante questa risulti, al momento, essere la soluzione migliore sia dal punto di vista pratico che economico, trova attuazione solo se si ha disponibilità di terreni sufficientemente vicini su cui spargere il refluo e comunque deve essere applicata in maniera controllata dal momento che gli eventuali effetti positivi o negativi sulla composizione, sulla carica microbica e la fertilità del terreno sono ancora oggi oggetto di studio. Inoltre, la migrazione di alcuni composti negli strati più bassi del terreno potrebbe causare la contaminazione di eventuali falde acquifere sottostanti con conseguenze per la salute dell'uomo. Negli ultimi anni sono state proposte soluzioni alternative finalizzate a sfruttare questo refluo, in quanto ricco di composti utili. La valorizzazione delle AV mediante il loro impiego per l'ottenimento di prodotti a medio o alto valore aggiunto attraverso processi fisico-chimici o fermentativi, riveste notevole interesse scientifico. Nelle AV sono presenti una grande varietà di biomolecole come acidi organici, polialcoli, zuccheri semplici e complessi e lipidi che le rendono una possibile base per i processi fermentativi. In virtù del contenuto residuo di lipidi, le AV potrebbero rappresentare un ottimo candidato come terreno liquido di crescita per la produzione di lipasi microbiche. Lo scopo della presente tesi di dottorato è stato quello di mettere a punto un processo fermentativo per la valorizzazione delle AV mediante produzione microbica di enzimi, in particolare enzimi lipolitici, ottenendo al contempo un abbattimento, o quanto meno una riduzione, del loro potere inquinante. Esiste una vasta bibliografia in cui viene presa in esame la produzione di lipasi da numerose specie microbiche tra cui Penicillium e Candida e sia il terreno che il processo fermentativo per la produzione di questo enzima è stato ampiamente ottimizzato. Nella maggior parte dei casi, una buona produzione di lipasi microbica prevede l'utilizzo di terreni sintetici piuttosto complessi che sicuramente incidono in maniera significativa sul prezzo finale del prodotto. Inoltre, negli ultimi anni anche la produzione di preparati enzimatici commerciali contenenti lipasi di origine microbica ha avuto un notevole sviluppo. Sigma, Amano, Roche, Novo Nordisk, etc., forniscono preparati lipolititici con varie composizioni e proprietà catalitiche utilizzati in diversi settori: industria alimentare, farmaceutica, dei detergenti e per la produzione di biodiesel. L'innovazione che dovrebbe introdurre questo lavoro è l'opportunità di produrre lipasi microbiche di possibile interesse industriale utilizzando un substrato costituito da un refluo agro-industriale. Con questa idea, si è cercato di mettere a punto un terreno di produzione a basso costo che permettesse di ottenere buoni livelli di attività e contemporaneamente un abbattimento del carico inquinante del refluo finale. In prima battuta, è stato effettuato uno screening di microrganismi (Geotrichum candidum, NRRL 552, 553; Rhizopus sp, ISRIM 383; Rhizopus arrhizus, NRRL 2286; Rhizopus oryzae, NRRL 6431; Aspergillus oryzae, NRRL 1988, 495; Aspergillus niger, NRRL 334; Candida cylindracea, NRRL Y-17506; Penicillium citrinum, NRRL 1841, 3754, ISRIM 118) in grado di crescere sulle acque di vegetazione producendo lipasi. Le produzioni più elevate di enzima sono state ottenute, in condizioni non-ottimizzate, dopo 168 h con Geotrichum candidum NRRL 553 (0,521 U/ml) e Candida cylindracea (0,460 U/ml). Inoltre, livelli di produzione molto interessanti sono stati raggiunti dopo 72 h con i ceppi di Penicillium citrinum (0,365, 0,320 e 0,375 U/ml per NRRL 1841, NRRL 3754 e ISRIM 118, rispettivamente). Questi ceppi sono stati selezionati per valutare, in via preliminare, l'effetto di alcuni fattori sulla produzione di lipasi quali tipologia di AV, utilizzo di vari oli come induttori di attività e impiego di diverse fonti di azoto. Per quanto riguarda la produzione di lipasi da P. citrinum NRRL 1841 su AV, l'attività è stata influenzata in maniera marcata dal tipo di fonte di azoto ma non era aumentata in maniera significativa dall'aggiunta di oli. Nel caso della produzione di lipasi da C. Cylindracea NRRL Y-17506, il cloruro di ammonio e l'olio di oliva rappresentavano rispettivamente la fonte di azoto e l'induttore più adatto; infatti questo ceppo cresciuto in condizioni parzialmente ottimizzate produceva 9,48 U/ml di attività lipolitica dopo 264 h di fermentazione. Successivamente, la produzione di lipasi da P. citrinum NRRL 1841, utilizzando il terreno a base di AV, è stata ottimizzata in beuta valutando l'effetto del pH iniziale, della concentrazione di azoto e di estratto di lievito secondo un approccio multi-fattoriale. La combinazione ottimizzata dal modello è stata la seguente: pH 6,15, 2,7 g/l NH4Cl e 1,1 g/l YE. La produzione massima raggiunta è stata di 1,242 U/ml. Con il terreno così ottimizzato, al fine di ottenere informazioni sul possibile trasferimento di scala del processo, sono stati condotti altri esperimenti in reattori da banco. Allo scopo, sono stati impiegati due tipi di sistemi, un bioreattore ad agitazione meccanica (STR) e uno ad agitazione pneumatica (Air-lift). In entrambi i casi, l'attività lipolitica extracellulare aveva raggiunto il suo picco massimo dopo 192 h di fermentazione. Tuttavia, il massimo di attività è stato significativamente più alto in STR che in Airlift (0,700 vs 0,420 U/ml, rispettivamente). Sebbene tutti i ceppi studiati sono stati in grado di crescere sulle acque di vegetazione e produrre a livelli significativi attività lipolitica, una particolare attenzione è stata riservata a C. cylindracea (noto anche come C. rugosa) per il notevole interesse applicativo della lipasi prodotta da questo lievito. Inizialmente, si è cercato di ottimizzare in beuta la composizione del terreno di produzione (concentrazione dell'olio di oliva, effetto del glucosio, aggiunta di surfactanti e di vari fattori di crescita) e di valutare in via preliminare l'effetto sulla crescita cellulare e sull'attività di alcune condizioni colturali quali velocità di agitazione e aerazione. La migliore composizione del terreno di produzione si è confermata essere quella contenente 3 g/l di olio di oliva, 2,4 g/l di NH4Cl e 0,5 g/l di estratto di lievito, senza l'aggiunta di glucosio e Tween 80. Inoltre, con lo scopo di valutare la fattibilità tecnica di un trasferimento di scala del bioprocesso e approfondire la messa a punto del processo fermentativo sono stati condotti una serie di esperimenti in bioreattore da banco ad agitazione meccanica (STR). In particolare, utilizzando il terreno a base di AV ottimizzato, si è cercato di ottimizzare alcuni parametri quali pH, velocità di agitazione e aerazione. Per quanto riguarda l'effetto della velocità di agitazione e dell'aerazione sulla produzione enzimatica, sono state prese in esame tre velocità di agitazione (300, 500 e 700 giri/min), mantenute fisse durante tutta la fermentazione, e in più è stato condotto un esperimento in cui si è cercato di mantenere la concentrazione dell'ossigeno disciolto nel mezzo superiore al 20% di saturazione facendo variare la velocità di agitazione tra 300 e 800 giri/min. Mentre per valutare l'effetto del pH, sono stati condotti degli esperimenti a pH 6,5 fisso confrontando la produzione con quella ottenuta a pH libero e a pH mantenuto inferiore a 6,5. La massima produzione di lipasi da C. cylindracea è stata ottenuta in bioreattore lavorando a pH libero e ad una velocità di agitazione costante di 500 giri/min (18,50 U/ml) o ad una velocità di agitazione variabile tra 300 e 800 giri/min in modo da assicurare un valore di ossigeno disciolto nel brodo superiore al 20% di saturazione (18,70 U/ml); in quest'ultimo caso, inoltre, la comparsa del picco massimo è stata anticipata nel tempo favorendo così la produttività oraria del bioprocesso. Per quanto riguarda i reattori a 300 e 700 giri/min, la produzione enzimatica è stata di 2,54 e 11,65 U/ml, rispettivamente. Infine, messo a punto il bioprocesso di produzione della lipasi da C. cylindracea coltivata su un terreno a base di AV, si è cercato di identificare il profilo enzimatico del campione grezzo così ottenuto, dal momento che, come è noto dalla letteratura, questo lievito è in grado di produrre fino a sette isoforme ad attività lipolitica. A tale scopo sono stati condotti degli esperimenti di isoelettrofocalizzazione (IEF) analitica. Nel gel sono stati caricati un campione di lipasi commerciale (Tipo VII, Sigma) e due campioni grezzi ottenuti da C. cylindracea coltivata sul terreno a base di AV, prelevati a due tempi fermentativi diversi e corrispondenti ai due picchi di attività lipolitica raggiunti durante le prove in STR (I° e II° picco di massima attività, 48esima e 192esima ora, rispettivamente). Dai risultati ottenuti, è stato osservato che il campione grezzo era costituito da più isoenzimi con attività lipolitica e che il profilo isoenzimatico aveva una sola banda in comune con quello della lipasi commerciale (Typo VII, Sigma) a cui è stato assegnato pI 4,7. Per quanto riguarda il campione prelevato alla 48esima ora, sono state osservate anche una banda piuttosto intensa a pI 5,1 e una tripletta di bande più deboli a pIs di 5,06, 5,0 e 4,9. Durante la fermentazione il profilo isoenzimatico del campione aveva subito delle modifiche: infatti, alla 192esima ora, le bande a pIs 5,1, 5,0 e 4,9 erano scomparse, mentre era comparsa una banda di attività intensa a cui è stato assegnato un pI di 4,5. Infine, in entrambi i campioni grezzi è stata rilevata una banda tenue a pI 3,8. In conclusione, i buoni livelli di attività enzimatica raggiunti dimostrano la fattibilità tecnica di un processo fermentativo finalizzato alla valorizzazione dei reflui oleari mediante la produzione di lipasi, che può avere promettenti utilizzi in varie applicazioni industriali. Comunque, ulteriori fasi di scale-up del processo sono ancora necessarie al fine di poter effettuare una valutazione sulla fattibilità economica del processo. ; The olive mill wastewater (OMW) disposal is, currently, one of the main environmental problems in all olive-oil producing countries, especially in the Mediterranean area. In fact, for its high organic load, phenolic fraction with phytotoxic effects and antimicrobial activity, the OMW is a highly polluted agro-industrial effluent. The biological treatment can be very difficult since solid residues, high organic load and phenols may strongly reduce the depuration efficiency. Consequently, a possible process should include several technological options, physical, chemical and biological, as well as combinations thereof, thus resulting in increased process costs. At the moment, the Italian legislation allows land spreading of untreated olive mill wastewater that is the best economical solution. Application on agriculture soils is a practice which solves partially the problem of OMW disposal. Positive and negative effects on soil composition and fertility are still under study, so that OMW application must be strictly controlled. Land spreading, in fact, may cause serious negative environmental impact regarding, for instance, groundwater contamination. In the last years, alternative solutions have been proposed in view of the use this waste as a source of valuable compounds. Several recent research studies have reported the possibility of OMW valorization to obtain products of actual or potential industrial interest. The presence in OMW of a wide range of biomolecules such as organic acids, polyalcohols, simple and complex sugars and lipids makes it a potential basis for fermentation processes. In this way, OMW could be a putative candidate as a potentially suitable liquid growth medium for the production of microbial lipases by virtue of its residual lipid content. For these reasons, the objective of the present PhD thesis was to assess the suitability of OMW as growth medium for the production of lipases and to set up a related fermentation process that might lead, at the same time, to a low polluting load final effluent. A large number of microbial strains have been screened for lipase production belonging to several fungal genera, Candida and Penicillium in particular. In literature, numerous methods for lipolytic enzyme production are published and medium composition and cultural conditions have been fully optimised. Neverthless, the most frequently used medium is a chemical defined and complex one, significantly affecting the final product costs. Besides, in the last years, a whole range of microbial lipase preparations has been developed. Sigma, Amano, Roche, Novo Nordisk, etc., provide lipolytic preparations with various compositions and catalytic proprierties employed in areas such as detergent pharmaucetic and food industries and biodiesel production. Our innovative approach consists in the trial of producing microbial lipases using an agroindustrial-waste based medium. Our basic idea, in fact, was that of developing a low cost production medium. Firstly, 12 fungal strains belonging to well-known lypolytic species (Geotrichum candidum, NRRL 552, 553; Rhizopus sp, ISRIM 383; Rhizopus arrhizus, NRRL 2286; Rhizopus oryzae, NRRL 6431; Aspergillus oryzae, NRRL 1988, 495; Aspergillus niger, NRRL 334; Candida cylindracea, NRRL Y-17506; Penicillium citrinum, NRRL 1841, 3754, ISRIM 118) were screened for their ability to grow on undiluited OMW and to produce extracellular lipase activity. The highest lipase productions were obtained under non-optimized conditions after 168 h with Geotrichum candidum NRRL 553 (0.521 U/ml) and Candida cylindracea (0.460 U/ml). Interesting production levels were also achieved after 72 h with strains of Penicillium citrinum (0.365, 0.320 and 0.375 U/ml for NRRL 1841, NRRL 3754 and ISRIM 118, respectively). These strains were then selected to study the effect of culture conditions, such as OMW typology, nitrogen sources and inducers, on the enzyme production. With regard to the lipase production by P. citrinum NRRL 1841, the enzyme activity was significantly influenced by nitrogen addition; on the other hand, the addition of oils resulted in a marked increase in biomass without affecting, however, lipase production. Lipase production by C. cylindracea NRRL Y-17506 was significatly favored by ammonium salts and oil addition. This strain growth in OMW medium containing ammonium chloride and olive oil led to an activity peak of 9.48 U/ml after 264 hours of fermentation. In order to optimise lipase production by P. citrinum in OMW-based medium, the combined effect of three variables (i.e, concentration of NH4Cl, yeast extract and initial pH) was assessed using a multi-factorial design with 'optimizer' function of 'Modde 5.0' program. The optimised combination by the model was as follows: pH 6.15, 2.7 g/l NH4Cl e 1.1 g/l extract yeast. The maximum lipase activity was 1.242 U/ml after 192 hour of fermentation. To gain information on the possible up-scaling of the process, further experiments were performed in 3-l laboratory-scale reactors. Specifically, pneumatically agitated (Airlift) and mechanically agitated (STR) reactors were employed using the optimised OMW-based medium. In both cases, the extracellular lipase peaked 192 h after inoculation. Howewer, the maximum activity was significatly higher in STR with respect to the Airlift (0.700 vs 0.420 U/ml, respectively). Of all strains, C. cylindracea appeared to be particularly interesting and was, therefore, used as the model microorganism to further investigate the feasibility of an OMW substrate. Firstly, the optimisation of medium composition was assessed in shaken cultures. In particular, the effects on the lipase production of olive oil concentration (1, 3, 5 e 10 g/l), glucose (5 g/l), Tween 80 (0,5 g/l) and several growth nutrients (yeast extract, malt extract and peptone) addition were studied. The best medium composition was as follows: diluited OMW (1:2), olive oil 3 g/l, NH4Cl 2.4 g/l and yeast extract 0.5 g/l. The glucose and Tween 80 addition negatively affected the production of lipolytic enzyme. Lipase production by C. cylindracea on OMW-optimized medium was subsequently assessed in mechanically agitated bioreactor (STR). To study the agitation influence on enzyme production, a set of experiments was carried out at three impeller speed, 300, 500 and 700 rpm; moreover, an additional experiment was carried out at dissolved oxygen DO > 20% saturation (agitation speed automatically controlled between 300 and 800 rpm). To evaluate the effect of pH, three conditions were compared: free pH; fixed pH (6.5) maintained constant by addition of HCl 4.0 M and NaOH 4.0 M; pH lower than 6.5 controlled with addition of HCl 4.0 M. The maximum lipase productions were obtained with the pH left free to vary, 500 rpm costant agitation speed (18.5 U/ml) and variable agitation speed between 300 and 800 rpm to ensure a dissolved oxygen value upper to 20% (18.7 U/ml); in the latter thesis the onset of enzyme activity was anticipated thus leading to increased bioprocess productivity. At 300 e 700 rpm agitation speed, the maximum lipase productions were 2.54 and 11.65 U/ml, respectively. Finally, to set up the bioprocess of lipase production by C. Cylindracea grown on OMW-based medium, the isoenzymatic profiles of the raw sample was evaluated. This aspect appears to be very interesting since it is known that commercial C. rugosa lipase is a mixture of 3 isoenzymes namenly Lip 1, Lip2 and Lip 3 but the yeast is able to produce up to seven different isoenzymes (Lip 1-Lip 7). Moreover isoenzymatic profiles can depend on media composition and fermentation conditions. With this aim, a set of analitycal isoelectrofocusing experiments were carried out. In the gels, a sample of commercial lipase (Type VII, Sigma) and two raw samples of lipase by C. cylindracea grown on OMW-optimized medium and corresponding to two lipolytic activity peaks (1st and 2nd peak, 48esime and 192esime hour of fermentation, respectively) obtained in STR, were loaded. The results suggest that the raw samples were constituted of more lipolytic isoenzymes with the isoenzymatic profile having only one band in common with that of the commercial lipase (assigned pI 4.7). The sample corresponding to the 1st activity peak showed a strong band at pI 5.1 and a triplette of weak bands at pIs 5.06, 5.0 e 4.9. Moreover, the isoenzymatic profiles changed during fermentation; in fact, the bands at pIs 5.1, 5.0 and 4.9 disappeared and a new strong band at pI 4.5 formed. Finally, in both raw samples a band at pI 3.8 was observed. OMWs valorisation by its use as growth medium for lipase production by C. cylindracea NRRL Y-17506 and P. citrinum NRRL 1841 appears to be possible and promising. Moreover, the investigation for further up-scaling is need to evaluate the economic fattibility of the bioprocess.

Le rapport de soutenance rend tout d'abord hommage à la qualité du dossier présenté à l'appui de la demande de l'habilitation à diriger des recherches: un mémoire substantiel, deux livres (en français et en anglais), une quarantaine d'articles publiés dans des revues reconnues, des contributions originales à des ouvrages collectifs, ainsi que de nombreuses communications à des réunions scientifiques internationales. Les ouvrages d'Albert Doja sont très variés même s'ils sont essentiellement consacrés à l'Albanie et à la région balkanique. Il y a beaucoup de thèmes importants abordés et une quantité significative de propositions. C'est un corpus très riche, plein d'idées intéressantes qui poussent à repenser les concepts de base. Les rapporteurs notent qu'il y a deux thématiques organisent le dossier, celui de la construction culturelle de la personne (morphologie sociale, parenté et relations de genre) et celui des relations interethniques élargies aux champs de la religion, de la nation et de la folklorisation des traditions culturelles et notamment des conflits qu'enclenchent tous ces éléments. Sa thèse de Doctorat qui était en grande partie basée sur les données folkloriques et ethnographiques cherchait à comprendre la constitution de la personne en Albanie en utilisant des bases d'interprétation anthropologique où les influences les plus explicites sont les œuvres de Lévi-Strauss. De la construction de la personne le regard s'est très naturellement porté vers les valeurs et les traits structurels qui façonnent la société albanaise (un système lignager, l'idéologie du sang, l'hypertrophie du sentiment fraternel, le sens de l'honneur, la codification de l'amitié, etc.). Ces approfondissements et ces élargissements de la problématique de départ ont abouti, par touches successives, à un riche tableau où l'étude de la socialisation, de la formation de personne, la nature de la culture régionale, la structure sociale, la construction de l'honneur, les pratiques religieuses par rapport à la distribution linguistiques contribuent à un effort orienté vers une compréhension de la spécificité des sociétés et des cultures albanaises et sud-est européennes. De là il se met à analyser les formes et la dynamique de l'identité ethnique, nationale et le conflit. Son anthropologie représente une excellente combinaison qui devrait être utile dans la recherche régionale. Il s'agit d'une anthropologie sociale et historique des 'traditions' mais dans la mesure où elle se situe dans un balancement entre ethnie et nation on peut considérer qu'il s'agit d'une anthropologie du juste milieu qui d'ailleurs ne sacrifie nullement l'actualité comme en témoignent les analyses consacrées au phénomène des viols ou encore à l'exercice démocratique. Enfin il discute les questions plus contemporaines qui relèvent des transformations politiques et sociales dans la région, l'introduction de la démocratie, la migration et l'intégration. Le mémoire distingue d'ailleurs très bien les champs de recherche et les champs d'implication. Dans ce parcours Albert Doja démontre sa maîtrise de la région du point de vue historique, linguistique et culturelle en même temps qu'il intègre en grande partie ces connaissances dans les discussions théoriques contemporaines dans la discipline. Catherine Quiminal (Professeur, Paris VII) note que ce dossier met en évidence de manière convaincante l'intérêt, pour l'anthropologie, d'aborder des terrains concernant des sociétés du sud-est européen, puisque l'auteur revendique également une démarche comparative peu développée par l'anthropologie de l'Europe. De tels terrains permettent de "passer de l'Autre primitif ou archaïque, conventionnel ou populaire, en situation néo-coloniale ou dans une communauté locale, vers l'étude des processus dynamiques et transactionnels de transformation sociale, de modernisation et de globalisation". Albert Doja y fait état des connaissances historiques, géographiques, ethnologiques concernant la région. Il en restitue de manière critique les conditions de production et de reproduction et les limites. L'histoire des cultures du Sud-Est européen nécessite, selon l'auteur, une nouvelle formulation, un regard orienté sur la construction des identités, les transformations familiales et sociales. Le mode d'analyse proposé pour aborder des sociétés que l'auteur préfère qualifier de "conventionnelles" plutôt que de traditionnelles, s'éloigne volontairement de la monographie d'un groupe artificiellement isolé à la recherche de survivances, pour se focaliser sur les institutions centrales et les valeurs dominantes. Anthropologue né en Albanie, formé en France, ayant un engagement maintenu pendant plusieurs années dans des relations personnelles étroites en Europe du sud-est aussi bien qu'en Europe de l'Ouest, vivant et travaillant depuis de longues années en France, en Grande Bretagne et en Irlande, il se trouve dans une position propice à un type de recherche de terrain diachronique et comparative. Jonathan Friedman (Directeur d'études, EHESS) note également que dans sa tentative de caractériser la région balkanique comme située entre deux complexes de civilisation en réponse aux discussions classiques basées sur la notion de région croisée entre l'orient et l'occident et le réductionnisme que cela peut entraîner, Albert Doja propose de redéfinir la région en termes de frontières plus fluides et de co-existence entre peuples différents. Ici il prend en compte à la fois la culture ou la société dans le sens objectiviste de l'observateur et l'identité culturelle ou ethnique qui est pratiquée dans les interactions entre membres de différentes populations. Sa discussion de la méthode est fort intéressante et reflète le parcours de sa formation. Il insiste sur la nécessité de combiner des méthodes différentes, historiques et comparatives, ethnographie, analyses de textes et recherches sur les documents archivés. Jean Copans (Professeur, Paris V) note que Albert Doja passe d'une folkloristique classique de recueil des traditions à une anthropologie politique ou politologie géostratégique plurinationale. La question est d'importance car on doit se demander quelles sont les méthodologies de terrain les plus adéquates à l'étude des relations interethniques et des valeurs culturelles. Peut-on enquêter directement sur le processus de construction de l'ethnicité, peut-on observer en direct sa genèse interactive ou faut-il attendre un degré de fusion, de formalisation et de verbalisation pour la saisir et puis la déconstruire? Si les africanistes sont obsédés par cette question, pour Albert Doja il s'agit d'une nouvelle théorie, assez subtile et complexe. L'ethnicité est une question de point de vue, de position que redouble ici le problème de l'observation de la violence. L'anthropologie du génocide, de la souffrance et de l'affliction est à la mode mais c'est la mémoire qui joue le rôle central, de même que c'est le processus d'observation qui fournit des réponses empiriques aux nouvelles questions décisives qui mettent en cause les méthodes de la discipline. Michael Herzfeld (Professeur, Harvard University), note également qu'on ne peut qu'être profondément frappé par la grande envergure des observations d'Albert Doja sur l'ethnographie albanaise et par l'érudition qui les soutient. On constate, bien sûr, que les données dont Albert Doja traite sont riches d'informations et d'aperçus. Il est allé bien loin au-delà de la prospective limitée des chercheurs antérieurs à lui. Il a mené de sérieuses enquêtes empiriques et fait preuve qu'il possède suffisamment la capacité de fournir des descriptions nuancées des faits sociaux. Souvent il révèle une sensibilité ethnographique presque éclatante, là où on est peut-être le moins préparé à le rencontrer, comme c'est le cas notamment dans son article sur les problèmes de stabilité au Kosovo, là où une petite scène de tension et de méprise dans un café Internet révèle l'univers du "transnational" dans toute sa complexité. Mais ce qui sauve les analyses des études folkloriques traditionnelles (isolation intellectuelle et stigmatisation par l'association avec des nationalismes exceptionnellement durs et revanchistes) consiste avant tout en deux points forts: sa connaissance, évidemment bien profonde et circonstanciée, de l'histoire des théories les plus importantes en anthropologie sociale d'un côté, et sa méfiance soit du nationalisme soit des critiques souvent trop simplistes avancées par des savants qui n'avaient peut-être pas considéré que le modèle d'une identité construite peut devenir abusive dans le cas où elle sert à soutenir des idéologies identitaires opposées selon la rhétorique de l'opposition entre le faux et le réel. En ce qui concerne le champ des ethnicités comparées de l'Europe, Jean Copans note que des nationalités de l'empire austro-hongrois on glisse à l'ethnicisme avec des intellectuels organiques (et parfois des ethnologues) tout aussi responsables (et coupables!). Michael Herzfeld aussi mentionne les observations d'Albert Doja sur les points de parallélisme entre la politique ethnique et le comportement des savants, pour noter que celle-ci est une comparaison qui a pu achever un très haut niveau d'importance analytique. Le rapporteur est bien d'accord avec les observations d'Albert Doja, car ce qui est d'une importance capitale est le fait qu'il réussit à nous rappeler que les savants font déjà partie de ce qu'ils étudient, qu'ils le veuillent ou non. Il faut souligner que bien que d'autres ethnologues aient déjà établi des rapports, soit historiques, soit formels, entre le nationalisme et l'anthropologie, Albert Doja achève sur ce point une formulation suffisamment généralisable et heuristiquement suggestive pour qu'on puisse en dériver des projets "de terrain" à l'avenir. À ce propos Christian Bromberger (Professeur, Université de Provence) et Jonathan Friedman (Directeur d'études, EHESS) notent tous les deux que les interprétations des violences et des atrocités sexuelles dans les conditions de conflit interethnique pendant les guerres de Bosnie et du Kosovo sont fort intéressantes. Jean Copans (Professeur, Paris-V) estime aussi que l'hypothèse d'Albert Doja sur l'équivalence culturelle des modèles de lecture du viol par la victime et par celui qui l'a perpétré est pertinente. Albert Doja montre comment la pollution du sang dans des sociétés qui en ont érigé la pureté en valeur dominante vise et "amène nécessairement le désordre et l'éclatement du système social et du groupe tout entier". La substitution d'une ligne paternelle externe à la ligne établie par le mariage par l'agression désorganise profondément l'ordre parental de la société locale. Jean-Pierre Warnier (Professeur, Paris V) note à ce propos que les cadres d'analyse proposés par Albert Doja relèvent du structuralisme (Hage, Héritier, Testart, Douglas) en termes de catégories disjonctives et de rituels par rapport aux représentations des humeurs corporelles et à la réalité physique de l'agression–intrusion. Le cadre théorique structuraliste est traditionnellement considéré rebelle à l'analyse politique, mais le mérite d'Albert Doja est de montrer que la "culture" des protagonistes permet de comprendre l'impact ravageur du viol sur la subjectivité des acteurs, situant le viol dans un rapport de force et de pouvoir - pouvoir qui, comme le répétait Michel Foucault, s'adresse toujours au corps dans sa matérialité. Dans ses analyses des causes des viols, Albert Doja est convaincu que l'explication doit être cherchée dans le fait que les valeurs d'honneur sont mises en avant par une sorte d'agencéité (agency) politique et instrumentale. Par ailleurs, les rapports de pouvoir ne sont pas impliqués dans la re-traditionalisation des valeurs. C'est le changement des structures macrosociologiques qui alimente cette re-traditionalisation et c'est l'usage instrumental des valeurs identitaires et des valeurs morales et sociales de l'honneur ou de la religion qui fait que le viol soit aussi efficace comme une arme de purification ethnique. Ainsi on peut suggérer que le viol a une fonction politique immédiate. Jonathan Friedman note qu'un point bien fort dans les recherches d'Albert Doja consiste à démontrer l'importance de l'anthropologie dans la compréhension des conflits contemporains dans la région balkanique. Il démontre que la logique des rapports familiaux, basé sur un modèle fortement patriarcal où l'honneur est central et génératif des feuds (vendetta) qui bloque la résolution des conflits sans la violence. Cette logique lie la production des sujets masculins à la politique ethnique. C'est une contribution importante à une discussion de la guerre qui est souvent limitée à des concepts généraux comme le nationalisme ou les régimes corrompues qui utilisent leurs propres populations pour atteindre des buts privés. Dans sa discussion des rapports complexes entre l'État, les discours nationalistes et la façon dont ils sont assimilés en bas de l'ordre politique, Albert Doja suggère le rôle important de la mondialisation dans le déclenchement de la fragmentation à l'intérieur de l'État-nation. Il discute la façon dont se développent les débats entre Albanais et Serbes à propos du statut historique de Kosovo, où les intellectuels ont joué un rôle important. Certes Albert Doja construit son champ de manière historique, anthropologique et comparative. Même si cette comparaison s'arrête essentiellement aux frontières des Balkans, Jean Copans ajoute toutefois que par ailleurs il nous propose une théorie générale de 1'ethnicité. Il faut donc discriminer entre généralisation et comparaison. Or les sociétés des Balkans sont des sociétés de l'histoire écrite ce qui modifie les perceptions anthropologiques habituelles. Nous ne sommes pas dans le contexte post-colonial habituel mais le choix de propositions cognitivistes ne débouche heureusement pas sur des propositions essentialistes ou instrumentalistes, ni sur des réactions de mode qui mondialiseraient abusivement l'expérience récente des Balkans. Christian Bromberger note à ce propos que l'auteur, traitant du thème des identités, renvoie dos à dos les "primordialistes" et les "instrumentalistes" en notant justement que même si "les attributs culturels tenus pour être la marque distinctive d'un groupe peuvent faire l'objet de transformations, de substitutions, de réinterprétations, cela ne conduit pas à poser que l'identification ethnique peut s'exercer à partir de n'importe quoi". Jonathan Friedman ajoute aussi que la discussion d'Albert Doja sur les rapports entre l'ethnicité instrumentale et primordialiste est importante, même si elle reprend partiellement des discussions connues ailleurs aussi. Le fait que la manipulation de l'identité reste toujours dans des limites encadrées par une espace identitaire qui a ses propres limites implique que l'instrumentalisme est toujours limité et que "on ne peut s'identifier à partir de n'importe quoi". Mais Albert Doja marque un point important quand il soutient que ces deux concepts sont mieux compris si on les considère comme des aspects d'un même phénomène. Jean-Pierre Warnier remarque que la question du pouvoir et des rapports politiques apparaît souvent dans les travaux d'Albert Doja, mais là où il se rapproche le plus d'une analyse politique, c'est dans l'article «The politics of religion». D'un point de vue théorique, il ne semble pas suffisant de renvoyer dos à dos primordialistes et constructivistes, comme le fait pourtant le candidat. C'est l'analyse du pouvoir qui permet de trancher entre les deux, ainsi que l'a suggéré Jean-François Bayart dans son livre L'Illusion identitaire. A cette question concernant le pouvoir, Albert Doja répond que c'est précisément parce la question du pouvoir et des rapports politiques est centrale à l'ensemble de ses travaux qu'on devrait considérer plutôt réducteur de la traiter séparément. Le candidat dit faire une distinction entre pouvoir et politique et qu'il s'intéresse à l'usage instrumental des valeurs morales et sociales de l'identité. Catherine Quiminal note à ce propos que les processus que Albert Doja qualifie de construction identitaire se développent en fonction d'enjeux sociaux et politiques circonstanciés parce que définis par des rapports de force internes aux sociétés considérées et par les relations plaçant ces dernières sous la dépendance d'autres sociétés, rapports et relations qui sont générateurs de domination, de discriminations et de résistances. Ces relations ont sûrement des incidences sur la compréhension de ce que Albert Doja appelle indifféremment dynamique des valeurs culturelles ou dynamique culturelle des valeurs sociales. Christian Bromberger note également l'importance des processus de construction et d'affirmation des identités collectives, ainsi abordées par Albert Doja, dans une région marquée par une forte fragmentation des appartenances confessionnelles. L'auteur souligne le rôle des affiliations religieuses (le bektachisme par exemple) dans la construction des nationalismes et dans les phénomènes de résistance qui ont ponctué l'histoire complexe de l'Albanie et du sud-est de l'Europe. Il analyse, de façon éclairante et à diverses échelles chronologiques, les phénomènes de conversion et de reconversion religieuses dont l'Albanie a été le théâtre. Également fructueuse est pour Michael Herzfeld l'explication que Albert Doja suggère de l'islamisation compréhensive d'une grande partie de la population albanaise. Il étend son modèle aux cas des bosniaques, et on ne peut que regretter qu'il n'est pas encore arrivé à comparer d'autres cas, tel celui de la Crète (où la cruauté des autorités vénitiennes assurèrent leur défaite par les Turcs et donc fournit un cas extrêmement clair de ce que Albert Doja indique pour l'Albanie). Quelle ironie historique que ce soit l'Église catholique qui, par l'oppression des populations orthodoxes, ait déclenché la réaction par lequel l'Islam gagna son importance actuelle en Albanie, même si c'est dans ses aperçus historiques plutôt qu'ethnographiques où Albert Doja semble achever son plus haut niveau de perspicacité! Catherine Quiminal souligne aussi l'hypothèse suivante proposée par l'auteur: "Le développement des pratiques religieuses et des mouvements successifs de conversion et reconversion parmi les Albanais. . . se laisse interpréter comme des expressions de conflit et de protestation, conduisant aux mouvements nationaux et au nationalisme". L'étude de la dynamique de ces mouvements a permis à l'auteur de "comprendre la relativité des conflits politico-religieux et ethnico-nationaux. . . et de mettre la signification des changements d'appartenance religieuse dans la perspective de négociation et de redéfinition des identités sociales". La religion s'ethnicise à des fins de rassemblement. Nation, nationalisme et citoyenneté sont des notions également appréhendées par l'auteur comme constructions identitaires et idéologiques. L'ethnicité est considérée finalement comme "une forme et une métaphore de l'activité et de l'organisation sociale". Jonathan Friedman note aussi que la discussion par Albert Doja de la démocratisation possible de l'Albanie est assez prometteuse, même si elle est encore à ses débuts. Il est d'accord avec l'auteur qui se demande dans quels sens peut se produire une démocratisation dans une société où un affaiblissement de l'État débouche sur un renforcement des rapports parentaux et claniques, où les hiérarchies clientélistes sont à l'ordre du jour ainsi que l'identité du type clanique dominante. Mais on peut aussi suggérer que c'est au contraire les soi-disant institutions démocratiques qui sont adaptées à des stratégies "conventionnelles", semblable à la démocratie africaine (ou du moins congolaise). En fin de compte, les ouvrages d'Albert Doja représentent un corpus marqué d'une vaste érudition qui suscite de nouveaux points de départ pour une ethnologie comparative de la région balkanique. Avant tout, il a trouvé les moyens théoriques pour ériger un pont analytique entre les expériences sociales des gens ordinaires et les structures politiques des entités nationales construites en leur nom et, selon les discours officiels, en accord avec leur vie sociale et culturelle. Pour conclure, le rapport de soutenance revient sur l'originalité du dossier "en rendant hommage au travail accompli par Albert Doja", et souligne "l'intérêt d'une discussion entre anthropologues européanistes et anthropologues des aires culturelles plus traditionnelles de la discipline", aussi bien que "l'impression positive qui se dégage de cette œuvre riche et d'un parcours où chaque étape inaugure un renouvellement des perspectives et des thématiques".

Trotz des erheblichen Ausmaßes der Bodenerosion in vielen Entwicklungsländern ist bislang weitgehend unklar, welches ihre wesentlichen anthropogenen Ursachen sind, und damit auch, wo Politiken und Maßnahmen für den Erhalt der Nahrungs- und Produktionsressource Boden ansetzen sollten. Jenseits unmittelbarer natürlicher und landnutzerischer Ursachen stehen heute sozioökonomische Faktoren im Mittelpunkt der Diskussion, von denen angenommen wird, daß sie die Anbau- und Bodenschutzentscheidungen der Landnutzer und darüber das Ausmaß an Bodenerosion beeinflussen, insbesondere: (i) verstärkte Armut, (ii) zunehmender Bevölkerungsdruck, (iii) verzerrte Agrarpreise, (iv) unangepaßter technischer Fortschritt sowie (v) unsichere Landbesitzverhältnisse. Der Bedeutung dieser Bestimmungsfaktoren wird vorwiegend im Rahmen produktionsökonomischer Ansätze und der Theorie der Induzierten Innovation nachgegangen. Allerdings wird die Wirkung einzelner Ursachen in der Literatur sehr unterschiedlich eingeschätzt. So wird beispielsweise in eher optimistischen Szenarien davon ausgegangen, daß Armuts- und Bevölkerungsdruck langfristig zur Entwicklung und Verbreitung bodenschonender Innovationen führen. In negativen Szenarien überwiegen hingegen Stimmen, die gerade in diesem Druck bei gleichzeitigem Preisdruck die wesentlichen Ursachen für die kurzsichtige Übernutzung des Bodens sehen. Empirische Studien zur Fundierung der kontrovers diskutierten Hypothesen liegen bislang nur für einen jeweils begrenzten lokalen Kontext vor und sind kaum verallgemeinerbar. Vor diesem Hintergrund bieten die Daten der ersten weltweiten Erhebung zum Stand der Bodenerosion (GLASOD, UNEP/ISRIC, 1991) nunmehr die Möglichkeit, sozioökonomische und landnutzerische Determinanten der Bodenerosion auf überregionaler Ebene empirisch zu untersuchen. Anhand der Aggregation und Analyse der im GLASOD enthaltenen Informationen wird zunächst deutlich, daß Afrika und Südostasien flächenmäßig mit jeweils rd. 4,5 Mio km2 am meisten zur Degradation durch Bodenerosion und Nährstoffverluste[1] in Entwicklungsländern beitragen, während der Anteil erodierter Fläche an der jeweiligen Gesamtfläche des Subkontinents[2] in Südwestasien (37%), Mittelamerika und Südostasien (jeweils rd. 25%) am höchsten ist. Extrem stark erodierte Länder finden sich v.a. in Mittelamerika und Afrika: In El Salvador, Haiti und Costa Rica sind zwischen 60% und 90% der jeweiligen Landesfläche betroffen. In Afrika sind vor allem die nord- und westafrikanischen Sahelländer Tunesien, Mauretanien, Libyen, Niger, Burkina Faso und Mali, im Osten die Hochlandstaaten Burundi und Rwanda sowie schließlich die Kapverdischen Inseln, besonders stark erodiert (40% bis 80% der Landesfläche). Wassererosion hat den größten Anteil an der Erosionsfläche, in Mittelamerika und Südostasien sind sogar mehr als 70% der erodierten Fläche von Wassererosion betroffen. Für die empirische Analyse der Zusammenhänge zwischen Bodenerosion und möglichen Bestimmungsfaktoren wird ein exploratives, ökonometrisches Vorgehen auf Grundlage nationaler Daten gewählt[3]. Die spezifische Aufeinanderfolge verschiedener Korrelations-, Faktoren- und Regressionsanalysen wird der großen Anzahl in Frage kommender Indikatorvariablen für mögliche Erosionsdeterminanten sowie den zu erwartenden Problemen der Multikollinearität und Modellspezifizierung in besonderem Maße gerecht. Letztere ergeben sich einerseits aus anzunehmenden Abhängikeiten unter verschiedenen Erosionsdeterminanten. Andererseits macht der latente Charakter[4], den die aus einem mikroökonomischen Kontext abgeleiteten Erosionsursachen auf aggregierter Ebene haben, es notwendig, für jede der angenommenen Determinanten verschiedene, u.U. korrelierte Indikatorvariablen zu definieren, was zusätzlich Kollinearität bedingt. Für Bodenerosion werden auf der Basis der national aggregierten GLASOD-Daten verschiedene Erosionsindizes definiert, die prinzipiell den von Wasser- und Winderosion sowie durch Nährstoffverluste betroffenen Anteil der nutzbaren Landesfläche wiedergeben. Die Datengrundlage für mögliche Erosionsdeterminanten wird ausgehend von Datensammlungen internationaler Organisationen für den Zeitraum 1961-1990 zusammengestellt. Für eine große Anzahl der in der Literatur diskutierten sozioökonomischen, landnutzerischen und auch natürlichen Rahmenbedingungen können repräsentative Indikatorvariablen definiert werden. Mangels geeigneter Indikatoren und Daten bleiben allerdings die Art und Sicherheit der Landbesitzverhältnisse unberücksichtigt. Insgesamt umfaßt die Datengrundlage rund 150 Variablen. Die Ergebnisse der Einfachkorrelationsanalysen zwischen den Erosionsindizes und möglichen Determinanten dienen einer ersten Einschätzung der Zusammenhänge. Sie zeigen, daß länderübergreifend insbesondere Variablen des Bevölkerungsdrucks sowie der durchschnittliche Waldanteil mit dem Ausmaß Bodenerosion in Zusammenhang stehen. Die Abholzungsraten in den 80er Jahren sind vor allem mit dem Ausmaß der Wassererosion korreliert. Bei Betrachtung der Länder mittleren Klimas[5] können Zusammenhänge mit Variablen nachgewiesen werden, die die Landnutzungsintensität und die Ausdehnung der tatsächlichen Nutzfläche in Relation zur potentiellen Nutzfläche wiedergeben. Weiterhin stehen in der mittleren Klimazone tendenziell sinkende Produzentenpreise für Agrarprodukte in Zusammenhang mit dem Ausmaß der Erosion. Erwartungsgemäß ist die Bedeutung natürlicher Faktoren für einzelne Erosionsformen und Klimazonen charakteristisch. Insgesamt scheinen Variablen, die das Ergebnis einer vermutlich längerfristigen Entwicklung wiedergeben, mehr Bedeutung für das Ausmaß der Erosion zu haben als solche, die Veränderungen im Referenzzeitraum 1961-1990 erfassen. Anhand verschiedener Faktorenanalysen für 62 Variablen und 73 Länder mit annähernd vollständigen Datensätzen können sodann strukturelle Zusammenhänge unter der Vielzahl möglicherweise relevanter Erosionsdeterminanten aufgedeckt und die Variablenanzahl auf Grundlage dieser Zusammenhänge auf eine geringere Anzahl weitgehend voneinander unabhängiger Größen reduziert werden. Es zeigt sich, daß die Struktur der Variablen durch etwa zehn gut interpretierbare Faktoren bei rd. 75% erklärter Gesamtvarianz klar wiedergegeben werden kann, und daß diese Faktoren auch bei Variation der Ausgangsvariablen sowie der Faktorextraktions- und Rotationsmethode stabil bleiben. Bemerkenswert ist, daß viele der Faktoren einen deutlichen Bezug zu den in der Literatur diskutierten Wirkungsketten unter möglichen Erosionsdeterminanten haben. So werden in dem für die Erklärung der Gesamtvarianz wichtigsten Faktor Variablen gebündelt, die die langfristige Intensivierung der Landnutzung im Zusammenhang mit strukturellem Bevölkerungsdruck und begrenzter Verfügbarkeit landwirtschaftlich nutzbarer Flächen erfassen. Weitere wichtige Faktoren beziehen sich auf strukturelle Armut in Verbindung mit erhöhtem ländlichen Bevölkerungswachstum; auf die mit Bevölkerungsdruck einhergehende langfristige wie auch rezente Expansion der landwirtschaftlichen Nutzfläche und Abholzung von Naturwald; auf Entwicklungswege, die eher auf die Produktion hochwertiger Produkte statt auf eine Flächenexpansion abzielen. Für die Preisentwicklung im Referenzzeitraum kann anhand einer Faktorenanalyse mit reduzierter Länderanzahl[6] gezeigt werden, daß ein Zusammenhang zwischen langfristig geringen oder negativen Preiszuwächsen im Agrarsektor und dem Faktor "Rezente Abholzungsraten" besteht. Um die relative Bedeutung dieser Faktoren für Bodenerosion zu quantifizieren, werden schrittweise Regressionsanalysen mit Bodenerosion als abhängiger Variablen und ausgewählten Repräsentantenvariablen für jeden Faktor als angenommenen unabhängigen Variablen durchgeführt[7]. Es lassen sich drei besonders relevante anthropogene Entwicklungen identifizieren, anhand derer das Erosionsausmaß bis zu rund 75% erklärt werden kann: (1) die langfristige, historische Ausdehnung der landwirtschaftlichen Nutzfläche auf Kosten des Waldbestandes in Zusammenhang mit einem Gesamtbevölkerungsdruck, der gegen Ende der 80er Jahre die agrar-ökologische Tragfähigkeit überschreitet; (2) die rezente Abholzung von Naturwald, die in Zusammenhang mit dem Wachstum der Gesamtbevölkerung zu sehen ist. Hier scheinen weniger der Druck der Agrarbevölkerung und die Ausdehnung der landwirtschaftlichen Nutzfläche - also die Produktionsseite - im Vordergrund zu stehen, als vielmehr der Druck der Nachfrageseite, in Kombination mit einem tendenziell sinkenden Agrarpreisniveau, das den Expansionsdruck auf das Land verstärkt hat. (3) Die langfristige, bevölkerungsdruckinduzierte Intensivierung der Agrarproduktion, vor allem durch Umwandlung von Dauergrünland in Ackerland, verkürzte Brachezeiten und erhöhte Viehbesatzdichten. Ein weiteres Ergebnis ist, daß in keinem Fall ein wesentlicher Einfluß von Armut auf das landesweite Ausmaß der Bodenerosion nachgewiesen werden kann - wie bereits die Ergebnisse der Einfachkorrelationsanalysen für immerhin 15 verschiedene Armutsindikatoren vermuten lassen. Es bestehen Unterschiede in den Erklärungsmustern für verschiedene Erosionsformen und Klimazonen. Die rezenten Abholzungsraten haben für Wassererosion, insbesondere in Ländern der extrem humiden Klimazone, herausragende Bedeutung. Zusätzlich zu den Faktoren (1) und (2) ist die Intensität der landwirtschaftlichen Produktion (3) vor allem für Wassererosion und in Ländern der mittleren Klimazone von Bedeutung. Hier ist auch die negative Wirkung einer sinkenden Agrarpreisentwicklung am stärksten. Gleichzeitig gilt hier: je eher der eingeschlagene Entwicklungsweg auf die Produktion hochwertiger Produkte im Gegesatz zur reinen Flächenexpansion abzielt, desto geringer ist das Erosionsausmaß. Für das Ausmaß der Winderosion und der Degradation durch Nährstoffverluste hingegen sind insbesondere die agroklimatischen Bedingungen ausschlaggebend. Die als erosionsrelevant identifizierten anthropogenen Rahmenbedingungen sind mit zentralen theoretischen Hypothesen konsistent. Fraglos gehören sie eher zu den Größen, deren kurzfristige Beeinflussung durch politische Maßnahmen schwierig ist. Dennoch können folgende Ansätze für eine Schwerpunktsetzung bei der Gestaltung von Politikmaßnahmen zur wirksamen Erosionsverminderung abgeleitet werden: Die Reduktion des Bevölkerungsdrucks durch eine an die natürlichen Bedingungen und relativen Faktorknappheiten angepaßte Erhöhung des Produktionspotentials, gerade auch in Regionen mit relativ niedrigem Potential. Eine stärkere Fokussierung auf Forstpolitiken bzw. auf eine Regulierung der kommerziellen Nutzung von Wäldern, vor allem in humiden Klimazonen. .Eine selektive, langfristig angelegte Verbesserung der incentive-Struktur für bodenschonende Produkte und Anbaumethoden über wirtschaftspolitische Eingriffe sowie durch verbesserte institutionelle und rechtliche Rahmenbedingungen. Von Politiken zur Armutsbekämpfung ist hingegen nicht zu erwarten, daß sie maßgebliche Impulse zur Verminderung der Bodenerosion geben können. Es muß jedoch immer präsent bleiben, daß arme Landnutzer sicherlich am stärksten und häufig existentiell von Erosionsschäden betroffen sind. Die Qualität zukünftiger Forschungsbemühungen auf globaler Ebene wird vor allem von der zukünftigen Datenverfügbarkeit und -qualität bestimmt: Für den Stand der Bodenerosion sind Informationen für verschiedene Zeitpunkte erforderlich; für anthropogene Erosionsdeterminanten eröffnen georeferenzierte Daten der Forschung gänzlich neue Perspektiven. Parallel zu überregionalen Analysen sind weitere lokale, sub-nationale Studien unbedingt notwendig, um umfassend zu ergründen, warum und welche Landnutzer die Ressource Boden in einem konkreten sozioökonomischen Kontext degradieren. Fußnoten: [1]Neben der Wasser- und Winderosion wird eine weitere Degradationsform, der Verlust von Nährstoffen und organischer Substanz, mitberücksichtigt und vereinfachend mit "Nährstoffverluste" bezeichnet.[2]Gemeint ist die nutzbare Landesfläche, Ödland ausgenommen. [3]Georeferenzierte Daten liegen derzeit für sozioökonomische Erosionsdeterminanten noch nicht vor.[4]D.h. Größen, von denen a priori nicht bekannt ist, wie sie beobachtet und gemessen werden können. [5]Dies sind Länder, in denen weder extrem aride noch extrem humide Bedingungen vorherrschen. [6]Für die entsprechende Variable liegen nur Daten für 56 Länder vor.[7]Umgekehrte Wirkungen der Erosion auf die als unabhängig angenommenen anthropogenen Variablen sind im Betrachtungszeitraum - bis auf die Armutswirkung starker Erosion - unwahrscheinlich. ; By the end of this century, soil erosion has reached an alarming extent in many developing countries. Still, uncertainty prevails regarding the human-induced causes of soil erosion. In consequence, many efforts to design efficient anti-erosion policies and instruments remain erratic. The actual discussion about human-induced causes of soil erosion focusses on socioeconomic factors that assumably influence the land users´ decisions on agricultural production and soil protection, and, hence, the degree of soil erosion. The most frequently discussed factors are: (i) poverty, (ii) population pressure, (iii) biased agricultural prices, (iv) the introduction of inadequate technical innovations and (iv) insecurity of land tenure. They are basically deduced from and discussed on base of production theory and the theory of induced innovation. Nevertheless, the different views on the importance to be assigned to the single factors are quite controverse. For example, in a rather optimistic scenario, it is argued that poverty and population pressure lead to the development of soil-conserving innovations in the long run. On the other side, poverty and population pressure, in combination with falling agricultural prices, are assumed to lead to a short-termist overuse of the soil. Empirical evidence that supports some of the controverse hypotheses on the causes of soil erosion is restricted to local studies based on local data on soil erosion, their results can hardly be generalized. In this context, the spatial data compiled within the global assessment of human-induced soil degradation (GLASOD; UNEP/ISRIC, 1991) for the first time permits a large-scale empirical analysis of socioeconomic and landuse factors relevant to erosion. By aggregating the information of the GLASOD data, countries and regions whith marked soil erosion can be identified. While Africa and Asia most contribute to the extent of soil erosion and the loss of nutrients[8] in absolute terms (4,5 mio sqkm each), it is in Southwest Asia (37%), Central America and Southeast Asia (25% each), where the proportion of of the land area - excluding wastelands - that is affected reaches the highest levels. Looked at on a national level, countries with an extreme extent of soil erosion are to be found in Central America and Africa: In El Salvador, Haiti and Costa Rica, 60 to 90 percent of the land area[9] are affected. In Africa, Sahelian Countries as Tunesia, Mauretania, Libya, Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali, as well as the eastafrican highlands of Burundi and Rwanda, and also Cape Verde show the highest proportions of eroded land area2 (40 to 80 %). Water erosion is the most widespread type of erosion, in Central America and Southeast Asia it even contributes with about 70% to the area affected by erosion and the loss of nutrients1. The methodological approach chosen for the empirical analysis of human-induced causes of soil erosion is an explorative, econometric one, based on national cross-country data[10]. A specific combination of correlation analyses, factor analysis, and regression analysis is designed, that can handle the great number of possible indicators for the assumed causes of erosion, and cope with related problems of multicollinearity and model specification. Those problems result from supposed interrelationships among different human-induced causes of soil erosion. At the same time, many of the causes of erosion have a latent character when considered on a national level[11], since they are deduced from a microeconomic context. This makes it necessary to define various indicator variables for each of them, which, again, implies additional multicollinearity. On the basis of the aggregated GLASOD data, a set of operational variables for soil erosion is defined. They basically indicate the proportion of a country´s degradable land area (i.e. land area minus wastelands) that is eroded through wind, water, or degraded by the loss of nutrients and organic matter by the end of the 80´s. In turn, the database for possible determinants of erosion is compiled departing from standard international data sets for the time span 1961-1990. Representative indicators can be defined for many of the causative factors discussed in literature, as well for socioeconomic ones, as for landuse, and also for natural factors. They are adapted in a way that they not only best fit and capture the hypothesized determinants, but also the ecological and timely dimension of the analysis. One important field that is not covered is land tenure. The resulting database comprises about 150 variables for possible causative factors, with a varying number of country-data available. The results of correlation analyses between the indicator variables for soil erosion and for possible causative factors facilitate a first assesion of relevant relationships. They show, that variables that quantify population pressure and the proportion of forested area are correlated with soil erosion for all countries. Deforestation rates in the 80´s are especially related to water erosion. Considering only countries without extreme climatic conditions[12] correlations are found between soil erosion and variables for the intensity of land use and the degree of expansion of the agricultural frontier. Producer price declines for relevant agricultural products are also found to be correlated with soil erosion in these countries. Corresponding to theoretical assumptions, the importance of different natural factors vary for different types of erosion and climatic zones. Altogether, variables that express structural conditions and can be regarded as the outcome of historical, long-term developments, seem to have stronger correlation with the extent of soil erosion than variables that quantify changes that took place within the time span under consideration, 1961 to 1990. The next methodological step consists in different factor analyses for 62 of the variables that express possible causative factors and for 73 countries with approximatively complete data sets. The principal objectives are to detect structural interrelationships among the multitude of variables and to reduce their number on the basis of these interrelations, in a way to obtain a set of variables that are largely independent of each other. It turns out that the structure of the 62 variables under consideration can clearly be reproduced by about 10 factors, with about 75% of their total variance being explained. These factors prove to be robust with respect to changes in the set of included variables, and in the methods of extraction and rotation. It is noteworthy, that many of the identified factors refer to cause-effect relationships that are discussed in literature. For instance, the factor that explains the greatest part of total variance, combines variables that quantify the long-run intensification of land use with others that stand for structural population pressure and a limited buffer for the expansion of the agricultural area. Other important factors relate to structural poverty, in combination with high rates of rural population growth; to the long-term and recent deforestation and to total population pressure; to development paths that aim at sopisticated animal procuction and permanent culture rather than at a mere expansion of the agricultural area. Other factors stand for the prevailing natural conditions. Based on a factor analysis for a reduced number of countries, it can be shown that declinig aggregate agricultural producer prices[13] are associated with the factor ´recent deforestation rates´. To quantify the relative importance of the identified factors, stepwise regression analyses are then carried out, with soil erosion as the dependent variable and selected representative variables for each of the factors as presumed independent variables[14]. Three human-induced factors, or developments, show to have particular relevance for the extent of soil erosion, that they can explain to up to 75%: (1) the long-run historical expansion of the agricultural frontier at the expense of the forested area, in combination with a population pressure well above the corresponding supporting capacities in the 80´s; (2) recent deforestation rates in conjunction with total population growth. This effect can rather be associated with a growth of demand for agricultural and forestral products and declining agricultural prices than with pressures directly resulting from agricultural population and expansion; (3) the long-run intensification of land use, mainly throug the conversion of permanent pastures to arable land, the shortening of fallow periods, and the increase of animal densities. This type of intensification is associated with and possibly induced by high structural population pressure in agricultural areas. Another important result is that poverty seems to have minor impact on the extent of soil erosion at the aggregate, national level. None of the included variables that represent the factor ´poverty´ shows a significant relative impact, neither in the models for the sum of erosion nor for specific types of erosion or climatic zones. This fact supports the low correlation coefficients for altogether 15 different poverty indicators that were calculated in the context of simple correlation analysis. Specific models for specific types of erosion and climatic zones show that there exist characteristic patterns of explanation for each type and zone. Recent deforestation rates and the associated features (factor (2))are particularily important in the explanation of water erosion, especially in countries with predominant humid climate. The impact of production-intensity in terms of factor (3) is specific for water erosion, and for countries without extreme climatic conditions, together with the factors (1) and (2). This is also where the negative effect of declinig agricultural prices appears to be strongest. At the same time, the development of sopisticated animal procuction and the growth of the area under permanent culture in contrast to a mere expansion of the agricultural area seem to be favourable to the soil in this context. In the explanation of wind erosion and loss of nutrients, natural factors are in the foreground. The identified, human-induced pressures related to long-term population growth, intesification, agricultural price decline and recent deforestation are consistent with important theoretical hypotheses. Those pressures are clearly not of the type that can be overcome over night through political intervention. Nevertheless, they lead to the following areas of intervention that should be given priority in the design of policy measures for the reduction of soil erosion: A reduction of population pressure through an increase in site-specific production potentials, based upon innovations that match the prevailing agro-ecological and economic conditions. Special attention should be given to low potential areas.A stronger focus on forest policy and the regulation of commercial forest use especially in the humid zone.A selective, long-term improvement of economic incentives for the production of soil-conserving crops with soil-conserving methods, by means of economic policy as well as through improved institutional conditions. Policies that aim at the reduction of poverty can not be expected to play a decisive role in the reduction of soil erosion. In spite of that, it is most necessary that policy makers keep in mind that the poor certainly are most affected by and vulnerable to erosion damages. At a global scale, the quality of future research on the topic will largely be determined by data availability and quality: concerning soil erosion, information at different points in time is necessary; for anthropogenic factors, spatial datasets will bring a new dimension into scientific research. Parallel with global analyses, further in depth local studies are necessary for a comprehensive and detailed insight into why and which land users degrade the resource they depend on in a specific socioeconomic context. footnotes: [8]The loss of nutrients and organic matter, independent of soil erosion, is also considered and is abbreviated with the term ´loss of nutrients´ in this text. [9]Again, it is the land area excluding wasteland that is being referred to. [10]Spatial data sets are not avaiable yet for socioeconomic factors related to soil erosion. [11]I.e. it is not known a priori, how these causes can be measured and quantified. [12]I.e. countries without predominant arid, hyper-arid or humid agroclimatioc conditions. [13]The availability of data for the variable in cause is limited to 56 coutries. [14]Reciprocal effects that soil erosion might have on anthropogenic factors are not very likely to occurr within the considered time span, except a possible increase of poverty due to erosion.

Issue 60.4 of the Review for Religious, 2001. ; tiving i:iturgy dialogue ~ ~ormation meeting God JULY AUGUST 2001 VOLUME 60 NUMBER 4 Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bimonthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393 Telephone: 314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 E-Mail: review@slu.edu ¯ ~¥eb site: www.reviewforreligious.org Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393 Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP Mount St. Mary's Seminary; Emmitsburg, Maryland 21727 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©2001 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for co~nmercial distribu-tion, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. ~ fe0 rVreligious LIVING OUR CATHOLIC LEGACIES Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial Staff Advisory Board David L. Fleming SJ Clare Boehmer ASC Philip C. Fischer SJ Elizabeth McD6nough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm J.udy Sharp James and Joan Felling Adrian Gaudin SC Sr. Raymond Marie Gerard FSP Eugene Hensell OSB Ernest E. Larkin OCarm Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla SJ Miriam D. Ukeritis CSJ JULY AUGUST 2001 VOLUME 60 NUMBER 4 contents 342 living liturgy Eucharistic Praxis in Ecological Perspective: A Capuchin Look Edward Foley, Capuchin, proposes that shaping a liturgical ecosystem for a community includes creating a rhythm of corporate worship that provides space, time, and energy for private prayer and devotion. 365 377 dialogue Being a Hermit: W~nere and How? Kenneth C. Russell sees present-day hermits as needing, for practicality's sake, to build their lives out of solitude and humble earnings understood in tandem. Learning a Foreign Language: Continuing the Dialogue on Homosexuality Christopher Renz OP considers the continuing dialogue a way for all to find their deepest human identity in the God they seek to know better. formation 387 Reflections of a Novice Director George J. Auger CSV pictures the kind of candidates coming to religious life and why, and then proposes what we should be offering them. Review for Religious 397 What Can a Seminary Do? Donald Macdonald SMM develops the notion of a seminary as a place where individuals are helped to mature within a gospel framework. 408 Commitment to Faithfulness Elizabeth McDonough OP briskly reminds herself and other religious that God's faithfulness through the changes and tensions of thirty-some years calls them today to the same fidelity their vows joyously witnessed to on the day of their first profession. 413 419 Flames of Love: Living Contemplatively Carolyn Humphreys OCDS describes holiness in terms of living a contemplative life, that is, an adventure in love. An Experience of Christian Meditation Ernest E. Larkin OCarm offers some theological observation, simple personal description, and succinct analysis of his own experience of the Christian Meditation of John Main OSB. 338 Prisms 432 Canonical Counsel: Renewal of Vows and Perpetual Profession 438 Book Reviews July-August 200 t prisms Ppe J~)hn Paul II has declared more men and women blessed and canonized saints than any of his predecessors in the papacy. He himself has explained his action by saying that we are more than ever in need of many models--some from within our countries or cultures, others closer in time--to aid us in our own Christian living. We also might suspect that the need for recognition of holy women and men as models and helps for our life is heightened by the individualism that has become embedded in our United States culture and similar cul-tures. When we move about in a cultural individualism, there is a tendency to make even our faith an individual conquest. "I" will save my soul--of course, with Jesus' saving grace. But still it is "my" effort. From the very beginning of the Christian com munity, St. Paul stressed the importance of our being a communion of saints. Although Paul's Greek word koinonia is rendered by the English fellowship more often than the English communion, the idea cannot be mistaken. Paul's conversion experience on the road to Damascus would never let him waver from the conviction that the (persecuted) Christians' union together with Christ is so intimate that Jesus can say "I am Jesus, the one you are persecuting." That same experience roots the Pauline image of the Body of Christ in which all Christians are members, differing in gifts and functions, but all being necessary for the healthy functioning of the Body. Review for Religious The reality that we need to hold on to today is the truth that "we all need one another." The communion of saints reminds us of this fact. As it has developed over time, the communion of saints refers first to us baptized and now living our seemingly humdrum lives within our church communities. The communion of saints means also those who have died and are officially recognized by the church as the holy ones giving example for us. The communion of saints includes finally those who have died--sometimes identified as the "souls in purgatory"--many of whom we remember dearly and who for their part still remain caring and concerned for us. The fullness of the meaning of the communion of saints keeps all of us caring and concerned for one another--in our union with Christ and in the power of the Spirit. In our creed, we profess that we believe in the "sanctorum communio"---that is, not only a union among holy people but also a people made holy by their participation (communio) in holy things (the sacraments). Today we are being called to put that belief into action. In our remembering those who have died, both the recog-nized saints and those everyday ones of our families and friends, we are joined in a conversation--a special conversation that has been traditionally called prayer--praying for one another! We need to be aware of the stories of their lives so that we can know and feel their strength and their compassion and their receiving of God's grace through participation in the sacramental life. We, the now-members of this church on earth, must hold one another in prayer, both public liturgical and personal private, and reach out with helpful hands to one another because we are in communion, the union of holy ones sustained by holy things. We are not alone; we live our life of faith in communion. David L. Fleming SJ P.S. Our advisory board--one concrete instance of the communion of saints--says a goodbye full of gratitude to Sister Kathryn Richards FSP, Father Joel Rippinger OSB, and Sister Patricia Wittberg SC on the completion of their terms. We welcome with thanks Sister Raymond Marie Gerard FSP, Father Eugene Hensell OSB, Father Ernest E. Larkin OCarm, and Sister Miriam D. Ukeritis csJ. ff~uly-August 2001 EDWARD FOLEY Eucharistic Praxis in Ecological Perspective: A Capuchin Look living liturgy The teaching of the Catholic Church on the Eucharist is both clear and challenging. As the primary sacrament of the church, the Eucharist, like the liturgy itself, is the "font and summit of the church's life." Therein, how-ever, lies a certain paradox, for how are both the whole of the church's liturgy and the Eucharist itself the fount and summit of the church's life? Sometimes our response to this mystery is to oppose various aspects of the church's liturgy, one against another: Eucharist vs. the Liturgy of the Hours, Eucharistic liturgy vs. Eucharistic devotions, and so forth. The tension in such pairings appears in the shaping of an horarium for community prayer. Sometimes an horarium has little place for any-thing but the celebration of Eucharist; other times community prayer makes little space for the celebration of Eucharist. Maybe there is another way. This is a time of unusual theological ferment and liturgical turmoil, specifically regarding the role and manner of celebrating the Eucharist. Exceedingly diver-gent understandings of Eucharist mark the present-day Edward Foley OFMCap, a professor of theology, wrote this position paper (here somewhat revised and abridged) for three Capuchin provinces. Its reflections may well have relevance for others too. Foley's address is Catholic Theological Union; 5601 South Cornell Avenue; Chicago, Illinois 60615. Revie~ for Religious Catholic Church. In this global, ecclesial, and Capuchin context, the following reflections cannot resolve all differences. The mod-est goal here is to provide some theological and pastoral principles as a basis for dialogue in full view of our commonalties and dif-ferences. Though addressing specifically Capuchin life and prayer, these principles may be helpful to members of other religious com-munities too. There is no little irony in the fact that contemporary exchanges about this central sacrament of love have been among the most cantankerous, even vitriolic, that the modern church has witnessed. The differences in eucharistic theologies among Catholics have often degenerated into questioning others' moral integrity and even challenging of their fidelity to the church. For the followers of Francis, there is another way. Embracing our founder as a true vir catholicus,2 we assume that those who profess to follow the gospel after him are also viri catholici. Thus, trusting in the authen-tic Catholicity of our brothers, "let us cultivate mutual dialogue [and] let the spirit of brotherly understanding and sincere esteem permeate everyone." 3 Theological and Pastoral Principles Among the many theological and pastoral principles that are important for reflecting on the Eucharist in the lives of 2 lst-cen-tury Capuchins, six seem particularly important. Liturgy as fount and summit. As previously noted, the Second Vatican Council asserts that the liturgy is the fount and summit of the church's life.4 This pivotal dogmatic assertion is often recast in the language of theologia prima. Recognizable across the Christian traditions (asserted by Catholics,5 Protestants,6 and Orthodox7 alike in this postconciliar era), this ancient belief holds that the act of worship is the church's first theology and a prized expression of our faith and our dogma. Liturgy as expressive and creative. A corollary of the dogmatic assertion about the liturgy as fount and summit of the church's life is that worship not only expresses the church's faith but also creates it. While the former is readily recognized, the implica-tions of the latter are seldom acknowledged. To admit worship as creative and generative of faith and belief is to say that worship not onl~ announces what has been accomplished, but also proclaims what is yet to be achieved. Our common prayer is just as much July-August 2001 Foley * Eucharistic Praxi~ in Ecolog~cM Perspective about our future as it is about the present or the past. Worship is thus a critical and corporate rehearsal of the church's mission and is essentially formative for all Christians and all Capuchins, whether they are in initial or ongoing formation. Liturgy is for people as well as for God. Liturgy's expressive-creative power is directed not only to God, but to people as well. The Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy repeatedly connects "human sanctification" and "God's glorification" when it speaks of the purpose of the liturgy,s In most of these formulations, the sanctification of people is actually mentioned before the glorification of God. While this might strike some as odd if not problematic, implicit in this ordering of the text is the ancient Christian understanding that, while liturgy (in order to be true to its nature) must give glory to God, God is not in need of the liturgy or sacraments; only people are. Thomas Aquinas, like 6ther Christian theologians throughout the ages, affirms the perfection of God,9 who is in need of nothing from humanity, while affirming that human beings need sacraments,l° Furthermore, giving priority to the sanctification of people in worship acknowl-edges God's initiative in the liturgy and admits that our glorifying response is secondary. Thus the Catechism of the Catholic Church teaches that the signs and symbols of the liturgy "can become means of expressing the action of God who sanctifies men, and the action of men who offer worship to God" (§1148). Liturgy must address human need in its cultural context. For wor-ship to achieve effectively the sanctification of people, it must address their local cultural contexts. The church is always made present in a given place and time by a local church through its liturgy,n In each setting the rites "need to be adapted to the capac-ity of the faithful.''12 If culture is "the whole of human activity, human intelligence and emotions,''~3 then attending to human need in its cultural context requires consideration of ethnic and linguistic differences and attention to the broad diversity that marks any and every worshiping community?4 It is only by respect-ing the local contexts that the liturgy will meet the magisterium's variously articulated criterion that worship "be meaningful and appealing to the body of worshipers." ~s Liturgical practice heeds to be understood within our pluriform tradition. A myth of Christian beginnings is that Christianity was born in unity and moved toward pluriformity. The opposite is true, however. The noted biblical scholar Raymond Brown could Review for Religious write about the churches--not church--the apostles left behind26 The diversity of early liturgical practice appears in the fact that a common institution narrative cannot be found across the New Testament.17 Regarding issues like the frequency of eucharistic celebration, the tradition is similarly diverse. In primitive, patristic, and even early-medieval Christianity, there seems to be no common pattern for the celebration of daily Eucharist. It certainly was not part of early Christian monasticism.~s It is only in the 8th century that there is evidence for daily Eucharist for the church of Rome, and then only during the solemn season of Lent. 19 Fasting in this period presumed fasting from Eucharist; this concept of "fasting from Eucharist" for the sake of a later heightened experience of Eucharist marks the spirituality of various individuals; groups, and movements in the church and is an instance of one among var-ious ways of valuing Eucharist.2°~As to our Franciscan tradition, daily Eucharist does not appear to be a presumed part of the ear-liest vision of Francis for his community, though there is a pre-sumption of a daily celebration of the Divine Office.2~ Well into the Middle Ages, some communities of religious had an ordinary horarium that did not include the daily Eucharist, but rather a Communion service, as attested by various medieval ordines for Communion without celebration of the Eucharist.22 Even today, for significant segments of the Catholic Church, daily Eucharist has never been the norm.23 Our liturgical tradition is dynamic. In order to contribute to people's sanctification according to their particular needs in their particular culture, our liturgical tradition must be living and dynamic. Our Franciscan history demonstrates the dynamic nature of the church's liturgical tradition in response to the prophetic. For example, Innocent III and the Roman curia granted Francis and his followers the unprecedented permission to develop as a community of penitential preachers. Until that time, permission for groups to do itinerant preaching and to practice mendicant poverty In primitive, patristic, and even early-medieval Christianity, there seems to be no common pattern for the celebration of daily Eucharist. July-August 2001 Foley * Eucharistic Praxis in Ecological Perspective had been extended only to established communities previously declared heretical and now being reunited with the church.24 Francis's "novel" request and prophetic vision to live the idea of evangelical perfection, however, both challenged and changed the church's tradition regarding who can and should preach. Admitting the diverse and dynamic nature of our tradition suggests that shaping worship patterns cannot be reduced to find-ing the answer from the past, but instead requires us to make care-ful decisions--not only drawing upon but also contributing to the church's ever evolving tradition. An Ecological Vision of Liturgical Praxis One cannot appropriately discuss the Eucharist in the life of any Christian without seeing it in the life .of the church. After asserting that the whole of the liturgy and not just the Eucharist is the fount and summit of the church's life, Vatican II then notes the special importance of Eucharist within the liturgical economy.2s Asserting this, however, is ipso facto to assert the rela-tionality of the Eucharist to the other sacraments, to the rest of the church's liturgy, and to the whole of the church's life as well. Included are the Liturgy of the Hours, sacramentals, and popular devotions. Endorsing popular devotions, the council directs that these devotions "should be so fashioned that they harmonize with the liturgical seasons, accord with the sacred liturgy, are in some way derived from it, and lead the people to it.''26 I propose to consider this liturgical relationality by means of an ecological metaphor. A relatively new science, ecology studies the relationship of plants and animals to their physical and bio-logical environment.27 Among its major emphases is the depen-dence of every form of life on other living things and on the natural resources in its environment--an insight already recorded in the writings of Charles Darwin (+1892). While it may seem odd to employ what could be considered a naturalistic framework for reflecting on Catholic worship,'recent developments in theology suggest otherwise. Since the late 20th century, theologians around the world have recognized the link between social harmony and ecoharmony and shown the impor-tance of an ecological perspective.2s In 1988 a consultation by the World Council of Churches recognized what they called the integrity of creation, that is, "the value of all creatures in and for Review for Religious 'themselves, for one another, and for God, and their intercon-nectedness in a diverse whole that has unique value for God.''29 Theologies of ecology, according to Robert Schreiter, are a major flow in contemporary global theological discourse.3° Recendy the ecological perspective has been employed in liturgical theology?' For Franciscans the ecological perspective comes from the spiri-tuality of our Father Francis, who our constitutions remind us "felt united by a fraternal bond not only to people but to all crea-tures as well" (§97:1) and whom the church has proclaimed the patron saint of ecology. Here it will be useful to offer a few ecological principles to facilitate our using the ecological metaphor when speaking of community worship: ¯ Changes made in any environment affect all of the organisms in that environment. ¯ The continued existence of a whole group or life community involves a shifting balance or "dynamic equilibrium" among its members. ¯ A community and its environment constitute an ecosystem which draws vital materials from its surroundings and transfers materials to it, ¯ Competition, a characteristic of all communities, is unusually keen in areas where one type of community overlaps with another. ¯ An orderly, predictable sequence of development or "ecological succession" takes place in any area. With these principles it becomes clear that no one liturgical element in a community's liturgical ecosystem can be modified or eliminated without the other liturgical elements in the life of a faith community being affected. Just as apparendy inconsequential species of fauna or animal life contribute to the health of an ecosystem and cannot be altered or eliminated without creating an imbalance, so is it advisable to consider the whole of a faith community's public prayer life from perspectives of holistic health and balance. All the elements are interrelated. This means, for example, that considering the frequency of Eucharistic liturgies separately is inadequate. Not to consider them in relation to the Liturgy of the Hours could unintentionally diminish the latter, which is important to the life of the church and our brotherhood. Furthermore, given the foundational prin-ciple that worship shapes faith and is essentially formative, an isolated emphasis on Eucharist could give Capuchins an impaired perspective on the nature of Christ's presence and inadequate experiences of the multiple modes of his presence as dogmatically asserted by Vatican II.32 July-August 2001 Foley * Eucharistic PraMs in Ecological Perspective In shaping a liturgical ecology for any community, a number of elements need to be kept in balance. One is frequency of cele-bration. The issue of frequency needs to be raised about all elements of worship and not .just the Eucharist. Another issue is quality for each and every ritual element in a community's life of faith. Quality is affected by the amount of time both ministers and community have in preparing for worship and also by the resources available in that preparation. A third issue is continuity across the ritual life of a community. Each facet of a community's prayer life should reflect the quality and richness of the ritual resources avail-able to a community. Music, multilingual prayer patterns, ritual gestures, enhanced environment, and so forth should not be limited to one element in a community's worship repertoire, but should enhance the whole of its liturgical life. These resources need to be shared so that one element of a community's prayer does not drain all of its energy and resources, reducing the remaining elements to secondary experiences. Such continuity respects the principle of progressive solemnity,33 which admits a certain rhythm of more or less festivity, more or less simplicity, according to the day or the season. Shaping a liturgical ecosystem for a community includes creating a rhythm of corporate worship that provides space, time, and energy for private prayer and devotion. This is essential if corporate worship is to be truly life-giving and spiritually nour-ishing. The rhythm, quality, balance, and intensity of corporate prayer cannot be so overwhelming or burdensome that it hinders personal lives of prayer. An authentically hea!thy liturgical ecology not only requires a rhythmic balance of frequency, quality, continuity, shared resources, and progressive solemnity in a faith community's worship, but also in the whole of its life. Recall that the council has said that the liturgy is the fount and summit of the church's life, not simply its worship. Liturgical spiritualities are not shaped in a vacuum, but emerge and flourish in the interplay of liturgy and life. This vital connection is clearly shown in the New Testament, where the Greek words leitourgia (service) and leitourgein (to serve) do not occur as isolated terms for worship, They also refer to the missionary proclamation of the gospel, taking up a collection for the poor, and even the state's function as appointed by God.34 Commenting on this New Testament language, Ferdinand Hahn says that "the terminological evidence means not only that any Review for Religious cultic understanding of Christian worship is out of the question, but also that there is no longer any distinction in principle between assembly for worship and the service of Christians in the world."" Karl Rahner speaks about this living service of Christians as the "liturgy of the world," the name he gives to that "terrible and sub-lime liturgy, breathing of death and sacrifice, which God cele-brates through the length and breadth of human history.''36 Following upon the belief that God's self-communication (grace) is always present in the world, Rahner believes that every genuinely human experience at least implicitly mediates God's self-communication to us. Concerned that--unlike the experience of the early Christian community--liturgy today is too isolated from the rest of reality, Rahner poses the whole of human life as a kind of "liturgy." When we gather for the church's explicit public worship, according to Rahner, we are not doing something apart from what we are called to do in the rest of our lives. Thus "the liturgy of the church is the explicit manifestation of the implicit liturgy of our lives.''3~ An ecoliturgical approach to worship, then, demands not only a balance of resources, time, energy, quality, and continuity across the cultic aspects of a community's life, but also between cult and living, between liturgy and life. It is such an image that comes to us in that idyllic picture of early Christian living from the Book of Acts: They devoted themselves to the apostles' instruction and the communal life, to the breaking of bread and the prayers . Those who believed shared all things in com-mon; they would sell their property and goods, dividing everything on the basis of each one's need. They went to the temple area together every day, while in their homes they broke bread. With exultant and sincere hearts they took their meals in common, praising God and winning the approval of all the people. Day by day the Lord added to their number those who were being saved. (2:42-47) A Capuchin Ecology of Liturgy: The Components According to our constitutions, there is a foundational triad for any authentic Capuchin liturgical ecosystem: Eucharist, the Liturgy of the Hours, and contemplation. The Eucharist. Regarding the Eucharist, the constitutions call for full, conscious, and active participation in the Eucharistic sac-rifice (§48:1). They instruct that in our fraternities a community July-August 2001 Foley ¯ Eucharistic Praxis in Ecological Perspective Mass should be celebrated each day, and, where this cannot be done each day, it should be celebrated periodically and partici-pated in by all brothers (§48:2). Notable in this'instruction is the emphasis on appropriate preparation (§47:3), active participation (§48:1), and especially the building up of the fraternity (§§47:1, 2, 3; 48:2, 5). It is reasonable, therefore, to conclude that, while our constitutions present daily Eucharist as the ideal, it is not one to be achieved at any cost. Eucharistic celebrations without deliberate preparation, a spirit of "creativity and spontaneity" (§47:3), and especially a rhythm of celebrating Eucharist that does not contribute to the building up of the experience38 of fraternity is to be avoided. This last emphasis on the Eucharist's contribution to a spirit of fraternity takes on new meaning as we become increas-ingly aware of the way that our order was clericalized early in its history, and today are conversely experiencing a renewal of the foundational vocation of brotherhood. The Liturgy of the Hours. As for the Liturgy of the Hot~rs, our constitutions call for the daily celebration of the church's prayer, and, where it cannot be celebrated in its entirety, at least Morning and Evening Prayer are to be celebrated (§50:2). Besides this "house obligation," there is the further canonical requirement that all fri-ars in major orders and solemn vows are bound to pray the Liturgy of the Hours. Embedded in the instruction and laws regarding the Liturgy of the Hours is a series of important principles. Consistent with their instruction on Eucharist, our constitutions again empha-size how the Liturgy of the Hours contributes to building up the fraternity (§§47:2; 50:2, 5)--thus the importance of communal rather than individual celebration of the Hours. Beyond the brotherhood, however, the constitutions also recognize that the Liturgy of the Hours is the prayer of the whole church and recommends that, according to local circumstances, the Liturgy of the Hours should be celebrated with the faithful (§50:3). Finally, it is again notable that, when discussing the Liturgy of the Hours, our constitutions speak about not only frequency but also quality of celebration. Building on the concept of Franciscan prayer as "affective," the constitutions talk about the word of God in the Liturgy of the Hours penetrating our hearts (§51:2). To that end, these celebrations are to be "living and vibrant, with praiseworthy intervals of silence" (§51:2) and, as far as possible, celebrated with song (§51:3). Mental Prayer Our constitutions say that mental prayer is an essential spiritual exercise of the brothers and should be practiced Review for Religious daily (§52:3). The constitutions note that this exercise of mental prayer not only unites us individually with Christ, but also contributes to the efficaciousness of the corporate experiences of the Sacred Liturgy (§52:2). The constitutions expend a consider-able amount of energy exhorting the brothers to engage in con-templation and, in particular, charges superiors and local chapters with fostering this spirit of prayer (§§52:4; 53:3, 4). They also encourage the brothers to cultivate this spirit of prayer among the people of God (§53:6). What is somewhat surprising, however, is that the constitutions do not give much attention to the fraternal aspects of mental prayer or examine how contemplation has corporate as well as individual benefits and builds up the fraternity. Devotions. Besides this foundational triad of Eucharist, Liturgy of the Hours, and mental prayer, the constitutions give some atten-tion to devotions. In particular, they note the importance of devotion to the mysteries of the humanity of Christ, especially his nativity and passion (§54:2). They encourage us to venerate Mary, our mother and patroness, especially through liturgical wor-ship and the rosary (§54:3). They encourage us to venerate St. Joseph (§54:4), our holy Father Francis, and the saints, especially Franciscan saints (§54:5). They note the importance of reading Sacred Scripture and other spiri-tual books (§58:1). Echoing the teaching of the council, the constitutions wisely say that these devotions should always be in conformity with the spirit of the liturgy. And they are consistent in emphasizing that recollection and contemplation, especially apparent in the gift of silence, should mark our prayer (§57~ 1). A rhythm of celebrating Eucharist that does not contribute to the building up of the experience of fraternity is to be avoided. A Capuchin Ecology of Liturgy: The Principles Following basic laws of nature, every healthy ecosystem achieves its own natural equilibrium of the given particulars. So too does every healthy liturgical ecosystem, balancing particulars according to the basic principles of liturgy and Christian life. In pursuing this reflection on liturgy in Capuchin life, let us look at :~dy-dugust 2001 Foley * Eucharistic Praxis in Ecological Perspective certain particularities of our Capuchin charism, of our various ecclesial and provincial contexts. Fraternity. Few images permeate our tradition as much as that of fraternity. Our constitutions not only stress the cultivation of fraternal life among members of the order (§§84-96), but actually approach all of humanity (§83) and even all of creation (§11:2) fraternally. A Capuchin ecology is a.fraternal ecology, and broth-erhood is a privileged way that Capuchins perceive each other, the church, all human beings, and every creature. Our constitutions recognize, too, that the liturgy must nourish our fraternal life (§47:1); it must be the fount and summit of our fraternal life. For fostering brotherhood throughout the order, the province, and the local community, the constitutions mention "common prayer" first (§11:3). They also suggest that growth in fraternity and the flourishing of fraternal charity become an important criterion for evaluating a community or province's prayer life. If the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy could say that "the full and active participation by all the people is the aim to be considered before all else,''39 analogously it seems appropriate to suggest that fraternal development among Capuchin brothers is the aim to be considered before all else in a Capuchin ¯ liturgical ecology. If growth in fraternal charity is a necessary outcome of authentic Capuchin worship, then worship must not only intend to enhance fraternity, but must do so in fact. Worship needs to satisfy certain human needs if it is to be an effective source of sanctification. What differentiates liturgy after Vatican II from that of the previous period is the contemporary emphasis on pe.rformance that actually satisfies this human need, rather than simply intending to do so. Intention is important but insufficient. There are few more telling statements of this principle than the United States bishops' assertion that "good celebrations foster and nourish faith; poor celebrations may weaken and destroy it.''4° In the "performance" of our common worship, therefore, it is essential that our patterns of prayer support the fraternal hospitality and inclusivity which are the hallmarks of our life. Given that the official liturgy of the church is traditionally a clerical domain, there is a special responsibility among Capuchins to develop prayer patterns that are inclusive of the nonordained. While ordained brothers may not intend to marginalize nonor-dained brothers, it can and does happen. The advice of the U.S. Review for Religious bishops directed to preachers is useful to ponder here: "If exclu-sion is heard, then exclusion is communicated, whether intended or not."41 More pointed is the language of the Fourth Plenary Council of the order (CPO IV), which expresses concern about "a community of priests who draw inspiration from Franciscan spir-ituality., without sufficient discernment" and therefore risk pro-pelling the order towards increasing clericalization" rather than being "a fraternity of lesser brothers endeavoring to live the gospel.''42 Minority. A pivotal concept for the essence of Capuchin fraternity is that of "lesser brothers." Minority, as outlined by CPO VI, is "a genuine manifestation of interior poverty, which in the Franciscan life-project also expresses itself externally as humility of heart and lack of power, and as solidarity with the needy and the deprived.''43 As noted by the gen-eral ministers of the First Order and the Third Order Regular (TOR), while the Franciscan order at its foundation was in fact a mixed institute, Francis did not intend to retain both cleric broth-ers and lay brothers as necessary components of the fraternity. The general ministers conclude: "In order to be 'religious' according to Francis's project, a 'lesser brother' does not need to be either cleric or lay."44 If all future applicants sought to be one or the other, the order's foundational concept would be undisturbed. The Second Plenary Council of the order challenged us "to pray as lesser brothers.''~s This challenge is to pray and live out that prayer in such a way as to avoid any and every impression of the superiority of one brother over another. Maintaining this spirit is a particular challenge in the context of Eucharistic worship, which many in recent years have experienced as.a source of oppression, not grace.46 Eucharistic leadership is not a right but a privilege. In a Capuchin context, it must contribute to the sense of meekness and minority among all the brothers. Only then will it fulfill the vision of CPO II, which imaged prayer--especially the Eucharist-- as an act of conversiono47 If that is not a fruit of Eucharistic or any other worship, the worship is for naught and actually diminishes the fraternal bond. The personal preferences and prerogatives of A pivotal concept for the essence of Capuchin fraternity is that of "lesser brothers." July-August 2001 the ordained, then, should not dominate any aspect of a Capuchin liturgical ecology. Rather, the ordained brothers need to under-stand and accept that in the liturgy they are special servants48 and that their concern is "the common spiritual good of the people of God [and all the brothers]49 rather than., personal inclination or arbitrary choice." so A Mixed Community. One recent contribution to understanding Capuchin life that can help in shaping a Capuchin liturgical ecology is the language of a "mixed institute." Pope John Paul II used this language in his letter to our minister general, John Corriveau, when he recognized that the Capuchins "constitute a fraternity made up of clerics and lay people who share the same religious vocation according to the Capuchin and Franciscan charism.''~ Mixed communities, according to the postsynodal apostolic exhortation l, qta consecrata, are .institutes "envisaged as a brotherhood in which all members, priests and those who [are] not priests, [are] considered equal among themselves."52 Some of the brothers, admittedly, 'think that the language of "mixed institutes" is not the best way to consider our life together. At the same time, th~ image of a mixed institute or community has a certain apostolic breadth that is lacking in our language of fraternity or minority. Our constitutions exhort us to "strive to nourish our spiritual life and that of the fraternity from the liturgy and .to open its treasures to the faithful" (§47:1). In a parallel vein, the Fourth Plenary Council of the order said that the aim of formation was to have men capable of living the gospel life in the worldS3--which implies that they be capable of praying and worshiping with all the p~ople of God, not just Capuchins. Most of the faithful in the Catholic world and most secular Franciscans are not "brothers" but "sisters." And so "fraternity" is not the best term to suggest our desire to share the treasures of the liturgy with them. Also, the terms "lesser ones" :and "minority" can be perceived as contributing to condescension towards and oppression of vast numbers of our sisters and brothers whom the world daily percei'(es as less valuable politically, economically, and personally and "minor" in worldly importance. The prophetic language of a "mixed community," whilenot suggesting fraternity and minority, does propel us into an apos-tolic mode regarding our liturgical ecology. If worship is .the fount of all Christian life, then it must also be the fount of Capuchin ministry and fratern)ty. The liturgy is a type of "rehearsal" of the Review for Religious Christian life. Rehearsal, in this sense, is neither the dramatic enactment of some long-finished historical event nor an imper-fect repetition of some act in order to get it right. Rather, it is a continual reentry into and appropriation of a rich and inexhaustible reality. Rehearsal so imagined is neither artificial nor preparatory; rather, it is ritual engagement with the truth. To rehearse, in the liturgy, our vocation as a mixed community is, therefore, to rehearse not only fraternity and minority among us Capuchin brothers, but also mutuality and collaboration among all the people of God.54 It is to announce prophetically the equal dignity of all the baptized in a "mixed" church and to honor each as integral and necessary to the church's worship. This is the "becoming" .and "living" of alternatives to oppression in a liturgical mode which CPO V called for?~ If we can tune our prayer life with sensitivity to the mixed community that is the church and can craft worship that is empathetic to all the baptized, thbse accomplishments will redound to the building up of the Capuchin fraternity and further realize our charism of minority. A Capuchin Ecology of Liturgy: The Contexts Besides considering the components and basic principles of a Capuchin liturgical ecology, it is important for us to look at the particular context which--given the ecological interconnectedness noted above--must impact one's own particular community's wor-ship, I will use my own context to illustrate this point. I belong to the St. Joseph (Midwest)Capuchin province in the United States. Two aspects of this context have a notable impact on shaping a Capuchin ecology for my province. One is the declining number of priests, especially apparent in the midwest and western United States. The other is a formation program that my province shares with the St. Mary province in the eastern United States and the Mary Mother of the Good Shepherd province in Canada. Working collaboratively .on initial formation has challenged my province to think interprovincially regarding continuing formation as well. I will flesh out some of the implications. The Broader Ministerial Situation. One context we must consider is the broader liturgical landscape of the church in which we are called to serve so that we can form and sustain men who are both comfortable and effective in that landscape. Of particular note in the United States is the declining number of active priests in the Jul)'-AUgltSt 2001 Foley * Eucharistic Praxis in Ecological Perspective U.S. and Canada and the growing phenomenon of Sunday Assemblies in the Absence of a Priest.s6 This reality grows in magnitude the further one moves away from the northeastern seaboard and travels west and south. For many people in the U.S. and Canada, not only is daily Eucharist an impossibility, but Sunday Eucharist is less and less frequent. Both the U.S. and Canadian bishops have issued ritu-als for Sunday Assemblies in the Absence of a Priest, The dif-ference between the two rituals demonstrates the wide range of possible responses to the shifting ecclesial landscape. What is most striking in this regard is the prominence the U.S.ritual gives to Holy Communion as a presumed' and integral part of the Sunday service in the absence of,the priest, whereas the Canadian ritual gives Holy Communion a secondary emphasis in its ritual,s7 Given this context, our minority can call us both to help people gather for Eucharist and also to stand in solidarity with them when they are forced to fast from Eucharist because of a lack of priests. The Formation Context. The other context for us Midwest Capuchins to consider in forming a healthy liturgical ecology is the joint formation setting (postulancy, novitiate, and year of integra-tion) that my province shares with two other provinces. The three provinces together stretch for several thousand miles, from Montana to Massachusetts. Distinctive ecclesial and community cultures are apparent across the vast populations of Catholics that we serve. Worship is often a focal point for these differences. This is especially true in a joint house of formation, where the expec-tation is that young Capuchins will be shaped in prayer patterns that not only' are credible for them but also will not create disso-nance with others in their home provinces, Like the liturgy, formation is about both the present and the future. Worship is not formation per se, but it is formative. Worship has an essential role to play in initial formation, as in all Capuchin life. For those in initial formation, however, worship serves some distinctively different functions from those it serves for Capuchins in continuing formation. Worship, for Capuchins as for all other Christians, is of course for their sanctification and God's glorification. In initial formation, however, it has the added functions of acclimating and sensitizing beginners to lifelong rit-ualizing in a fraternal, minorite, mixed religious community. Furthermore, in my particular context, it has the function Of shap- Revie~v for Religious ing future ministers to serve in the diverse and shifting liturgical landscape of the North American church. Consequently, a liturgical ecology for Capuchins in our initial formation program must respond not only to the needs of the can-didates but also to the needs of the local Capuchin com.munity, and must also successfully expose them to the range of official worship patterns that currently mark the North American church. Furthermore, their worship should help beginning Capuchins not only in their personal prayer life but also in acquiring skills in liturgical planning and leader-ship. Beginners should develop more than toleration for various worship patterns. They should develop the litur-gical flexibility necessary for flourishing and ministering within those patterns. While it is possible to generalize about the worship needs of men in initial forma-tion, there is also ~normous diversity that must be taken into account. The somewhat leisurely, almost idyllic setting for novitiate, for example, is quite different from the frenetic pattern often apparent in a house where our simply professed are attending school. The centripetal momentum of the former is clearly different from the centrifugal forces of the latter. Thus, important nuancing and even differen-tiation in the patterns of a liturgical ecosystem seem to be required. One size does not fit all here. CPO IV speaks of initial formation as a process of apprentice-ship which initiates one into the proper balance between fraternal life, prayer, and workY If this apprenticeship is to be "organic," as cPO 1v suggests,s9 and in continuity with the fullness of Capuchin life, then the prayer patterns of any house of formation must be in continuity with the fullness of Capuchin prayer as well. Life and prayer in houses of formation must be considered in concert with the life and prayer of all the houses of the province. The Provincial and Interprovincial Context. An ecological perspective sees all worship patterns within the larger provincial The expectation is that young Capuchins will be shaped in prayer patterns that not only are credible for them but also will not create dissonance with others in their home provinces. ¯ Fo~ " Eucharistic Praxis in Ecolo~cal Perspective and interprovincial ecology we call Capuchin life. No house is an isolated liturgical ecosystem, but is part of a larger Capuchin environment. A sound liturgical ecology within any house, there-fore, must be in relation to the liturgical ecology of the province (which CPO IV calls the "the prime fraternity"6°) or provinces in which it exists. Otherwise a single community (for. example, the novitiate house) can be reduced to a hothouse, and the chances of successful transplant--or ecological succession--anywhere else in the community will be seriously diminished. Prayer patterns across a province should be familiar, hospitable, and of such quality that they beckon any friar who would visit that house to share in the prayer. Provincial leadership, and not simply a single house or two, has primary responsibility for addressing the health of the entire provincial and even interprovincial liturgical ecosystem. This means that prayer life, prayer leadership, prayer quality, prayer frequency, and prayer commitment are concerns for all members of a province and of all the provinces. These are con-tinuing- formation issues. To expend energy only on the liturgical life of specially designated "houses of prayer," retreat centers, or houses of initial formation, and not expend the same energy on the other communities contradicts the principles of fraternity, minority, and mixed communities articulated above. Suggestions for a Liturgical Ecosystem for Capuchins We have provided some fundamental theological and pastoral principles, introduced the concept of a liturgical ecology, and noted the unique components and principles of Capuchin life. We have also noted the need to address the specific Capuchin context in which a liturgical prayer pattern must be shaped. What follows is a recapitulation and an array of specific suggestions. General Liturgical Principles ¯ Quality61 is as important as frequency in shaping worship patterns. ¯ Some prerequisite factors for sustaining that quality are sufficient time for preparation, especially for the various min-isters; sufficient time for celebration, allowing for appropriate periods, of silence; sufficient energy for celebration so that a spirit of "creativity and spontaneity" marks the worship. ¯ Continuity across various worship forms is essential. ¯ Resources of time, energy, and the various liturgical arts need be shared across the vai'ious liturgical celebrations of a community's life. ¯ The principle Review for Religious of progressive solemnity needs to be observed, so that there is a reasonable and effective rhythm of celebration in each house of formation. ¯ Creativity, spontaneity, and a spirit of contemplation need to mark this worship. ¯ Eucharist, the Liturgy of the Hours, and contemplation are the foundational triad for community prayer. ¯ It is the local community that is best able to assess its needs, and thus is the primary agent for setting its prayer horar-ium. ¯ Capuchins in initial formation need to be exposed to the central worship forms of the people to whom they will be minis-tering in the future. ¯ Continuity of values, quality, frequency, and resources are necessary across a province (and sometimes among provinces) for the integrity of a liturgical ecology. Eucharist ¯ A rhythm of quality daily community Eucharist is the ordinary ideal for Capuchins. ¯ Besides the general prerequisite factors for sustaining this quality noted above, quality daily com-munity Eucharist also requires a sufficient number of competent62 ordained brothers to share the leadership of presiding. ¯ Sunday Eucharist, as the central worship act of the church, is more prop-erly celebrated with the larger ecclesial community. ¯ On some occasions other than Sunday, it is~appropriate for the brothers to have their need for Eucharist served by the wider ecclesial com-munity. ¯ On some occasions Communion services are an appro-priate communal prayer experience for the brothers. ¯ On some occasions "fasting" from Eucharist is appropriate in order to heighten a forthcoming Eucharistic celebration, for example, fasting from Eucharist on the vigil of a great feast with an enhanced celebration of First Vespers. ¯ Concelebration is not an absolute canonical right, and is properly regulated by both the ordinary of a diocese and the ordinary of a religious community.63 ¯ Concelebration is a value which must be balanced with other values such as fraternity; it is possible that in some situations con-celebration is not the ideal in 'a Capuchin community; it should not simply be the prerogative'of an individual concelebrant, and must be considered in view of the wider needs of the community. The Liturgy of the Hours ¯ Quality daily celebrations of Morning and Evening Prayer are the ideal for Capuchins. ¯ Besides the general prerequisite factors for sustaining the quality noted above, quality daily cele-brations of Morning and Evening Prayer presume a notable level of musicality. ¯ The Office of Readings is highly recommended July-August 2001 Foley * Eucharistic Praxis in Ecological Perspective as a form of individual lectio divina. * The Liturgy of the Hours is sufficiently important that it needs to stand on its own as a central form of community prayer, and thus ordinarily should not be com~ined with the Eucharist as a matter of expediency. Contemplation ¯ The daily exercise of mental prayer.is the ideal for Capuchins. ¯ Besides specific time devoted to mental prayer, a spirit of contemplation should mark community celebrations of Eucharist, the Liturgy of the Hours, and other devotional activities. Popular Devotions ¯ Popular devotions observed by individual friars or local com-munities need to contribute to the overall liturgical health of the community, especially the central triad noted above. ¯ Since such devotions often have strong cultural references, it is often better for the brothers to celebrate such devotions with the cultural and linguistic communities that embrace these devotions (for example, in my own context, the Guadalupe novena and Eucharist are best celebrated with a Latino community).¯ Popular devo-tions are clearly secondary in Capuchin prayer life. Decision Making ¯ Decisions about a local community's liturgical ecology belong to the local community, facilitated by the leadership. ¯ The decision-making process should be in a "convergence" mode (that is, based upon the convergence of the multiple factors which need be considered in planning), rather than a "displacement" mode (that is, focusing on one factor which displaces all other factors in the decision-making process).64 ¯ Decisions about a commu-nity's liturgical ecolbgy are not permanent but cyclic. A process of decision making and evaluation and new decision making is essential for the vitality and renewal of the ecosystem. ¯ The deci-sion- making process should be flexible enough that there is room for proper experimentation and error. Both are part of the cycle of growth and development. Notes ' Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy (Sacrosanctum concilium; here-after CSL), §10. 2 From the first antiphon of First Vespers of the Office of St. Francis, composed by Julian of Speyer and others, Officium S. Francisci, Ad I Vesperas, Antiphonae I, Analecta Franciscana X, p. 375. English translation in Francis of Assisi: Early Documents, Vol. 1, ed. Armstrong et al. (New York: New City Press, 1999), p. 327. Review for Religious 3 Constitutions of the Capuchin Friars Minor, 84:2. 4 CSL §10. s For example, Aidan Kavanagh, On Liturgical Theology (New York: Pueblo, 1984), pp. 3, 8, passim, and David Power, "Cult to Culture: The Liturgical Foundation of Theology," Worship 54, no. 6 (1980): 484. 6 For example, Gordon Lathrop, Holy Things (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1989), p. 5; Don Saliers, Worship as Theology (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1994), passim; Geoffrey Wainwright, Doxology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 8. 7 Mexander Schmemann, Introduction to Liturgical Theology, 2nd ed. (New York: St. Vladimir Press, 1975), p. 12. 8 For example, §5 speaks of "the work of Christ our Lord in redeem-ing mankind and giving perfect glory to God"; §7, "Christ, indeed, always associates the church with himself in this great work in which God is perfectly glorified and men are sanctified"; §10, "From the liturgy, there-fore, and especially from the Eucharist, grace is poured forth upon us as from a fountain, and the sanctification of men in Christ and the glo-rification of God, to which all other activities of the church are directed as toward their end, are achieved with maximum effectiveness"; §61, "There is scarcely any proper use of material things which cannot thus be directed toward the sanctification of men and the praise of God"; and §112, "the purpose of sacred music, which is the glory of God and the sanctification of the faithful." 9 Summa theologiae I, q.4, aa. 1-3. 1o STIII, q.61, aa.l-4. 1, Congregation for Worship and Sacraments, Inculturation and the Roman Liturgy, §26. 12 Inculturation and the Roman Liturgy, §35; see CSL §34. 13 Pontifical Council for Culture, Toward a Pastoral Approach to Culture, §2. 14 For example, age, class, abilities and disabilities, educational back-ground, theological differences, and devotional needs. is This formulation is taken from the U.S. his.hops' 1972 document (rev. 1983) Music in Catholic Worship, §7. ~6 Raymond Brown, The Churches the Apostle~ Left Behind (New York: Paulist Press, 1984). 17 See, for example, Joachim Jeremias, The Eucharistic Words of Jesus, trans. Norman Perrin (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977), pp. 138-203. 18 Adalbert de Vogii~, "Le Pr~tre et la Communaut~ monastique dans l'Antiquit~," La Maison-Dieu 115 (1973): 62-65. For one relatively exhaustive treatment of the gradual clericalization of monasteries and introduction of daily Eucharist, see Angelus Albert Hiiussling, "M6nchsKonvent und Eucharistiefeier," Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 58 (Miinster: Aschendorffische Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1973). ffuly-August 2001 Foley * Eucharistic Praxis in Ecological Perspective ~9 See Antoine Chavasse, "Les grand cadres de la c~l~bration ~ Rome in Urbe et extra muros jusqu'~ VIIIe si~cle," Revue B~n~dictine 96 (1986): 7-26. 20 See Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987). Zl See chap. 3 of both The Earlier Rule and The Later Rule in Francis of Assisi: Early Documents, Vol. 1, pp. 65-66 and 101-102; also A Rule for Hermitages, which makes no allowance for Eucharist but only for the Liturgy of the Hours, despite the presumption of three or four broth-ers living together, pp. 61-62. It was only in 1224 that the order was given papal permission to celebrate Mass within community houses, an act that commentators call "a clear testimony to an increasing clerical orientation in the order," p. 562. 22 See Jean Leclercq, "Eucharistic Celebrations without Priests in the Middle Ages," Worship 55, no. 4 (July 1980): 308-325. 23 Many churches in union with Rome (that is, part of the Catholic Church) that follow the Eastern rites limit the celebration of Eucharist to Sundays and major feasts. 24 See the assessment of the originality of the Franciscan project by Herbert Grundmann in his Religious Movements in the Middle Ages, trans. Steven Rowan (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995), pp. 55-58. 2s "From the liturgy, therefore, particularly the Eucharist, grace is poured forth upon us as from a fountain." CSL §10. 26 CSL ~ 13. 27 Much of what follows is dependent upon the article "Ecology" by E.J. Dyksterhuis, in Compton's Encyclopedia On-Line (http://comp-tonsv3. web.aol.com/current_events/top_science.html), I.X~II.00. 28 See Dianne Bergant, The Earth Is the Lord's: The Bible, Ecology, and Worship (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1998), esp. pp. 14-16. 29 Bergant, Earth, pp. 15-16. 30 Robert Schreiter, The New Catholicity (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1997), p. 16. 3~ See "The Preparatory Rites: A Case Study in Liturgical Ecology," coauthored by Kathleen Hughes, Gilbert Ostdiek, and me, in The Ecological Challenge: Ethical, Liturgical, and Spiritual Responses, ed. Richard Fragomeni and John Pawlikowski (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1994), pp. 83-101. 32 CSL §7 speaks of Christ's presence in the ministers, the Eucharistic species, the sacraments, and the word and when the community prays and sings. 33 The General Instruction on the Liturgy of the Hours, §273. 34 See "leitourgeo" by H. Strathmann in Theological Dictionary of the Review for Religious New Testament, ed. Gerhard Kittel, trans, and ed. Geoffrey W. Bromiley (G~and Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1967), Vol. 4, 226-228. 3s Ferdinand Hahn, The Worship of the Early Church (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1973), p. 38. 36 Karl Rahner, "Considerations on the Active Role of the Person in the Sacramental Event," in his Theological Investigations, Vol. 14: Ecclesiology, Questions in the Church, The Church in the World, trans. David Bourke (New York: Seabury Press, 1976), p. 169. 37 Michael Skelley, The Liturgy of the World. Karl Rahner's Theology of Worship (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1991), p. 101. 39 Earlier in the constitutions it is noted that "Franciscan prayer is affective" (§46:6, emphasis mine). In view of this characterization and the previously noted need that liturgy be humanly appealing (see n. 14 above), it seems reasonable to assert that this ideal of daily Eucharist must be balanced with the need of a community for effective and affec-tire worship. 39 CSL §14. 4o Music in Catholic Worship, §6. 41 Fulfilled in Your Hearing, §8. 42 §§20-21, on p. 76 in The Path of Renewal: The Documents of the Five Plenary Councils and the First Assembly of the Order of Capuchin Friars Minor, ed~ Regis Armstrong. 43 §3, on p. 8 of Living Poverty in Brotherhood (Rome: Curia generale dei Frail Minori Cappuccini, 1998). ~4 The Identity of the Franciscan Order at the Moment of Its Foundation (1999), p. 35. 4s §14, on p. 31 in The Path of Renewal. ~ See Can VVe Always Celebrate the Eucharist? ed. Mary Collins and David Power (New York: Seabury Press, 1982), esp. the article by Enrique Dussel, pp. 56-65. 47 §16, on p. 31 in The Path of Renewal. 4s See §25 of the new Institutio Generalis Missalis Romani (2000). 49 The author's interpolation. so IGMR, §42. s* Letter of John Paul II to John Corriveau, 18 September 1996, as cited in Analecta OFMCap 112, nos. 3-4 (1996): 566. s2 Vita consecrata, §61. s3 §4, on p. 72 in The Path of Renewal; this image is reflected in our constitutions, §54. s4 See the related discussion in chap. 11 of the Fifth Plenary Council of the Order, in The Path of Renewal, pp. 116-121. ss §95, on p. 137 in The Path of Renewal. s6 In a recent report by the U.S. bishops on the priest shortage, the 3~uly-August 2001 Foley ¯ Eucharistic Praxis in Ecological Perspective following statistics were offered: total number of priests, 47,600; num-ber active in parishes, 27,000; ratio of priests to Catholics, 1 to 1257; number of dioceses reporting fewer priests than needed, 83 percent; parishes without a resident pastor, 2334; parishes directed by a nonpriest, 437; dioceses closing parishes, 13 percent; dioceses reducing number of Sunday Masses, 42 percent; dioceses expecting major increase in lay min-istry in the next 10 years; 86 percent. From the U.S. bishops' study The Impact of Fewer Priests on the Pastoral Ministry, as reported in the National Catholic Reporter, 30 June 2000. s7 Whereas the U.S. ritual provides for Communion as a possibility in all rituals presented (see §§25-36 in the U~S. publication Sunday Celebrations in the Absence of a Priest (New York: Catholic Book Publishing Company, 1994), the Canadian ritual provides only for Celebrations of the Word and of the Hours, without Communion (Sunday Celebrations of the Word: Gathering in the Expectation of the Eucharist [Ottawa: Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops, 1995]). s8 §50, on p. 88 in The Path of Renewal. s9 §57, on p. 92 in The Path of Renewal. 60 §80, on p. 101 in The Path of Renewal. 61 While there is no universal agreement on the meaning of "qual-ity," the U.S. bishops offer direction in this definition: "Quality means love and care in the making of something, honesty and genuineness with any materials used, and the artist's special gift in producing a harmonious whole, a well-crafted work," Environment and Art in Catholic Worship, §20. 62 While there may exist no unanimity regarding what constitutes "competency" for presiders', the point is that, given the critical and for-mative nature of Eucharist for beginning Capuchins, presidency is not a slot to be filled by anyone. Someone (presumably the directors of the various levels of formation) needs to take responsibility for quality con-trol in this area. My working definition of competency in presiding is: "an obvious level of development in the priest-presider that combines (1) solid knowledge of the liturgy with (2) competence and ease in perfor-mance skills (gestures, proclamation, and so forth) for enacting the rites, (3) a clear pastoral sensitivity for the assembly and other ministers, and (4) a transparent spirit of personal prayer," from Integration for Beginning Preachers and Presiders: A Study Funded by the Wabash Center fir the Teaching and Learning of Religion and Theology (1999). 63 See John Huels, "Concelebration," in Disputed Questions in the Liturgy Today (Chicago: Liturgy Training Publications, 1988), pp. 39-45. 64 See my "Evaluation of Roman Catholic Ritual Music: From Displacement to Convergence~" in my Ritual Music (Beltsville, Maryland: Pastoral Press, 1995), pp. 173-189. Revi~ for Religious KENNETH C. RUSSELL Being a Hermit: Where and How? Hermits face a basic practical problem: how to pay for the withdrawal from society that defines them. And their "apartness" does define them, as Jacques Winandy emphasizes: "'If separation from the world, and this alone, makes the monk' (Dom Gu4ranger), it must also, and by an even stricter claim, make the hermit."1 But how can hermits reconcile their desire to withdraw from the world and their need to be connected to it for financial reasons? Can hermits live at a distance from society and still be self-supporting--as the earliest eremitical tradition says they should be2--or is their solitude something to be paid for by others, either through outright gifts or a willingness to pay inflated prices for the small items they manufacture? How are they supposed to manage? After all, not everyone with a vocation to the eremitical life is a successful artist or a popular writer or a computer whiz who can sit on a distant hilltop and still earn real money. Not everyone who desires to be alone with God has a pension or investments to pay. the bills. For the last few centuries, no one has given much thought to where hermits should live and what work they might do. In fact, there was a tendency to regard Kenneth C. Russell, a frequent contributor, writes from 40 Landry Street, Apt. 1505; Ottawa, Ontario; K1L 8K4 Canada. JMy-August 2ool dialogue Russell ¯ Being a Hermit them as good-for-nothing nobodies who had no proper place in the regular structure of respectable consecrated life. But, after a long campaign by the pioneers of the eremitical revival, hermits have, as it were, been cleaned up and brought in from the cold. Canon 603 of the 1983 Code of Canon Law provides a much-appreci-ated mechanism by which they may gain recognition as individuals "dedicated to God in consecrated life." What effect, though, does this official recognition have on a hermit's fundamental problem: how to withdraw from society and still find money to keep a roof over his or her head and food on the table? Three Commentaries Canon 603 itself says nothing about the tension between the hermit's quest for solitude and his or her need of money. But, of course, the commentaries on the canon cannot ignore it. How do they deal with it? These commentaries are of some importance because they are among the texts likely to be consulted when a hermit seeks to be recognized as "one dedicated to God in consecrated life" by the profession of the evangelical counsels in the hands of'the diocesan bishop. These texts are also likely to influence those counseling would-be hermits on an appropriate course of action. I have focused on three commendable texts, each of which has much to offer anyone seeking information on the eremitical life. The first of these was prepared by the French Canonical Committee for Religious in 1993 at the request of the Episcopal Commission for the Religious State) (It is worth noting that in 1989 there were an estimated 150 hermits in France. Of the 79 female and 39 male he~rmits known to the episcopal authorities, 57 were monastics, 35 were religious, 7 were diocesan priests, and 19 were lay people.) The second text, written by D.J. AndrOs, was prepared in response to a request for guidance made to the Instituto Juridico Claretiano by some bishops from Spain, Brazil, and Italy. This long text, first published in 1986, offers a detailed model of dioce-san regulations which.might govern hermits in a particular church.4 The third text is an oft-referred-to article by Helen L. MacDonald titled "Hermits: The Juridical Implications," which appeared in 1992.5 I want to consider two questions. First, where do the authors Review for Religious of these texts think hermitages should be located? Second, what work do they suggest hermits do? In other words, I want to examine how these references deal with the tension between the hermit's distance from the world and his or .her need of cash. These are not directly questions of canon law, although the pattern of the canons dealing with religious life may influence how they are answered. Certainly the writers' conception of the eremitical life and the weight to be given to its various elements plays a role in determining where they think hermits should live and what they should do. Location and Work The outline of statutes Andr6s offers is the most restrictive of the three documents in regard to place and work. It situates hermits in isolated areas of mountainous regions. There is a practical reason for this idyllic setting since AndrOs, who.insists that hermits not work for others, recommends herbal gardening, beekeeping, and care of a flock as suitable employment for hermits. While he notes that the work undertaken by hermits' should not be too absorbing or exhausting, he also says that hermits should be financially independent. They should not expect the bishop or their family to bail them out when they have difficulties. AndrOs obviously believes that the "separation from the world" which characterizes hermits should be taken in a material, measurable sense. He also insists that physical labor should be part of hermits' penitential regime. Hermits, in other words, should not be exempt from the obligation to earn their living by the sweat of their brow. MacDonald takes a softer position in regard to hermits' paying their own way. She speaks of a need to determine how a candidates for recognition as hermits "will be financially supported. ,,6 This may come, she says, from work done in the her-mitage, contributions from family or a religious community, or, in the case of priests, from Mass stipends. She mentions the correc-tion of papers from college extension courses, weaving, painting, and making small crosses and other salable objects as work that could be done within the hermitage. The only exterior money-earning activity she mentions for nonclerical hermits is the possibility of part-time teaching. Like AndrOs, she points out that hermits have no right to expect support from the bishop. She Jnly-August 2001 Russell * Being aHermit find locations that foster the degree of isolation they need. notes, however, that he may fully or partially support a hermit if he chooses to do so. She concludes that "it doesn't matter much what the hermit does, as long as it is in keeping with the eremit-ical vocation and is approved by the bishop."7 MacDonald's openness to the idea that hermits might be supported by others or helped along with gifts of food or clothing suggests that she does not really expect most hermits to be self-sup-porting. It may be significant, therefore, that when she speaks of the work hermits do she puts the word labor in quotation marks. Since MacDonald situates hermits' work within the hermitage, she feels no obligation to locate the cell in a specific kind of place. She notes, in fact, that hermits can be found almost anywhere. Hermits, she argues, must find locations that foster the degree of isolation they need. Her understanding of solitude seems quite flexible; she believes that many hermits "will make daily visits to the poor or the sick.''s She maintains, nonetheless, that the loca-tion of hermitages should indi~:ate "a real sociological separation from the community.''9 She does not, then, measure hermits' iso-lation in miles or kilometers. Hermits need not, in her opinion, flee to hidden spots in the green countryside. The document of the French Canonical Committee for Religious also qualifies the sociological separation of hermits by pointing out that it does not exclusively or Hermits must even primarily refer to the avoidance of con-tact with others. The text notes, however, that individuals are not so caught up in eco-nomic and societal affairs as large groups. This peripheral status of hermits--compared, say, with that of a religious community-- should show itself by the solitaries' simplic-ity of life. But how is this life to be maintained? This document recognizes that the need to work can become a determinative factor in the sched-ules of hermits. It is a serious matter. Hermits are expected to support themselves. Candidates for official recognition are asked to consider what type of work they can do that both suits their aptitudes and respects the form of life they are about to embrace formally. The text does not suggest what sort of work hermits might take up. Nor does it indicate where they should locate their hermitages. It merely insists that the silence hermits need must be guaranteed by the solitary location of their dwellings. Revie~v for Religious Poverty Since work and a hermit's standard of living are integrally linked, we must look briefly at how the texts under consideration view the commitment to poverty that formally recognized hermits make. First of all, each text acknowledges the tradition that the poverty of hermits is a real, physical limitation. It is quite different from the poverty of members of religious institutions who, though they theoretically possess nothing in a personal way, share in the corporate sufficiency of the order or congregation to which they belong. Hermits obviously lack this "cushion," and, since they salvage as many hours as they can from the tyranny of work because of their desire to be silently with God, they are reduced to a standard of living that provides nothing but the basics. Even when hermits do not have to depend on work for their income, their focus on God alone strips away the distraction of material comforts. The poverty of hermits is neither the poverty of the destitute nor the poverty of religious. It is not a matter of not owning things, but of having little, whether owned or not. MacDonald explicitly acknowledges the difference between religious and eremitical poverty: "While poverty in an institute consists in being dependent on the superior or community for ~verything, the hermit may, in fact, own what is necessary while at the same time be lacking the very real security offered by belonging to a community.''1° The French committee of canonists points out, however, that the poverty of hermits poses a problem since canon 600 governing poverty in all forms of consecrated life does not seem to fit their situation. The committee notes that there are two ways of dealing with this issue. The first, which is more in conformity with tradition, views the poverty of hermits as a stripping to essentials in accord with the nature of the eremitical life. The second makes the diocesan bishop the hermits' superior in the strict sense, and not merely the overseer of their plan of life. The bishop, then, is seen as the "superior" whose administration and regulation control hermits' poverty. Although AndrOs emphasizes the real poverty of hermits, he seems, nonetheless, to be sympathetic to this second approach. When he states that solitaries should not own their hermitages, he is obviously bringing their poverty into conformity with the nonownership model of canon 600. His statement vividly illus-trates iust how untraditional this view of eremitical poverty actu- Russell ¯ Being aHermit ally is. Egyptian hermits may not have had a land claim on file in the local registry office, but they certainly thought of the huts they built with their own hands and at their own expense as belonging to them! I would argue that, while it may be inappropriate for a religious to own his or her dwelling, there is no reason why a contemporary hermit should not do so, if earlier savings make the initial down payment possible. A hermit's ownership of a modest apartment or cottage will not compromise the real poverty in which he or she lives. In fact, paying the mortgage will probably ensure it. Resolving the Tension Of the three texts examined, two attempt to resolve the tension between physical withdrawal from society and the need to make money by contact with it. Andr~s's document does this by locating the hermitage in a pastoral setting where the kinds of work it recommends can be done. MacDonald makes the hermitage the site of a cottage industry and then situates it to fit the hermit's tolerance for solitude. The French text does not address the tension directly. It vaguely locates the hermitage in solitude and leaves the question of how hermits might earn a living open, with the proviso, of course, that the work done not be detrimental to the lifestyle it is supposed to support. But how helpful are these texts? The mountaintop solution of Andr&s document obviously gives priority to the location of the hermitage. Isolation makes the hermit, as it were, and consequently the solitary place determines the work done. The text resolves the tension between the need to be connected for economic reasons and the desire to be separated, but unfortunately it limits who can be hermits since many people lack the aptitude for the work he thinks ideal. MacDonald's solution to the tension between withdrawal and the need to work is equally unsatisfactory. The hermitages may be located anywhere, but solitaries work in them at tasks that are unlikely to pay the bills. In this scenario hermits come close to being licensed charities like their medieval predecessors. MacDonald's attitude toward the economic status of hermits directly contradicts the French committee's insistence that hermits not be a burden to others. Unfortunately, its text says Review for Religious nothing about how hermits are supposed to pay for the solitude they are required to seek. Its silence, however, may indicate that the committee thinks bishops and hermits should adopt a practical attitude to the reconciliation of finances and solitude. Why There Is a Problem Why do hermits find it so hard to reconcile the need for soli-tude and the need to earn a livelihood? Why is this a problem? I believe there are two reasons. First of all, the recognition of the eremit-ical life in canon law has brought regulations in its wake. This was inevitable. Bishops cannot be expected to be responsible for what they cannot regulate. The real issue is just how much regulation is required. Andr~s's text goes into great detail on the various material and spiritual aspects of the solitary life. MacDonald's article and the document of the French committee "of canonists are more restrained. All the texts, as might be expected, fill in gaps in canon 603 by refer-ence to the canons governing individuals in religious communities. The consequence of all this is that, though hermits recog-nized by canon 603 are not religious according to the definition in canon 574, they tend to think of themselves and to be thought of as such. They are, as it were, drawn by the strong gravitational pull of religious life into a zone wher~ certain proprieties influence the conception of the kind of work they might do. Some jobs are thought respectable, some not. You might find a religious distributing clothing at her community's secondhand depot, but you will not find one handing customers their garments at the local dry cleaners. There is a good reason for this. Congregations have specific missions to fulfill in the church. The only problem is that this "religious" reason does not apply to hermits. They do not work to do good, but to earn the money they need to maintain their life of prayer. The fact that many hermits are monastics or priests or former religious strengthens this pull to conform to the respectability the Egyptian hermits certainly thought of the huts they built with their own hands and at their own expense as belonging to them! '371 . July-August 2001 Russell ¯ Being aHermit faithful associate with religious life. It is as though there is a line in the sand. On one side is the lay world with its way of doing things and, on the other, the religious world with its conventions. Canon 603 has clearly reached across the line and drawn the erstwhile solitary misfit out of secular society into a world where only certain ways of earning a living are considered proper. The shabby, "good-for-nothing" dropout whom no respectable order would admit has been spruced up and given standing in the church. It is only fitting, apparently, that such a "cloistered" individual earn his or her living "religiously." Hence we get the manufacture of pious items or other genteel pursuits within a hut up the lane from the "hermit lives here" sign. Benedict Joseph Labre and his fleas are still out in the cold! The second reason for the unrealistic approach to hermits' need for cash and quiet is, I suspect, an idyllic image of medieval hermits. Solitude is given such a priority in this conception of the eremitical life that any place other than a mountaintop or forest glade seems inappropriate for a hermitage. Unfortunately, the taming of hermits (whom Jean Leclercq called the least institu-tional of people) and the medievalizing of the image of solitaries hinder the adaptation of the eremitical life to the conditions of our time. Hermits face what might be called a Cluniac tempta-tion: to emphasize prayer to such an extent that work (penance!) and humility are neglected. Toward a Solution What, then, is the solution? How can the various components of the solitary life find their proper place in the regime of the hermit? The first step is to realize that the designation hermits is a catch-all word for a disparate group of men and women who, though they share certain common features, live these out in ways that are unique to each. The authors of the texts examined admit this. They tend to forget, nevertheless, that as a consequence the eremitical life resists organization and detailed regulatory prescriptions. If hermitswI am speaking here of nonmonastic hermits and of those who are not members of congregations tolerating them in their midst--can free themselves of the propriety associated With religious and can shed the medievalimage of the hermit, there is no reason why there should be any tension between their quest Review for Religious for solitude and their need to support themselves. Once the two issues are considered in tandem--as they were in the case of the solitaries in the Egyptian desert--hermits can seek solitude where they. can earn a living. And, if hermits are willing to live the hidden life of aloneness with God without display or privilege, there is no reason why those who lack the skills that make country living profitable should not find employment in the city. There is no rea-son why they should not take the same menial, part-time jobs that many lay people work at and live on. Living in the city will not compromise their anonymity or their noninvolvement in society's preoccupations or even their real phys-ical solitude. One can live in an apartment building for years with-out knowing one's neighbors by name. Encounters in the elevator seldom get beyond chitchat about the weather. In fact, the city offers greater possibilities for alone-ness than the country, where friendly and curious neighbors are likely to try to inte-grate the stranger in their midst into the community. The quiet of city hermits may not be the idyllic quiet that can be found The city offers greater possibilities for aloneness than the country. in the countryside (when snowmobiles and all-terrain vehicles are not on the move), but it can be authentic nonetheless. However, just as the need for quiet must determine where hermits live, even in the city, so their focus on God must govern the kind of work they do. A long tradition discourages work that wears the hermit out or that demands so much attention that there is no room for God. It may well be, then, that hermits, most of whom are mature individuals, will find that the skills they have acquired over the years do not fit their new calling. They may have to look for simpler, less demanding jobs that can be done and forgotten about when the shift ends. A Summary and Some Questions In this paper I have been concerned with how some influen-tial scholarly texts deal with the tension created by the need of hermits to distance themselves from society while remaining linked to it for sustenance. I have argued that there is a disturbing tendency to deal with hermits as though they are quasi-religious. I have expressed the fear that this conception of the hermit, which J~dy-August 2001 Russell * Being aHermit goes hand in hand with a rather romantic image of the medieval solitary, will stifle the development of the eremitical life. It threatens to freeze the life into a privileged leisure enjoyed by pensioners, the financially secure, and those willing to take hand-outs from others. The texts I have looked at are concerned with her~nits "rec-ognized by law as. dedicated to God in consecrated life" by a public profession of the evangelical counsels before the diocesan bishop. One need not make such a profession to lead an eremitical life. Many hermits never take this official step, some because they are satisfied with the private vows or promises they have made, and some because they have not been able to find a bishop willing to accept hermits. Do some hermits perhaps feel uneasy about being recognized? Is the term public profession another example of a concept borrowed from religious life that does not quite fit the reality of the eremitical' regime? Should it, like the notion of poverty, be reinterpreted? Of itself, the technical canonical term public does not seem to imply publicity. Elizabeth McDonough states that "the vows or other sacred bonds (that is, promises or formal commitments) pronounced by hermits are public because the canon refers to them as such and because they are received by the diocesan bishop in the name of the church (c. 1192, §2).''~ Both AndrOs and MacDonald, however, make the commitment of the hermit public in the ordinary sense of the word. AndrOs recommends that it take place in the subject's parish church on a Sunday or a feast day. MacDonald insists that the congregation be involved "whether the ceremony takes place in the cathedral, the nearest parish church, or the hermit's 'home parish.'''~2 This kind of public event may be fitting for someone making a monastic commitment or taking vows in a religious congregation. But does this understanding of public fit a hermit? Does it not vio-late the radical hiddenness the hermit seeks? Does it not tend to make him or her a religious in the eyes of the people? Does it not awaken expectations that he or she will conform to what is expected of religious? I am reminded of Emily Dickinson's remark in her pbem that begins "I'm Nobody! Who are you?" When she surmises that she is not alone because the reader may well be Nobody too, she cau-tions the person not to tell: "they'd advertise - you know!" Exactly. It seems to me that big public celebrations, newspaper articles, Review for Religious television coverage, and so forth are hindrances to the witness of hermits. This should depend on the peace that goes forth from them and not on the fact that others know they are hermits. They should have faith that living a hidden life has value even if only the bishop and a few intimates know about it. It would be unfortunate if a split developed between the offi-cially recognized hermits and their untamed, unregulated, scruffy counterparts. It would be a setback for the eremitical tradition if hermits recognized in law pursued a somewhat stylized and regulated eremit-ical life while their freelance peers held firm to the nonconformity that' has always pushed hermits to the fringe of society and the church. The following statement, however, by a renowned canonist, J. Beyer, suggests that this is just what is happening: "Today, besides the public witness of the hermits through their abandonment of the world, austerity of life, and external soli-tude, there are also hermits who remain in the world, live in reserve, supporting themselves by common manual labor. They are almost unknown, and in their cities they pray and work to the praise of God and for the salvation of the world.''3 I argue that this distinction between publicly recognized her-mits following a "classical" eremitical regime, on the one hand, and hermits living hidden lives "in the world," on the other, is detrimental to the renewal of the eremitical life. The distinction is a false one produced by an unrealistic religious view of how soli-taries should earn their living and where they should locate their hermitages. Unfortunately, the commentaries studied do not come to grips with these issues in a practical way. MacDonald and Andrts offer unrealistic advice while the French canonists leave the whole matter vague. Authentic hermits--whither recognized in law or not--want to be anonymous nobodies alone with God in a simple life of prayer and work. They need to be able to support their arduous, insecure, and unapplauded lifestyle in any appropriate way they can. They need to live where work is available. Formal recognition according to canon 603 should intensify their commitment to this hard life, not restrict their ability to live it. The witness of hermits should depend on the peace that goes forth from them. ffu~-August 2001 Russell ¯ Being a Hermit Notes ~ [Jacques Winandy], A Manual for Hermits:for the use of the Hermits of St. John tbe Baptist (privately printed, 1964), p. 10. For a revised version of this manual, see Jacques Winandy, Vie drdmitique: Essai d'ini-tiation, Vie monastique, Vol. 6 (B~grolles-en-Manges: Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1976). 2 See my article "Must Hermits Work?" Review for Religious 59, no. 2 (March-April 2000): 156-174. 3 "Les ermites," in Comitd canonique fran~ais des religieux, Vie religieuse, dr~mitisme, consecration des vierges, communaut~s nouvelles: ~tudes canoniques (Paris: Cerf. 1993), pp. 163-181. 4 D.J. AndrOs, "Proyecto de estatutos diocesanos para los ermitafios de la iglesia particular de. Comentario aplicativo al can. 603 del CIC," Commentarium pro Religiosis et Missionariis 65 (1986): 185-248. s Helen L. MacDonald, "Hermits: The Juridical Implications of Canon 603," Studia canonica 26 (1992): 163-189. 6 MacDonald, p. 177 (italics added). 7 MacDonald, p. 186. s MacDonald, p. 187. 9 MacDonald, p. 184 10 MacDonald, p. 185. 11 Elizabeth McDonough, "Hermits and Virgins," Review for Religious 51, no. 3 (May-June 1992): 305. 12 MacDonald, p. 180. ~3 Quoted in The Code of Canon Law: A Text and Commentary, ed. James A. Coriden et al. (New York: Paulist Press, 1985), p. 468 (italics added). Cleft for Me The hand that formed the firmament, that fit galaxies together and fashioned me, now hangs limp, nailed to a tree. Yet that mangled hand still has the power to cleave the rock inside of me. Teresa Burleson R~view for Religious CHRISTOPHER J. RENZ Learning a Foreign Language: Continuing the Dialogue on Homosexuality I;his poem "Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening," Robert rost describes the woods as dark and deep, an appropriate metaphor for emotions present in discussions on homosexuality in religious and priestly life. One need only compare two recent articles to get a feel for the deep and opposing sentiment on this issue. Paul Shaughnessy claims that homosexual i~riests are "legion" within the priesthood, that they are a problem to be solved (which will be tough, he says, because at issue is a fight between liberal and conservative Catholics), and that the solution to this problem is to reject all homosexuals who apply to the seminary2 James Martin, in sharp contrast, says that a clear and dispassionate review of the major issues raised by the presence of homosexual priests will help significandy.2 The question, he says, is not whether God is calling homosexual men to the priesthood, but why. Martin responds by analyzing the gifts that homosexual priests bring to the church: a profound compassion (arising from their personal experience with persecution, rejection, and suffering), a deep spirituality, and an artistic creativity. Any attempt to resolve these conflicting views can seem intimidating, like a journey into Frost's woods. A clear and Christopher J. Renz OP, director of formation for the Western Dominican Province, lives at St. Albert Priory Studentate Community; 5890 Birch Court; Oakland, California 94618. ' Renz ¯ Learning a Foreign Language dispassionate first step is Donald Cozzens's Changing Face of the Priesthood, and specifically chapter 7, "Considering Orientation.''3 The book's purpose is to describe the current state of the priesthood and review the issues and challenges that lie ahead. In chapter 7, Cozzens discusses the so-called "crisis of orientation" under three headings, "homosexuality and the seminary," "throughout the ages," and "the priesthood as a gay profession." He says that a delay in facing this crisis will cause great harm to the church and the priesthood. Though Cozzens's reflections specifically deal with seminarians and priests, I believe they are also relevant to religious formation communities. As director of formation in my province, I am particularly interested in exploring how this crisis affects women and men in formation programs. In this paper I will explain why I believe the religious formation community is a more helpful working model for discussing this "crisis of orientation" than Cozzens's seminary model. As his purpose is only to raise issues, Cozzens offers no in-depth look at possible causes or specific solutions to the "crisis of orientation" he sees, but, by linking it to a "disproportionate" number of homosexual men in seminary life and the priesthood, he seems to imply that this crisis is best resolved by establishing a more "proportionate" balance between homosexual and heterosexual men in the priesthood. He discusses the expanding social phenomenon of homosexual orientation and the conflicted relationship of gay and lesbian groups with the church, particularly as regards its consistent teaching on homosexuality (that homosexual women and men are to live lives of celibate chastity). Two related paradoxes arise. First, while gay and lesbian activists claim that the church denies them their sexual rights, they also note that the church has been an historical haven for homosexuals, particularly through religious life and the priesthood. Second, as a requirement common to both homosexually oriented people and to the priesthood and religious life, the church's teaching on celibate chastity has made priesthood and religious life naturally attractive for them. Cozzens does not consider a large number of homosexual men and women in the priesthood and religious life to be surprising. Cozzens's brief treatment indicates the tensions between the church and the gay and lesbian community and presents a forum for reflection and discussion. The tensions may involve doubts and Review for Religious even suspicion. Cozzens correctly notes that some gay4 networks and subcultures use the priesthood to legitimize sexual acting out. As he addresses concerns about the consequences of a priesthood seen to be a "gay profession," one is left with the impression that the real issue is whether or not homosexuals who enter religious life or the priesthood bring with them the sexual attitudes of the so-called gay subculture. More bluntly, are homosexually oriented religious or priests trustworthy as regards upholding the church's teaching on homosexuality? The implication seems to be that many will use religious life and the priesthood as "fronts" for their sexual activity. Such assumptions are harmful because they tend to dismiss the sincere and good intentions of at least some homosexual women and men. On the other side, homosexual persons who enter priesthood or religious life may have their own counterreactive suspicions. They may wonder if the church trusts them, if their religious community assumes that they will act out, if they will find support among their colleagues. Addressing these tensions is essential in order to allay such mutual distrust. Cozzens looks at two consequences of the disproportionate numbers between homosexual and heterosexual seminarians: the psychological effects and the threat to unity and integrity of the community. As a psychologist, Cozzens claims that a large number of gay men in their community brings about in straight seminarians and clergy a "chronic destabilization." This produces self-doubt, and has implications for both spiritual vitality and emotional balance. In the seminary the energy used to cope with this psychic unrest is energy diverted from study and prayer, putting heterosexual seminarians at a disadvantage. Cozzens compares this phenomenon to the stress experienced by a traveler in a country whose language is unfamiliar. Such chronic destabilization can be particularly problematic in a closed system such as a seminary because the unconscious stress can cause a loss of psychic energy, a sense of not fitting in, that may suggest to a seminarian that he is not called to the priesthood. Granting for the sake of argument all of this to be true, one is left to wonder about the psychological effects on homosexual Addressing these tensions is essential in order to allay such mutual distrust. Renz ¯ Learning a Foreign Language seminarians or religious in a predominandy heterosexual seminary or formation program. Will they not experience the same kind of psychic destabilization? Will they not feel out of sync too? And what about all the energy they use up in stabilizing themselves in the predominantly heterosexual environment? Would the simply professed who have a homosexual orientation not be tempted to leave the religious community for the same reasons? Would it matter if they did? Is it not true that the traveler will become more stabilized when committed to learning the language of that foreign country? Is this not the expectation placed upon homosexual women and men? One means to alleviate the chronic destabilization induced by the disproportionate number of homosexual seminarians might be the limiting (or elimination) of homosexual men in the seminary. Cozzens raises this possibility as important for consideration. It is clearly Shaughnessy's choice. Such an option would perhaps fall within the guidelines established by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF): "There are areas in which it is not unjust discrimination to take sexual orientation into account; for example, in the placement of children for adoption or foster care, in the employment of teachers or athletic coaches, and in military recruitment.''s This approach would provide a quick solution to a perceived problem. It seems short-sighted, however, and could be a greater threat to the stability of priesthood than that posed by the disproportion. Chronic destabilization may loom large in Cozzens's view because a seminary community is a closed system that is small in several ways. Seminary communities are transient in nature. They exist for the sake of educating men for priesthood within a few years. The focus is more on the individual than the group. Once formal education is completed, the community dissolves and is replaced by the "brotherhood of priests," a less tangible body. Religious communities, in contrast, are much more permanent. Members make lifetime commitments to the group, whose interests are given some priority over the individual's. This is not to deny that there are comparisons to be made to the "brotherhood of priests." But it is to suggest that religious communities are better places in which to understand and deal with the benefits and risks of chronic destabilization. What is learned in religious formation programs can be applied to seminary formation programs later. Review for Religious Formation in religious life is an inculturation process, a reeducation into the values of the religious community. Many wtio come to us carry with them the goals and values of the contemporary culture. Formation programs gradually confront these values and then see if they can be aligned with those of the church and the congregation or order. This process produces a sort of culture shock, a dis-ease not unlike chronic destabilization. It might be useful, therefore, to consider Cozzens's observations under this light. The issue at hand is not destabilization (which must occur), but how the formation program responds to it. Initial formation provokes successive levels of chronic destabilization. The first levels involve "externals" (times, places, schedules) and ways of socialization (inductive explanations, patterns of obedience, and so forth). Eventually, other personality values are encountered and challenged, including those dealing with psychosexual development. Being asked to replace personal values with the new ones belonging to the religious community and the church causes a psychic distress that usually lasts through the first few years of simple vows. The destabilization is indeed chronic and, left unattended, is detrimental to the formation process. Religious life brings under one roof a variety of people, including those with differing sexual orientation. Perhaps for the first time heterosexual persons will live and interact with homosexual persons. This experience will undoubtedly produce destabilization, more so for one in the minority. I view this crisis of sexual identity as part of the formation process. The psychic and spiritual unrest can be an opportunity for the individual to open up to the community's core values. It can, however, also induce a rigid shutdown. A healthy formation program, then, must examine why each person is being destabilized, that is, what values, prejudices, or expectations are being disturbed. The destabilization is then corrected through a gradual reeducation process, which includes both classroom and applied lessons. Living with people of the opposite orientation becomes an important part of this reeducation (restabilization) process. It is an opportunity to learn about someone who is different. It is also the time to establish Initial formation provokes successive levels of chronic destabilization. ffuly-August 2001 Renz ¯ Learning a Foreign Language common values and goals, including the community's choice for celibate chastity. Religious formation programs that reduce in number or remove homosexual members because they "destabilize" the community fail in their task of formation because they do no.t attend to the restabilization of the heterosexual candidates. Because their secular heterosexual values are not destabilized and in the process replaced with celibate Christian heterosexual ones (instead, the stimulus is removed), the destabilization can happen in an altogether different way, with the presence of homosexual religious. Heterosexual candidates whose formation programs do not destabilize them are ill-prepared for religious life because they are less likely to integrate the values of the community and church: celibate chastity, tolerance, charity, and so forth. Another problem with limiting or eliminating homosexual persons from the priesthood or religious life is that the developmental needs of those homosexual persons do not get addressed. A responsible formation program promotes good psychosexual development in all its candidates through things like course work, facilitated discussion, spiritual direction, and psychological counseling (where indicated). The result is greater psychological and spiritual well-being for the individuals and hence for the community. In many formation programs, sexual orientation is taken as part of a larger picture of the psychosexual composition of a candidate. Orientation is usually not, per se, the determinative factor for suitability in seminary or religious formation programs. As Timothy Radcliffe, master of the Order of Friars Preachers, notes, we human beings are "more than our sexual orientation. For none of us, heterosexual or homosexual, can find our deepest identities in our sexual orientation."7 This idea finds its origins in the CDF document "The Pastoral Care of Homosexual Persons.''s Cozzens's concern about chronic destabilization in seminary life is problematic precisely because it overemphasizes sexual orientation to the exclusion of the whole person. This overemphasis, not the number of homosexual men, becomes the real concern. The second problem Cozzens identifies with these numbers is an inevitable emergence (he thinks) of a gay subculture, dangerous because it can cause a split within the seminary community and threaten unity. Consequendy, he sees a need for "determining the kind of vocational support appropriate to the straight seminarian Revie~ for Religious living in the midst of a gay subculture.''9 Cozzens quotes Radcliffe to support his position: "It can threaten the unity of the community; it can make it harder for the brethren to practice the chastity which we have vowed. It can put pressure on brethren to think of themselves in a way that is not central to their vocation as preachers of the kingdom.''1° It is not clear what it means to have a support system that is "appropriate to the straight seminarian." One might infer that Cozzens either would develop separate support systems for homosexual and heterosexual seminarians or, in order to keep their number to a proportionate level, would limit the number of homosexual applicants. There are several problems with this analysis. First of all, Cozzens has taken Radcliffe out of context, who states just above the quoted passage: "If a brother comes to believe that he is homosexual, then it is important that he knows that he is accepted and loved as he is. He may live in terror of rejection and accusation. But ¯ this acceptance is bread for the journey as he moves to discover a deeper identity, as a child of God . So, every brother should be accepted as he is.'''1 Radcliffe assumes that homosexual subgroups would be highly divisive because he also assumes that the homosexual friar has found support and acceptance as a homosexual in the community because of the community's healthy way of life. He implies that, when homosexual friars feel supported, there is" no reason to form a subgroup and that such groups would be disruptive. Another problem with a "vocational support appropriate to the straight seminarian" is that it presupposes an irreconcilable disunity between homosexual and heterosexual seminarians. It proposes to deal with the subculture by either ignoring or removing it. The better course is to deal direcdy with the subculture by looking at its values, introducing correctives where necessary, building up the values of the church and community (especially as regards celibate chastity), and exploring the common needs of the two groups. The concern over subcultures is legitimate. The presence of a subculture often indicates poor communication, stereotyping, prejudice, and exclusion. I take issue with Cozzens's "straight only" response to the Acceptance is bread for the journey as he moves to discover a deeper identity, as a child of God. July-August 2001 Renz ¯ Learning a Foreign Language presence of a gay subculture because it short-circuits an adequate analysis of the problem and creative solutions for it. One important difference between seminarians and new members of a religious community is in types and levels of commitment. Seminarians often do not choose the place where they will study. They may not think the seminary community and their personal investment in it are essential to their formation because this community is a temporary reality. Bycontrast, those who enter religious life choose the religious community for life. Initial formation is directed towards creating a viable community, and new members are willing to invest great personal energy in this process. These personal commitments help the religious formation director deal with a subculture within the community. Creating unity in a seminary would probably be more difficult because such personal investment in the group is likely to be lacking. The commitment by Cozzens to unity within the seminary seems to be a commitment to similarity (same orientation) rather than unity, the Pauline concept of unity embracing diversity (see 1 Co 12:4-26). Such an approach might be reasonable in the absence of a deeper group commitment by the seminarians. But separate vocational support systems for heterosexual and homosexual persons would amount to sides in opposition, the gay subculture versus the straight mainstream culture. The effect, then, could be an even greater disunity, O~en discussion (under the careful guidance of formation directors) is an essential means to develop this unity in the formation community. Fear can usually be eliminated through careful education and open dialogue. But is this "unity at a price"? Despite his concern for unity, Cozzens never suggests that homosexual and heterosexual persons come together for dialogue. Why? Is this a bit too frightening? Is this the deepest darkest part of the woods; where people are either unwilling or unable to go? The evangelical counsels call religious to be witnesses. In the presence of this fear of the "crisis or orientation," religious can offer a calming influence. The Dominican friars, for example, have formally stated at the general chapter of Caleruega (1995): "The same demands of chastity apply to all brethren of whatever sexual orientation and so no one can be excluded on this ground . No sexual orientation is a priori incompatible with the call to chastity and the common fraternal life.''~2 Other religious communities have formulated similar statements. This kind of leadership can create a Review for Religious proper climate for the "clear and dispassionate review" desired by James Martin. Formation directors should show a similar leadership. Keeping in mind the common responsibility of all members to adopt church and religious community values, formation directors can encourage open discussion on this "crisis of orientation." There remains one final issue: What would it be like for heterosexual and homosexual seminarians and religious to sit down. with one another and openly discuss the fears and prejudices that they have about each other? Would anyone come out alive from the depths of that conversation? How can we prepare a place where no one gets destroyed? I would suggest that the way is, as Cozzens describes, something akin to learning a foreign language. At first the student is disoriented. Learning the new language requires courage, patience, and the willingness to sound and look foolish at times. With diligent persistence, however, the ear, mind, and tongue gradually adjust to the foreign sounds and symbols. As proficiency grows the student opens up to experience the new culture. Eventually the differences fade away and the person feels "at home." This is the goal of the good formation program. Respon-sible formation directors model patience, openness, a desire for unity, charity, and a fidelity to the home we call religious life. In this way they gently guide the destabilization-restabilization process for new members. In addition to noting that the woods were dark and deep, Frost saw them as "lovely." The dialogue on the "crisis of orientation" in the priesthood and religious life, however dark and deep, will inevitably lead us to a beautiful place. By offering their experience to the church, religious communities show forth the beauty that results when people become "of one mind and heart on the way to God" (Rule of St. Augustine). This unity is, after all, the path by which we leave the dark woods. Cozzens is correct when he notes that a delay in facing this "crisis of orientation" will cause damage to the church and the priesthood. I believe that the church will effectively face this crisis only by journeying into fear, suffering, and pain. When undertaken with a genuine intellectual curiosity informed by a gospel charity, this journey can lead to peace and healing for all. There is no Jew or Greek, slave or free, male or female, gay or straight in God's kingdom-~only redeemed persons. But there are ffuly-August 2001 Renz ¯ Learning a Foreign Langnage miles to go--are there not?--before we rest peacefully in that blessed unity. Notes ~ Paul Shaughnessy, "The Gay Priest Problem," The Catholic World Report (November 2000): 52-58. 2 James Martin, "The Church and the Homosexual Priest," America (4 November 2000): 11-15. 3 Donald B. Cozzens, The Changing Face of the Priesthood: A Reflection on the Priest's Crisis of Soul (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 2000). 4 There is a problem of terminology in Cozzens's work. Specifically, what is meant by "gay"? For Cozzens it refers to some homosexual men (in the seminary and the priesthood) associating with one another. One secular definition means the part of the homosexual community that is politically charged and sexually active (whose ideologies and way of life are in opposition to church teaching). One understanding is rather innocuous, the other is not. This distinction illuminates those places where education on church teaching and healthy psychosexual development are necessary. s Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, "Some Considerations Concerning the Catholic Response to Legislative Proposals on the Non- Discrimination of Homosexual Persons" (1992), § 11. 6 See Gerald D. Coleman SS and Roger L. Freed MD, "Assessing Seminary Candidates," Human Development 21, no. 2, pp. 14-20. 7 Timothy Radcliffe, Sing a New Song: The Christian Vocation (Springfield, Illinois: Templegate Publishers, 1999), p. 146. s Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. "The Pastoral Care of Homosexual Persons," Origins 16, no. 22, pp. 377-382, §16. 9 Cozzens, Priesthood, p. 103. ~0 Cozzens, Priesthood, p. 103. " Radcliffe, Sing a New Song, pp. 146-147. ~2 Initial Formation of tbe Friars Preachers: Recent Documents (Rome: Santa Sabina, 1999), p. 217. Review for Religious GEORGE J. AUGER Reflections of a Novice Director CNoardinal Basil Hume OSB, in his Footprints of the rthern Saints, said, "I always think that people join a religious order for one reason, and stay for the proper one." I suppose that could be said of all vocations, be they to the religious life, marriage, priesthood, the single life, or even various professions and occupations. One might say that all life is "becoming," a process of gradual growth. For Christians this means entering ever rdore deeply into the paschal mystery of the life, death, and resurrection of the Lord. What follows are simply reflections, hopefully practical, on the process of entering the religious life, that is, on the novitiate. I offer a few things I have learned as novice director through reading, reflection, experience, and of course prayer. I shall consider first the candidates coming to us and why and then what we are called to offer them. Bear in mind that, though we speak of a "formation process" for those entering religious life, a novice director does not "form" novices--they form themselves. One can do no more than God, that is, invite persons to prayerfully discern and perhaps freely choose religious life as lived by a given religious congregation and as George J. Auger CSV presently ministers as novice direc-tor for the Chicago province of the Clerics of Saint Viator. His address is 1212 East Euclid Street; Arlington Heights, Illinois 60004. 2~uly-August 2001 Auger * R~flections of a Novice Director inspired by the charism of its founder. Of paramount importance is respect and reverence for those seeking entrance into religious life. Here we are dealing with the unique mystery of people's relationship with the Lord. What is good and spiritually wholesome for novices is also good for a congregation, and this whether the persons remain or leave. As Charles de Foucauld said, "Why I left the Trappists is why I entered the Trappists." The attitude of a novice director should be first and foremost the good of the novices, even before that of the congregation. The good of the novice is the good of a congregation. Congregations are of the temporal order, individuals of the eternal. No religious congregation is simply of divine origin. For apostolic religious congregations today, it is evident that novices are far less numerous than in the past. Some congregations are disappearing just as others are being born. The history of religious congregations down through the centuries bears this out. Who Are Coming to Us and Why? Those coming to us are sons and daughters of a culture vastly unlike that of most congregational founders. True, the charism of a founder may well be alive, but the living of it is expressed differently in differing historical settings. (The congregations founded during and after the French Revolution are but one example.) Still, all have common thread running through them: they all desire to bring Christ's compassionate love to the needy and poor of their time, and this in spite of the prevailing culture of their day. They are evangelical and they are countercultural. Specific details of their lives come from the living charism of each founder. Those entering religious life today are older than formerly. Most have college degrees, something often required before entry. (Is it not strange that before Vatican Council II there were "lay" brothers and sisters, members with relatively little formal education? Most were religious in the full sense of the word, yet today few if any would be accepted into active apostolic congregations. What was perhaps done for nondiscriminatory reasons had a way of discriminating. Surely the term "lay religious" is passe, yet are there not men and women called to the religious life who do not have and do not desire the academic knowledge required by many congregations? Where do such religious vocations go?) Many of those entering our novitiates have been Review for Religious successful in their secular endeavors. Some have had a "conversion" experience. Others find themselves unfulfilled and resdess and in this hear God's call for "the more." These are women and men full of enthusiasm and idealism, searchers seeking fulfillment and happiness in giving of themselves for the good of others. Generosity is not lacking. They are not looking for an easy bourgeois lifestyle. They are looking for challenges, unafraid of the unknown and willing to take risks for the sake of God's reign. It is a mistake to sell them short. It has been my limited experience that those entering our communities are children of the computer and television age. Some have read relatively little and are unaccustomed to sit still with a book. They have learned to live in an individualistic and "consumer" society, as have many of us seasoned religious as well. Silence, solitude, disciplined regularity, a simple lifestyle, faith sharing, an openness to the divine presence, and prayer are, for some, unfamiliar even though these things are essential avenues of spiritual growth. For some the primary motivation in seeking entrance into religious congregations is external. They see religious life primarily in terms of ministry or what they feel called to do (ministry to youth or to the poor and neglected, teaching, parochial ministry, and so forth). But these same persons often lack a theological foundation, both dogmatically and ascetically. The spiritual life is foreign territory to them. For them religious life is not a mystery of intimacy, but a means to the end of ministry. The contemplative dimension of religious life is seen only vaguely. Others seek religious life after having had an "experience of God." These are attracted to the person of Jesus and see religious life as a way to deepen their intimacy with the Lord of their lives, yet this intimacy is with a resurrected Lord and neglects the cross. All seems "sweetness and light," They forget that God's desire and theirs will only connect on Calvary. With Paul they must learn "to glory in the cross of Christ." The human existential experiences of those joining our ranks is far different from those of the past. For the most part, those entering before Vatican 17, and they were numerous, led a sheltered For some the primary motivation in seeking entrance into religious congregations is external. July-~lug71st 2001 Auger ¯ Reflections o~a Novice Director life supported by a regime that somehow guaranteed, in the end, some kind of fulfillment. They were inspired by men and women who lived the religious life of their day to the full and radiated the secret of a life rooted in Christ. In formation, when things became difficult, there was always the support of brother or sister novices. Life was lived in terms of a goal, and that goal was often seen in terms of a life following the years of formation. Certainly one indirect but real incentive was the respect and even reverence with which religious life was held by the Catholic community at large; added to this was a subde desire for recognition or advancement on the social scale. A religious was somehow a "special" person, respected and sometimes even revered. How things have changed! Gone are the years when our novitiates were filled. Gone is the ministerial certainty of those in charge of formation. Gone is the high esteem religious life was once given. Gone are those ministries once held to be for all time. Today it is difficult to speak of a novitiate community with only one or two novices! It is not uncommon for congregations to experience one or several "noviceless" years. Of course, there are many reasons for this, some mentioned above; yet this is no cause for discouragement. Many of the ministries once undertaken by religious are now taken by laypersons, some of whom are now called associate members of a congregation, enthusiastically embracing the vision of its founder. The Holy Spirit is present and guiding us, offering us the grace to read the "signs of the times." One must not forget nor disparage the past; rather, one must build on a past marked by generosity, sacrifice, and a willingness to give one's all for the sake of God's reign. This element in religious life has not changed, nor will it in years to come. I believe that those entering our ranks are sold on our mission. This is usually the most attractive element presented by vocation directors, and this is good. There is, however, a difficulty. Our mission is frequendy in a transitional stage. It is seldom limited to one specific mission, though there remain congregations with only one, such as nursing or caring for the aged. For congregations that once taught in primary and secondary schools, teaching is no longer exclusively a matter of schools. Parochial ministry, social services, and chaplaincies are now rightly seen as having a teaching dimension. Religious women and men consider all sorts of ministries as teaching, often resulting in small local communities and even one-person assignments. This can and does create a Review for Religious problem, for those entering our ranks seek community. They seek a community where men and women share a vision and are willing to sacrifice for it. The problem is that all too often apostolic congregations voice their common vision in such abstract and general terms that, in the end, these mission statements say and mean very little. The focus of such congregations is blurred or nebulous, and so those entering them may find themselves confused and uncertain regarding both identit3) and mission. It is well and good to say that our mission is to advance God's reign, but must one enter religious life to advance the reign of God? There has to be something more. In such instances the deep mystery of religious life is obfuscated. The purpose, I believe, of the novitiate experience is to clarify the meaning of religious life, a life devoted to a mission, yes, but at the same time rooted in and nourished by a personal relationship with the Lord. In reality and in the practical order, one's mission and identity as a religious are one: "I am my mission." The attractiveness and appeal of religious life comes from religious afire with the love of God and impelled irresistibly to love and help others (Col 1:28-29). Mission is rooted in one's intimate and personal relationship with the Lord. What Are We Called to Offer Them? There is an advantage to the paucity of novices today. We are now able to minister to one by one, getting to know them in depth and letting them get to know us as we live the mystery of our religious life. The novitiate is a time for internalization, of interiority: knowing and experiencing a deeper relationship with the Lord. It is a time to nourish the seed of divine love within them, to foster the contemplative in them, inviting them to experience God's presence and abiding love. To paraphrase an early father of the church, the measure of our love of God will always be commensurate to our conviction of God's love for us. "You have not chosen me, I have chosen you" (In 15:16). Mission is important, yet it is not primary in the novitiate experience. The external and all-too-human excitement and enthusiasm for what novices will do at some future time must somehow b

Abstrak Karya sastra merupakan miniatur dari dunia nyata, dimana sebuah karya sastra biasanya mengungkap beberapa masalah yang berkaitan dengan makhluk hidup termasuk isu-isu tentang hubungan manusia dengan alam. Manusia lebih cenderung melakukan kerusakan pada lingkungan daripada menjaganya, hal ini menyebabkan kehancuran bumi beserta isinya. Hal ini tergambar pada novel The Road karya McCarthy dimana lingkungan yang menjadi setting utamanya hancur berantakan. Lansekapnya tertutup oleh abu yang berterbangan. Dan ketika salju turun, ia berwarna abu-abu. Langitnya juga terlihat gelap. Oleh sebab itu, ada beberapa masalah yang berhubungan dengan kehancuran bumi yang tergambar pada novel yang kemudian memunculkan dua dasar pertanyaan (1) bagaimana kehancuran bumi digambarkan dalam novel The Road karya McCarthy? Dan (2) bagaimana kehancuran bumi memberikan dampak terhadap karakter utama dalam novel The Road karya McCarthy?. Untuk melihat masalah ini perlu teori yang pas yang biasa disebut ecocriticism. Ecocriticism melihat kehancuran bumi sebagai hasil dari tingkah laku manusia terhadap lingkungan misalnya: eksploitasi dan colonialisasi. Seperti yang dikatakan Lawrence Buell bahwa kondisi lingkungan itu ditentukan oleh manusia. Ecocriticism adalah suatu istilah yang berada dibawah payung postcolonialism dimana seorang postcolonialist meyakini bahwa kolonialisasi mempunyai campur tangan dalam penghancuran bumi. Para penjajah merasa percaya diri untuk mengeksploitasi bumi karena dianugrahi kekuatan oleh modernism. Untuk mendapatkan analisis yang jelas, skripsi ini menggunakan metode descriptive quality dimana kualitas data menjadi poin utama daripada jumlah data. Jadi, terlihat jelas bahwa kehancuran bumi terjadi diseluruh lapisan lingkungan; yaitu atmosfer, permukaan tanah, dan laut. Seluruh atmosfer dipenuhi oleh abu, debu dan karbon, tanahnya terkikis, tandus dan gundul, dan lautnya berubah menjadi abu-abu. Kehancuran bumi ini juga memberikan kesuraman tersendiri kepada tokoh si bapak dan si anak. Mereka harus melalui hidup yang keras, susah untuk bernafas, susah untuk menemukan sesuatu yang bisa dimakan dan secara mental mereka selalu takut akan ancaman-ancaman dari kehancuran bumi. Kata Kunci: kehancuran bumi, ecocriticism, postcolonialism, modernism. Abstract Literary work is a miniature of larger world or reality, whereas a literary work reveals some problems related to humans being including issues of human relationships with the environment. Humans tend to do damage to the environment rather than maintaining it, thus it causes devastation of earth. It is reflected in McCarthy's the road where the environment is devastated. The landscape save the ash on the wind, and when the snow falls, it is gray. The sky is also dark. Therefore, there are some problems of knowledge about how the devastation of earth portrays in the novel, which are delivered to two main questions of (1) How is devastation of earth depicted in Cormac McCarthy's The Road? and (2) How does devastation of earth give impacts to the main characters in Cormac McCarthy's The Road?. In case to observe these problems, it needs a suitable theory which called ecocriticism. Ecocriticism sees the devastation of earth as the result of humans' behaviour such as exploitation and colonialism of the environment, as Lawrence Buell says that the condition of the environment is determined by humans. Ecocriticism is under umbrella term of postcolonialism in which postcolonilist believes that colonization has intervention in devastating the earth. Colonizer is encouraged to exploit the nature because of power that is given by modernism. To get a clear analysis, this thesis uses descriptive quality method; it means the quality of the data becomes the reference to work rather than the quantity of the data. Thus, it is seen clearly that devastation of earth happened in the whole layers of environment; atmosphere, land and sea. The atmosphere is occupied by ash, dust and carbon, the land has eroded and barren and the sea have changed into gray. This devastation also gives a misery to the father and the son as the main characters. They have to undergo hard life; hard to breathe, hard to find food and mentally they are haunted by the devastated earth's threatens. Keywords: devastation of earth, ecocriticism, postcolonialism, modernism. INTRODUCTION Humans often feel indifferent toward nature. For them, nature is something considerably as a 'mystic' thing, when it goes right, humans forget it, when it goes wrong, they worry it. People tend to prefer natural environments more than built environments, and built environments with water, trees, and other vegetation more than built environments without such features (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989). On the other word, humans tend to permit the nature walks down by itself. They seem to just let it flow without thinking how to keep and maintenance the nature. The study of humans' relation with nature which is known as ecology was begun since years ago when humans lived in harmony with the nature. However, in line with development the nature also changes. Unfortunately, this natural changes brings devastation on earth, as Donald Hughes says that looking back to our historical ecology, Humans have related in multiple ways to the Earth's systems; some of these ways promise a sustainable balance with them, while others are destructive (Hughes, 2001: 269). Historically, through devastation of earth Humans have made major changes in their environments. This is happened almost in the whole surface, as Hughes says that devastation of earth has happened in every historical period and in every part of the inhabited Earth (2001: 1). In order to observe those processes of change that affect the relationship, ecologist studies the mutual effects that other species, natural forces, and cycles have on humans, and the actions of humans that affect the web of connections with non-human organisms and entities (id. at 4.). This ecologist's study shows that devastation of earth is the result of humans' behaviour toward environment. This bad behaviour has changed the environment that will bring devastation to the humans themselves. Humans seemingly don't care of the environment. Severity, humans tend to be more destructive. It forces some Ecocritics who concern in literary study and environment in late nineteenth criticized humans' behaviour toward nature. This criticises show how important avoiding that kind of behaviour toward nature which brings devastation of earth merely, it signed that the study of literature which related to the environment has to be discussed. There were in fact some isolated calls for an ecologically oriented criticism during the 1970s (Rigby, vol 2: 2). However, it was not until the end of the twentieth century that the study of literature and the environment was finally recognized as 'a subject on the rise'. In studying of literature, humans ordinarily focus on the relation between humans and others (society) or between humans and themselves (psychology), whereas, the relation between humans and environment actually is tightly connected. Unfortunately, the study of literature which related to the earth was often forgotten, whereas, the study of literature which related to the environment is greatly important. The study of environment is not merely observing of the nature or nonhumans aspect but it tends to study the relation among nature, earth and the humans themselves. Human actually is a part of environmental system, and therefore the environment has the crucial role in humans life in which it is become the main point of literary study. In some respects, it is perhaps not surprising that the study of literary texts should be coupled with such forgetfulness of the earth. Thus it is needed a study of humans' relation and environment. The study of literature and environment got a full attention when modern era begun to destruct the environment. Since last decade ago, especially years ago, humans consciously realized the impacts of their behaviour toward nature, moreover when they become crazier of invention, exploration and exploitation of the nature. Surely, this impact is indirectly causing ecological changes. However, actually what people do about their ecology depend on what they think about themselves in relation to things around them. Human ecology is deeply conditioned by beliefs about our nature and destiny (White 1996, 6). It can be imagined when humans were only thinking about themselves and forgetting the nature or they were just considering their needs without considering the nature needs, it can be ascertained that the nature will vanish and be extinct. This idea or thought about indifference toward nature is criticized by the Ecocritics. Ecocriticism maintains that literature may be approached in a way that examines humans as part of an ecosystem; they are neither master nor slave to it, but simply one part of an intricate system. Literature and environment truly can't be separated each other. Moreover, Lawrence Buell argues in his book The Truth of Ecology as quoted by Dana Philip that literature would be environmental. It would evoke the natural world through verbal surrogates, and would thereby attempt to bond the reader to the world as well as to discourse (Philip, 2003: 7). It can be assumed that through the literary work, the reader will be brought to the environmental world and devastation of earth. Indirectly, literature causes the reader's interpretation of the environment. Thus, it is important to understand the relation between humans and environment through literary work. It needs to notice that ecology is not a slush fund of fact, value, and metaphor, but a less than fully coherent field with a very checkered past and a fairly uncertain future (Philip, 2003: 45). By understanding the relation between humans and environment, it is beneficial to determine the act effectively on the impact of natural destruction and to integrate knowledge and actions. The study of literature and environment works in tandem in determining humans' perception and interpretation toward nature. As Lawrence Buell says that literature and environment studies must make their case for the indispensableness of physical environment as a shaping force in human art and experience, and how such an aesthetic works (2001: 9). It can be assumed that environmental interpretation is a humanistic inquiry. In other word, what people think about nature, and how they have expressed those ideas is what people interpret of the nature. Generally what people expressed the idea of the nature is a Realistic depiction of the world. Thus, it needs a tool to see this depiction. Surely Ecocriticism is a proper tool to see the depiction of the world. Ecocriticism is the most suitable binoculars to telescoped ecological issue and ecological changes in such literary work, as Sheryl Glotfelty (1996: xviii) says that Ecocriticism is the study of the relationship between literature and the physical environment, Ecocriticism takes an earth-centered approach to literary studies. Only Ecocriticicism observes the relation between humans and nonhumans aspects. What Ecocritics do, in short, is attempting to discover nature as absence, silence in texts, and construe environmental representation as a relevant category of literary (Buell, 2005: 30). Ecocriticism encourages the changing of canonisation through entering literary works which carry up natural issue. Ecocriticism ecologically oriented critique of the way in which Nature is constructed in certain canonical texts. Environmental literature constitutes the third way in which Ecocriticism recasts the canon. According to Lawrence Buell (1995, 7-8), an environmentally oriented work should display some characteristics; first, the nonhuman environment is present not merely as a framing device but as a presence that begins to suggest that human history is implicated in natural history. Second, the human interest is not understood to be the only legitimate interest. Third, Human accountability to the environment is part of the text's ethical framework. The last, some sense of the environment as a process rather than as a constant or a given is at least implicit in the text. In such literary work; Cormac McCarthy's The Road the nature as the setting represents ecological changes. Surely, this change causes devastation of earth. Nothing is more miserable on earth but devastation. The world which is the closest place we live at is not convenient again when it was devastated. Thus, literary and environment has interrelation that cannot be separated. Then, it is important to analyze such literary work through Ecocriticism. Ecological issue commonly represented by the presence of natural thing such as; tree, land and also circumstance in the novel which it become the setting. In other word, ecological issue become a centre point of setting. One of great writers in narrating the setting is Cormac McCarthy. Not only known as a king of the setting, McCarthy also has known as famous environmental setting as Addy Haddock (a writer of McCarthy's bibliography) says that his ability to provide eloquent descriptions with smoothly rolling darker undertones and poetically dismal nuances makes him become a writer with powerful setting. Thus, McCarthy is a right author referenced as a study of Ecocriticism. Indirectly, McCarthy's proficient is caused by his settled at a barn near Louisville, Tennessee. All the stones he gathered, all the wood he cut and kiln dried by himself to renovate his small house. Seemingly, McCarthy's life is not far away from the nature. Years later, after marrying fellow student Lee Holleman in 1961, he and she moved to a shack with no heat and running water in the foothills of the Smoky Mountains outside of Knoxville. These experiences of life sharpen his idea toward nature. McCarthy reveals that he is not a fan of authors who do not deal with issues of life and death; it can be assumed that his writing tends to be explored issues of life including devastation of earth. Recalling blithely the months he spent without electricity in a house in Tennessee. Without money, and he had run out of toothpaste and he was wondering what to do when he went to the mailbox and there was a free sample. It made him become more sensitive facing the nature and more respect it. In 2006, McCarthy writes The Road that grants him a change to be interviewed by Oprah Winfrey. Surely, this interview related to his writing especially devastation of earth and won Pulitzer Prize for fiction. McCarthy told Winfrey that related several stories illustrating the degree of outright poverty he endured at times during his career as a writer. He also states that his novel; The Road inspired when he was standing at the window of a hotel in the middle of the night, his son asleep nearby, he started to imagine what El Paso might look like 50 or 100 years in the future. He just had this image of these fires up on the hill. It shows the condition of the nature at the time which the hill was fired up. McCarthy can be categorized as a weird person. People usually gathered with other people who have same hobby or pleasure. However, it doesn't apply for McCarthy. As a writer, he doesn't like to gather with other writer. He would rather hang out with physicists or scientist than other writer. He does not know any writers and much prefers the company of scientists. No doubt if his knowledge of nature is rich. His knowledge of the natural world is vast and includes many of the Latin names of birds and animals. His pleasure gathering with physicists and scientist caused by his interest in science and environment, by absorbing the intelligence scientists, he realizes that in 100 years the human race won't even be recognizable. For him, what physicists did in the 20th century was one of the extraordinary flowerings ever in the human enterprise, which would much prefer to befriend a scientist than another writer. Most of McCarthy's novels are portraying about life or reality which many of them associated to ecological issue. In 1985, Blood Meridian was published. Blood Meridian portrays the desolate and indifferent 1850s Texas-Mexico borderlands. The extreme violence which takes place comments implicitly on both the environment and human nature. The novel's full title- Blood Meridian, or The Evening Redness In The West- is indicative of the novel's portrayal of the environment. A relationship between location, nature and violence is created in the symbolism of the sun as a "blood meridian". To call McCarthy's environments as constructed in Blood Meridian simply violent is an unsatisfactory conclusion. What is more appropriate and evident in the text is that man is inherently violent and the indifference of nature to this creates an amoral setting. In 1979, McCarthy published his fourth novel, Suttree. In short, Suttree tells the reader about a man named Cornelius Suttree, a fisherman, disillusioned scholar, alcoholic, nihilist, existentialist and transcendentalist. The attention to detail identified earlier in Suttree is telling in terms of his relationship with his environment. Generally, to an Ecocritical reading Suttree shows that, stripped of societal anthropocentrism, man is forced to reassess his relationship with nature. It could be said that McCarthy's prose style is often atavistic (anti-civilization, anti-materialism, anti-industrialism, anti-progress and pro-Nature) in that it both reflects natural processes and often appears primitive, stripped of culture. In 1973, Child of God was published. It was inspired by actual events in Sevier County. Child of God begins with Lester Ballard's dispossession from his parent's house. McCarthy's description of Ballard's lone nomadic wandering after he inadvertently burns down his squat uses the same free indirect discourse. Child of God can also be described as an existential text, particularly for the authenticity of its protagonist. Lester Ballard's atavistic tendencies bring him closer to an animalistic level. From those all of McCarthy's novels, The Road which was published in 2006 by Vintage book publisher is the most representative novel which is related to the study of Ecocriticism. The novel is generally thick of environments' issue. The issue for instance is the fire of woods that happened along the country which give the reader an image of burned land, ash and dust everywhere and so on. Because of this reason, the writer felt that The Road is interested to be analyzed through ecological critics. In short, the novel portrays a journey of father and son as the main character in a burned land in America. The issue of devastation of earth becomes the centre point of interest which grasps the whole setting of the novel. The Road brings the readers onto 'the future' in as much as it is set in a time after an ambiguous 'end' has occurred and society has collapsed. The reverse of the most recent reissue claims that it is the first great masterpiece of the globally warmed generation. It is also the first of McCarthy's novels to have provoked Ecocritical study. This wide appeal to the novel relies strongly on its environmental themes. The use of allusion to genre and form elsewhere in McCarthy's novels can be said to universalise his appeal but in The Road the key concern is the 21st century's most immediate global problem; the irrevocable damage global industrial capitalism is doing to our environment. It is difficult to read The Road without feeling the overwhelming cumulative force of the novel's desolation, and this desolation is most prominently present in the landscapes McCarthy portrays. The setting is almost entirely bereft of life; the little that is found is often malign humanity. The Road greatly represents a study of Ecocriticism. It portrays the colourless world because of devastation of earth. This devastation issue is common object of the Ecocriticism study. The Road continually reminds us of the bleakness of the landscape in the earth. As readers, we only experience bright colours through the characters' dreams or memories, if someone happens to bruise or bleed, or through fire or flare guns. The rest of the time we see a gray ash covering the landscape. As a reality, our landscape is actually green and natural. However, The Road shows the possibility of devastation of earth when humans did devastation to the nature and they can't live in harmony with the nature. Therefore, there is no doubt that The Road becomes the most influencing novel toward environment. It proves from the acclaim written in the novel by George Monbiot, an environmental campaigner that says "It could be the most important environmental book ever. It is a thought experiment that imagines a world without a biosphere, and shows that everything we value depends on the ecosystem." According to the brief story in background of the study that gives perception about the devastation of earth in the novel, it appears two questions as the problems: 1. How is devastation of earth depicted in Cormac McCarthy's The Road? 2. How does devastation of earth give impacts to the main characters in Cormac McCarthy's The Road? METHOD The used method is descriptive quality; it means the quality of the data becomes the reference to work rather than the quantity of the data. Besides, a technique is needed to understand the data. Technique of interpretation must be used to interpret and analyze the data. Through interpretation the analysis can be worked. Interpretation is a crucial step that has to do before analyzing the data. Then, extrinsic approach is used as an approach toward the analysis in which environment belongs to it. According to method above, the first thing that has to do is collecting data. In collecting data this research focuses on reading and documentation. Reading novel. In this step, novel becomes the object of the research. The novel is entitled The Road, written by Cormac McCarthy. To collect the correctly data, it needs reading more than once, because to get interpretation, it needs understanding all contents completely with all possibilities both intrinsically and extrinsically. Inventorying data. This step is collecting data through noting the quotations related to the statement of the problems and objectives of the study, it is including in words, sentences, and discourse that can represent devastation of earth in Cormac McCarthy's The Road. Thus, all data that will be analyzed are started and sourced through the novel's contents. Classification data. It is appropriate to the statements of the problems about devastation of earth in Cormac McCarthy's The Road. Tabling the data. It is to simplify reading the data and classify data that is used in the analysis for the readers. Continuously, the selected data or the collected data, which are related to the statements of the problems and the objectives, are analyzed through Ecocriticism in depicting the devastation of earth and its impacts to the main characters in Cormac McCarthy's The Road. MODERNISM The word "modern" closely means to up-to-date, abreast of the times, and going beyond the past in more than a temporally or chronologically literal sense (Greenberg, 1979; 2). Marshall Breman as quoted Jan Rada defines modernism as a trend of thought that affirms the power of human being to create, improve, and reshape their environment, with the aid of scientific knowledge technology and practical experimentation (2008; 6). Breman then argues that modernism is as any attempt by modern men and women to become subjects as well as objects of modernization, to be modern is to find ourselves in an environment that promises us adventure, power, joy, growth, transformation of ourselves and the world-and, at the same time, that threatens to destroy everything we have, everything we know, everything we are (Berman, 1982; 5; 14). The development of modernism emerged two poles that confront each other; science and technology and natural degradation. As Helena J. Keler explanation that the image of 'creative destruction' is very important to understanding modernity precisely because it derived from the particular dilemmas that faced the implementation of the modernist project. This destruction of a holistic universe in the modern era shatters the conception of human beings and societies as total entities, instead inaugurating an era characterized by a never-ending process of internal ruptures and fragmentations within itself (Keler, 2005: 4). According to Horkheimer and Adorno as quoted by Helena, modern capitalist society is engaged in a pattern of domination: the domination of nature by human beings, domination of nature within human beings, and this system of domination is driven by fear of the human and nonhuman unknown the Other (Keler, 2005: 3). Movement of modernism manifests itself in the self-destructive nature of symbolism: when pushed to its logical extreme, the symbolist aesthetic starts to forgo any notion of an organic, necessary relationship between signifier and signified, and simply imposes a particular motif as an arbitrary symbol of something else (Hutchinson, 2011; 58). Modernism often demonstrates the destructive rather than constructive nature. Modernists argue that the ecologically destructive projects are not viable because of climate change but modernism movement (Johnston, 2012: 207). Specifically, Barbara Rose Johnston states that Human conduct that contributes to the destruction of our ecological balance. Such interpretations of environmental change, however, can have undesirable effect of deflecting responsibility, since blame is placed on a cycle of time about which a person can do nothing (Johnston, 2012: 212). Global environmental change, which spans natural sciences, policy and development studies, is currently experiencing its first waves. Perhaps it is time to recognize that already some people are getting their feet wet. On what criteria should one decide to retreat to higher ground or stick it out unmoved until the tide turns. Modernism challenges the modern project of understanding global environmental change and doing something about it when it causes problems (Blaikie, 1996: 81). According to Piers M. Blaikie, modernism First, it challenges all embracing world views or 'meta narratives' which tend to be highly teleological and assume the validity of their underlying assumptions and their claims. Thus, the role of environmental scientists in policy making as 'talking truth to power' and as the only rational and legitimate brokers between the 'real' environment and the rest of us, is rejected. Second, it challenges the tendency that is more pronounced in areas of global environmental change where the local hands on experience of the environment (land degradation, desertification and biodiversity). Third, it challenged that reality is socially constructed. An epistemology which builds models of society and environment with causal connections is challenged by one which is constituted as a series of descriptive accounts according to different actors' perceptions (Blaikie, 1996: 81). Modernism encourages people and countries to over-exploit natural resources, and contribute to reductions in spending on social and environmental welfare (Huckle, 1999: 36). Moreover, environmental reductions being blamed on the impact of foreign cultural domination this has allegedly eroded and damaged the 'essential harmony' between humans and nature (Mawdsley, 2001: 96). Evernden contends that the second instrumental vision of control and domination over nature is the historical product of modernity, more specifically of Renaissance, when a new mode of knowledge, based on reason and experimentation replaced the medieval search for knowledge as contemplation and wisdom (1992). This argument is supported that Modernity is thus responsible for creating Nature by abstracting from nature, and with it a whole history of conquest and domination comes to be enacted. In the words of C. S. Lewis: "We reduce things to mere Nature in order that we may "conquer" them. We are always conquering Nature because "Nature" is the name for what we have, to some extent, conquered" (Lewis, 1978: 42). Latest, Environmental problems and other risks encompass less than the globally catastrophic. More and more disaster experts, development agencies, and citizens' groups are supporting that the globalisation is largely responsible for such human misery (Huckle, 1999: 36). Modernism signed by the development science and technology (Somerville, 2006: 17-18). Further, given the increasing production by technologically advanced capitalism of risks that threaten us all ironically that technology induced catastrophes and environmental disasters (Simon Cottle, 1998: 8). Since the Enlightenment, technology, especially science-based technology, has offered the promise of a better world through the elimination of disease and material improvements to standards of living. On the other hand, resource extraction, emissions of dangerous materials, and pollution of air, water, and soil have created conditions for unprecedented environmental catastrophe and have already caused irreversible damage to the biosphere (Vergragt, 2006: 7). Ironically, the persisting contradictions between a better life created and supported by technology for the wealthy few, also caused the increasing environmental degradation and persistent poverty for the vast majority calls for a deeper exploration and understanding of the nature. Philip J. Vergragt then, states that technology will support and enhance a "good life" for all of its citizens, in both rich and presently poor countries, without compromising the Earth's ecosystem or the prospects of later generations (Vergragt, 2006: 8). Thus, science and technology which shaped to the sophistication give man a power to colonize the earth. POSTCOLONIALISM Environmentalism in post-colonial discourse has its beginnings in Alfred Crosby's account of the impact of European incursions into the Americas and the Pacific (Ashcroft, 2000: 71). This incursion of course destructs not only the country; physical building and ideology but also the environment and nature. The conquest and colonization of so many extra-European environments produced irreversible changes in land use, in flora and fauna and frequently damaged beyond repair traditionally balanced relations between indigenous communities and their environments, a relationship unlike that of their conquerors crucial to their understanding of their 'being' as of the land rather than merely on it (Ashcroft, 2000: 71-72). He adds that imperial incursions and colonization have been regarded as environmentally destructive, yet as Richard Grove argues, the perception of what had already been lost in Europe, the sense of intrinsic connection between the 'more-than-human' and the human, and thus the urgency of environmental preservation became strikingly evident in Europe's colonies, particularly in the late nineteenth century. Much environmentalism in theory and practice has emanated from former imperial centres such as Europe and the United States. While belated recognition of the crucial importance of other forms of life on earth is both welcome and necessary, its export and sometimes imposition on postcolonized cultures invites the obvious charge of hypocrisy and generates resentment against former imperial states which having degraded their own and their colonies' environments in the 'interests' of progress and 'development' now encourage (or impose) the theory and practices of environmental preservation on other peoples (Ashcroft, 2000: 72). This also frequently creates division within post-colonized cultures themselves, where, for instance, peoples are moved off their traditional lands to make way for game parks, essentially for the benefit of wealthy tourists. Demands for the 'global' preservation of endangered species frequently clash with the policies of post-colonized governments eager to use their regained environmental sovereignty in the interests of a modern capitalism from which it is difficult for them to escape. Devastation of earth has highlighted how human–environmental vulnerabilities are amplified not only by anthropogenic climate change but also by the capitalist exploitation of natural resources (Carrigan, 2005: 1). Harmful environmental conduct exposes several broader dimensions such as the nation's ability to use its resources as determined by domestic political processes, such as; it changes the natural forest microclimates that have been transformed into new microclimates increasing sunlight and lowering humidity (Nazzal, 2005: 6). The ecological crisis is not merely an isolated event but has its roots in the modern materialistic civilization that makes man becomes the butcher of earth (Huggan and Tiffin, 2010: 1). They argue that one way out of this morass is to insist that the proper subject of postcolonialism is colonialism, and to look accordingly for colonial/imperial underpinnings of environmental practices in both colonising and colonised societies of the present and the past (Huggan and Tiffin, 2010: 3) Colonialism greatly changed the environmental condition of colonized country. Alfred W. Crosby (Crosby 1986) as quoted by Aschroft describes the ways in which the environments of colonized societies have been physically transformed by the experience of colonial occupation, imperialism/colonialism not only altered the cultural, political and social structures of colonized societies, but also devastated colonial ecologies and traditional subsistence patterns (Ashcroft, 2000: 69). Indirectly, colonization influences ecological changes in the past which cause ecological destruction in the present day. More importantly, based on Crosby statement in Aschroft explain that introduced crops and livestock not between colonizer and colonized country only supported conquering armies and colonizing populations, radically colonizer altered the entire ecology of the invaded lands in ways that necessarily disadvantaged indigenous peoples and annihilated or endangered native flora and fauna (2000: 69). Arguably this has led to one of the most profound ecological changes the world has seen. Colonization or colonialism can be defined as the conquest and control of other people's land and goods (Loomba, 2005: 8). Colonialism means a conquest which is done by the west or European and American country toward Asia and Africa by exploitation the land, surely it causes natural destruction. Elleke Boehmer has defined colonialism as the settlement of territory, the exploitation or development of resources, and attempts to govern the indigenous inhabitants of occupied lands (Boehmer as qtd. in McLeod 2000: 8). The term colonialism is important in defining the specific form of natural exploitation that developed with the expansion of Europe over the last 400 years (Ashcroft, 2000: 40). With the end of the cold war, global infatuation with neoliberal economics has intensified the peripheralization of the South along economic, political, social, cultural and natural lines (Geeta Chowdhry and Sheila Nair, 2002: 1). Postcolonial critique bears witness to those countries and communities - in the North and the South (Bhabha, 1994: 6). The assumption of postcolonial studies is that many of the wrongs, if not crimes, against nature are a product of the economic dominance of the north over the south (Young, 2001: 6). Thus, the Norh represents the West and the South represents the East. Postcolonialism sees the natural destruction on the South as the impacts of colonization The northern environmentalism considered as the rich (always potentially vainglorious and hypocritical) and the southern environmentalism considered as the poor (often genuinely heroic and authentic) (huggan and Tiffin, 2010: 2). However, northern needs of the natural need were supplied from the south in the name of colonization. Colonialism granted imperial powers the rights to arrogate and exploit the territory of a subject people as well as to appropriate unlimited property rights, post-colonial states acted quickly to regain control over their natural resources both through expropriation of foreign property interests and through the legal arena (Nazzal, 2005: 10). Colonialism, through both practice and discourse, has separated man from his natural surroundings and has given him a false idea about the meaning of nature: on the contrary, nature is not there to be plundered, but to be cared for, tended and made to yield its produce. Then, Man is ennobled by the relationship with the environment, by his power to make things grow and watch over their growth, but the reverse also holds true: devastation returns man to his primitive condition. It is not surprising when the the nature did reverse destruction to the humans. It is the result of what they do exploit to the nature. On the other world, man as the colonizer has colonized the earth which caused the devastation of earth. (Chrisman and Williams, 1994: 1–20). Thus, postcolonialism can be considered as umbrella term of ecocriticism in which it criticizes the relation between human and nature including criticizing humans' behaviour precisely humans' exploitation toward nature. ECOCRITICISM Humans truly can't be separated with environment. human beings are engaged in the eternal search for connection, for that which connects us to others and for that which connects us to ourselves, culture, language, history, belief systems, social practice, and other influences on human development are as much a part of place as the physical landscape one crosses (Dreese, 2002; 2-3). She emphasizes that environmental factors play a crucial role in the physical, emotional, and even spiritual configurations that determine our ideas of who we are. All human beings develop their own sense of place through life that determines why they love certain regions or feel utterly alien in others. The study of relations between humans and environment called ecology. Lawrence Buell defines ecology as the study of the interactions between organisms and the environment (Buell, 2005; 139). Meanwhile, Glen A Love defines ecology as not as merely a study of the relationship between organisms and their living and nonliving environment but also a combination of science and a sense of responsibility for life (2003; 37-38). Ecology as Lawrence Buell say above is drawn in the life circle; the life processes of many organisms put into their surroundings environment whose presence of other organism affects the life processes of these and other organisms sharing the same environment. When these processes are cut by such destruction, e.g. chemical by-products of the life processes of one species (or occupational group) are harmful to another species; the relationship between the two species is "antagonistic." Increased population density increases the probability of antagonistic interactions (Catton, 1994: 80). It is essential to be aware of the environmental damage which caused by ecological changes. The development of humans' ecology slowly damages the environment. The ecology of human development involves the scientific study of the progressive, mutual accommodation between an active, growing human being and the changing properties of the immediate settings (Bronfenbrenner, 1979: 21). Imbalance fine relations between humans and environment emerged a critic called ecocritic or ecocriticism (Buell, 2005; 2). John Elder as quoted by Dana Philip says that The science of ecology confirms the indivisibility of natural process: each feature of a landscape must be understood with reference to the whole, just as the habits of each creature reflect, and depend upon, the community of life around it (1999; 581). Ecology when it counts as science tends to be a lot more reductive, thus many of the core concepts of ecology once notable for their expansiveness have in recent years been cut down to size, made more particular, or abandoned altogether. It now appears that even the ecosystem concept may not be valid biologically, but valid concept or not, an ecosystem is primarily a theoretical entity, and therefore could never be the reality that somehow underwrites poetry, even if that poetry is of the good old-fashioned, supposedly "organic" sort (Philip, 1999; 582). By that kind of reason, Elder argues that culture too may be understood organically: it is the field of relationship between organisms and, as such, a complex organism in its own right (Philip, 1999; 582). Ecology is not merely bound to science and technology, but also moral and politic. Greg Garrard assumes that ecology itself is shifting and contested, the emphasis on the moral and political orientation of the ecocritic and the broad specification of the field of study are essential (2004; 4). Problems of ecology are features of our society, arising out of our dealings with nature, from which we should like to free ourselves, and which we do not regard as inevitable consequences of what is good in that society (Garrard, 2004; 5). Lynn white, Jr argues in his article on Cheryll Glotfelty's The Ecocriticism reader: landmark in literary ecology that environmental crisis is fundamentally a matter of the beliefs and values that direct science and technology and dominating attitude toward nature (1996; 4). Discoveries in ecology and cellular biology revolutionize our sense of self, teaching us that there is no such thing as an individual, only an individual-in-context (Neil Evernden, 1996; 93). Discoveries of course get much of invention. Unconsciously, humans' behaviour (ex: exploitation) toward environment was changed. Industrial Revolution affected humanity's conception of its relationship to nature, warning that technology has created the false illusion that we control nature, allowing us to forget that our "unconquerable minds" are vitally dependent upon natural support systems (Harold Fromm, 1996; 31) Ecocritic or Ecocriticism is an umbrella term, used to refer to the environmentally oriented study of literature and (less often) the arts more generally, and to the theories that underlie such critical practice (Buell, 2005; 138). Cheryll Glotfelty simply writes the definition, ecocriticism is the study of the relationship between literature and the physical environment, ecocriticism takes an earth-centered approach to literary studies (1996: xviii). Ecocriticism might succinctly be defined as study of the relation between literature and environment conducted in a spirit of commitment to environmental praxis (Lawrence Buell as quoted by Dana Philip, 1999; 583). Ecocriticism is, then, an avowedly political mode of analysis, ecocritics generally tie their cultural analyses explicitly to a 'green' moral and political agenda. In this respect, ecocriticism is closely related to environmentally oriented developments in philosophy and political theory (Greg Garrard, 2004; 3) Ecocentrism is more compelling as a call to fellow humans to recognize the intractable, like-it-or-not interdependence that subsists between the human and the nonhuman and to tread more lightly on the earth than it is as a practical program (Lawrence Buell, 2005, 102). Ecological criticism shares the fundamental premise that human culture is connected to the physical world, affecting it and affected by it. Ecocriticism takes as its subject the interconnections between nature and culture, specifically the cultural artefacts of language and literature (Cheryll Glotfelty, 1996; xix). The majority of ecocritics, whether or not they theorize their positions, look upon their texts of reference as refractions of physical environments and human interaction with those environments, notwithstanding the artifactual properties of textual representation and their mediation by ideological and other socio-historical factors (Lawrence Buell , 2005; 30). Literary theory, in general, examines the relations between writers, texts, and the world. In most literary theory "the world" is synonymous with society-the social sphere. Ecocriticism expands the notion of "the world" to include the entire ecosphere or nonhuman, which is physical environment. Several things that have to be seen are: • Transforming this concept becomes social movement that will bring the humans into conscious of the equality between human and their environment and doesn't consider the nature into binary opposition between dominate and dominated. • Ecocriticism encourages the changing of canonisation through entering literary works which carry up natural issue. • Ecocriticism is not only an approach but also a pendadogis tool. • Ecocriticism connects the literary study with the earth to see how is the relation between humans and earth where they stand (Cheryll Glotfelty, 1996, xxii) The majority of ecocritics, whether or not they theorize their positions, look upon their texts of reference as refractions of physical environments and human interaction with those environments, notwithstanding the artifactual properties of textual representation and their mediation by ideological and other sociohistorical factors (Buell, 2005; 30). It can be assumed that Ecocrtiticism sees the text as the refraction of physical environment. Another denigrates attempts to recuperate realism as restricting the field of environmental writing, as ludicrously foreshortened in focus ("its practitioners . . . reduced to an umpire's role, squinting to see if a given depiction of a horizon, a wildflower, or a live oak tree is itself well painted and lively"), and in any case bogus, since "mimesis presumes the sameness of the representation and the represented object" (Phillips 2003: 163–4, 175). Buell has added that this is a conviction that contact (or lack ofcontact) with actual environments is intimately linked, even if not on a one-to-one basis, with the work of environmental imagination, for both writer and critic (Buell, 2005; 31). Ecocriticism can explore what we can call a discursively manipulated nonhuman world in literature, and discuss how it gets marginalized or silenced by, or incorporated into the human language (Legler, I997: 227). Nonhuman environment must be represented as an active presence and player within the text made some astute readers inclined to be sympathetic of the environment (Buell, 2005: 51). The task of ecocriticism, then, is to formulate a conceptual foundation for the study of interconnections between literature and the environment. Literature can be perceived as an aesthetically and culturally constructed part of the environment, since it directly addresses the questions of human constructions, such as meaning, value, language, and imagination, which can, then, be linked to the problem of ecological consciousness that humans need to attain. Within this framework, ecocritics are mainly concerned with how literature transmits certain values contributing to ecological thinking (Glotfelty, 1996: xxi). Ecocriticism offers researcher a way how to analyze such literary work through three steps. First is seeing the representation of nonhuman aspect. This first step is looking how is the nature like rice field, village, wilderness, forest, sea, beach, hill, mountain, valley, river, animal (or treatment toward animal) and city environment pictured in the text. Second is seeing the accusation toward ecology issues. The second step destructs how the natural issue is portrayed with the different way. For instance, the nature is pictured as an inconvenient place again for humans because of the emergence the new value; technology, capitalism, extinction of local knowledge, and development of building which is not oriented to the environment. Last is taking part of text's ideology. In this case examines the relations between writers, texts, and the world. This third step is seeing and taking part of the ideology that contains in the text. How the author's view and commitment toward the nature (Cheryll Glotfelty, 1996, xix). DEVASTATION OF EARTH Those all theories mentioned above are related to the word "devastation" which happened on earth. Modernism granted colonizer a power to devastate the earth in which postcolonialism and ecocriticism tend to criticize that devastation. Certainly, what is actually the meaning of devastation of earth? The word "devastation" itself according to Merriam-Webster dictionary means the state or fact of being rendered nonexistent, physically unsound, or useless. In other word, devastation is deterioration, destruction, vanishing of the earth through depletion of resources such as air, water and soil. Devastation of earth can be defined as a destruction of ecosystems and the extinction of wildlife. Devastation of earth is a term used to describe a situation in which a part of the natural environment (the earth) is devastated or damaged. According to Shakhashiri, earth is areas of land as distinguished from sea and air (2011: 1). It means that the earth is composed by three parts; land, sea and air. Thus, it can be ascertained that if the devastation happened on earth, it will strike those all of earth's parts. The devastation which strikes the air will harm the condition of air in the atmosphere or known as devastated atmosphere, devastation which strikes the land will harm the condition of the soil and change it into erode and barren, and devastation which strike the water will contaminate the clean water into the dirty one. The earth as mentioned above that composed from three parts; certainly those each parts have a role. Land is the surface of the earth where the creatures are growing and developing; the plantations (trees) grow well, the animals breed and the humans dwell the life. Air is the mixture of gases which surrounds the Earth in which it contains a lot of vital substances such as oxygen and ozone. And water is a clear liquid, without colour or taste, which falls from the sky as rain and is necessary for animal and plant even human life. Water is also available in the river and sea. All of those parts of the earth greatly have advantage when it states in the normal/natural condition. However, when it was devastated, the earth turns into less natural and more miserable. That is the picture of the devastation of earth. DEPICTION OF DEVASTATION OF EARTH The devastation of earth as Hughes says has happened in every historical period and in every part of the inhabited Earth (2001: 1). It means that devastation of earth happened in the whole surface of the earth. Devastation has stroked the whole environment; atmosphere, land, and sea. Postcolonialism argues that colonialism has an intervention on devastating the earth. Colonialism has devastated the earth as Ashcroft says that the conquest and colonization of so many extra-European environments produced irreversible changes in land use, in flora and fauna and frequently damaged beyond repair traditionally balanced relations between indigenous communities and their environments (2000: 71-72). He adds that imperial incursions and colonization have been regarded as environmentally destructive. Devastation of earth happened over earth. It means that devastation happened on land, atmosphere and sea. The land has changed into gullied, eroded and barren. This changing surely as the impact of devastation of earth which is done by the colonizer in colonizing the land. Everything which stands on the land has changed, There was no reborn flora and fauna in McCarthy's The Road. However, the presence of the flora and fauna is the rest of the previous world. Indeed these flora and fauna have changed as the impact of colonialism. Flora in McCarthy's The Road is dominated by the trees. However, most of the trees have changed into gray, dark and black. It is so pathetic when the father and his son faced the standing black trees and they realized that it changes. Horribly, it seems like ghost of trees. The changing of the trees is not underlined on the changes of its colour but also its presence. It means that the trees are not only changing into dark and black with its standing but also there are many trees which die and fall to the ground. The changes of fauna can be seen when the father and his son was camp in the forest and listening for any sound, it draws that the bird has changed its behaviour by holding migratory to circle the earth. The birds can no longer life in harmony with the environment by occupying the forest. It is caused the changing of trees which turn into dead. Thus, it forces the birds to change themselves. Other fauna changing draws when the father who found an odor of cows. However, the cows are extinct since years ago. He asked to himself whether the cows are really real or not. He finally realized that it is extinct. It shows that the cows are changed from the presence to absence. The burning of a certain thing; such as the trees, surely produces a residue or combustion. It can be carbon and ash. It can be imagined how large the amount of ash will be produced if the whole land of forest were burned. Certainly, the ash will cover everything that has seen. A horrible fire of forest has produced a horrible ash too till everything is covered by ash. The ash has moved along the wind till it covered the city and everything in the city, The fire of forest makes the amount of ash become uncontrolled. The moving of ash filled the air and atmosphere in which it makes everything coloured covered by ash and dust. Hence, everything becomes colourless. The ash changes the landscape become gray. It can be assumed that the graying landscape is no other causing by the moving ash. The occupying of ash in the atmosphere makes the day become unseen and dark. The result of the residual combustion is not ashes merely, but also carbons that harm the environment. Ash and carbon both fill and occupy the atmosphere. As the greenhouse effect idea, that the ash and carbon also dust which in a large amount and uncontrolled in atmosphere will form a mantle which wrapped out the whole of earth. This causes our sight of the sky become dark and gray.The sky and cloud are devoured with ash. The cloud becomes ashen and gray. Severity, the ash and carbon have contaminated everything in the air including the sea water vapor. Then, the result is clouds of ash. Ash and dust have affected the form of the cloud to become gray. Probably its content has been also affected. When the clouds changes into gray, it can be predicted that the rainwater which come down from the clouds will also be gray. It is supported with the presence of the ash mantle that wrapped up the earth. Certainly, everything which come down from the sky; rainwater has to pass this mantle, consequently the rain water will be coloured as gray by the ash mantle. The ash mantle has coloured the rain water. The rainwater which drips down to the earth is seen as the gray sheets of rain. Rainwater that is usually used by humans to fulfil their needs such as to irrigate the fields has been contaminated by ash and carbon so that its contents no longer can be used for the benefit of man. Consequently, there will be no crops and there will be no natural food. Mantle of ash has blanketed the earth during the unknown time. As described above that everything which fell from the sky will pass this mantle so that everything will be contaminated by it. The result, everything which fell will be gray. After several days the father and his son watched the gray sheets of rain, the weather quickly changes into snowy. Everyone knows as it has seen that snow is falling from the sky. The snow actually is similar to the rain, including their formed and their fell. The sea water vapor which is formed into cloud in the sky will fall as the rainwater, however, because of the extreme/cold weather, the rain water freeze into ice and it changes into snow that is white and soft. This falling snow of course has to pass the mantle of ash and it changes into gray. The next devastation of earth is turned to everything which lay on the surface of the earth covered by darkness as the ash effect. Everything stands in the earth turned to be black such as the dead trees which burned by fire forest, and the rain water and snow which fell as gray turn into black in the land. The dead trees which burned by fire forest surely create a black view of trees. The trees which burned in incompletely will make an appearance of burnt and black trees. The rainwater and snow which are grey in their falling turned to be black in the land. The large number of those rainwater and snow gathered as one in the ground create a new colour, more intense and black. The gray flakes which fell down turned to the dark slush. Dark slush can be assumed as the slush which is thicker than a flake. Thus, the slush which is as the result of flakes changes into black. It is also applied in the rainwater; the water in the land is not the whole from the rainwater, some from the river and so on. However, the thick rainwater which fell down in gray proved that its water is dominated to black water. the slush which is melted flows through the ash and turned to the black water. THE IMPACTS OF DEVASTATION OF EARTH ON FATHER'S ATTITUDE Living and dwelling in such devastated earth surely give impacts to the humans who walk over it. The father and his son reveal those kinds of impacts. The father who lived before and after unknown disaster seems undergoing a lot of impacts. It is different with his son who born after that disaster. He tends to be innocent, only watch and observe what his father did. There was an idea to end the life when the father still lived with his woman. She always forces him to end their life because there was nothing else to do in the ruined world. However, the father keep his believe that humans have to struggle. The experience of dwelling the life before the unknown disaster made him stronger. The father realized that what the environment did to him is the result what the humans did to the environment, as Lawrence Buell says that human culture is connected to the physical world; nature and environment, affecting it and affected by it. In other word, humans have affected the environment and have been affected by environment. The woman forces him because they lived in unusual life, they lived like zombie. The devastation of earth causes their life as like as zombie or walking dead in a horror film which the father and his son have a role as the victims. They have to avoid even to face the zombie to keep alive. Dwelling the life in such devastated earth; the air was filled by the ash and dust forces them to wear a mask. The devastated earth; unfriendly air forces him to wear mask (canister mask) and even wear biohazard suit. As the affection of the devastated earth, the father and his son have to worry their life, Mostly he worried about their shoes. Worrying is something that the father in his son has to do. There is no certainty living in such ruined world. It is a common thing for them to worry anytime, worrying of food and shoes. Food is essential thing to keep alive. It is the reason why they worry of food. If they can't find some foods, it means they will die. The shoes are important stuff to hold a journey. As explain before that the weather extremely changes a while. Few days were raining, and another was snowing. Shoes keep the father in his son feet to keep away from coldness and freezing which can take their life. The weather is extremely cold. It is not surprising that the weather turns to colder and colder. The weather has changed anytime; sometime it rains and often snow. The coldness of weather doesn't only force them to eat the food that already fermented as above but also threaten their life. The coldness is very extremely danger for them. Moreover it is pictured that the cold can crack the stone and takes their life off. In such condition surely makes them hard to breathe because in the coldness the air contains thin oxygen. Dwelling the life in such devastated earth actually makes him aware of surrounding even the weather. The sounds like forest fire, fallen trees, and so on makes his ears disturbed and consequently he has to keep awake. Living in such devastated earth makes him to be more aware toward everything that threatens them. The father and his son have experienced many kinds of problems. Everything that happened to him does not break his spirit to keep alive even when they are in starving. He always believes that he would find something to eat. the father always optimistic dwelling life. the devastated earth makes him become more optimistic. Struggle is a must to do to find another thing to be eaten to keep the life. Keep trying is the key for the good guys who living in the ruined environment. By keeping trying, they can survive dwelling the life in such environment. Keep trying is not enough to live in such devastated earth. Always suspect the possibility that may happen has to be done, because no one knows what will happen, but the threat of nature always happen all the time. Thus, another thing that has to do is to remain vigilant about the environment. The devastated earth forces him to become "cautious, watchful" and always "on the lookout". He believes that no one expect a trouble. However, living in the devastated earth, the thing that has to do is to always expect it. Thus he was always wary of something bad that may happen. Nothing can be expected from the nature. The father always believed it. He no longer agrees if people prepare something for tomorrow. Although he always optimistic of what he did, he never believed it. For him, even though he's preparing for tomorrow, he doesn't believe that the nature will prepare for him. What the father believes that is now or tomorrow is the same. This belief keeps the father spirit to face his following days. As a father he would often feel the pain. Physically, he is ill of facing the devastated earth. And mentally, he is ill of the feeling of bearing the responsibility as a father who is responsible for the survival of his son and his own life. However nature should never take the life of his son. He would bet his life for the life of his son. Often he complains to himself about his illness. He pretends as tough man in front his son but actually he felt tremendous pain. It's just that he does not want his son to know. THE IMPACTS OF DEVASTATION OF EARTH ON SON'S ATTITUDE Being born in the devastated earth which the unknown disaster has swept it surely affects the son's behaviour toward environment. The greyscale image of environment has saved well in his mind that forces him to expect something else, something in colour. When they continue their journey, the son had found some crayons. These crayons change his mind that something left on earth in colour. Thus, environment is not filling of gray merely. The crayons seem like a hope for

John Udy ; The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection include interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, WeberState University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories cover various topics and chronicle the personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ; 15p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 video disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program John Udy Interviewed By Steven F. Crane 12 March 2013 i ii Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah John Udy Interviewed by Steven F. Crane 12 March 2013 Copyright © 2013 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in the University Archives, which also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection include interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, Weber State University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories cover various topics and chronicle the personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: John Udy, an oral history by Steven F. Crane, 12 March 2013, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. John Udy March 12, 2013 1 Abstract: John Udy participated in an oral history interview with Steve Crane of the Ogden Rotary Club on March 12, 2013 to talk about his experiences as a veteran of the Army Air Force. John served in the military from 1942 to 1945 as a colonel and first pilot of the B-17 aircraft. During that time he flew 35 missions over Germany as an aircraft commander and received the Distinguished Flying Cross medal for his service in combat. SC: This is the third session of the 2013 Ogden Rotary Club and Weber State University Veteran's History Project held March 12, 2013 at the George E. Whalen Ogden Veteran's Home. I'm Steve Crane, a member of the Ogden Rotary Club, I'll be conducting this interview. Also present are Stacie Gallagher from Weber State University and my wife, Donna Crane. Our guest at this session is John Udy. This interview will concern John's military service. Once again, I want to thank you for being with us today and especially thank you for your service. We really appreciate what you and your generation did. Can you tell me you date of birth? JU: It's March 20, 1921. SC: You said you were in the Army Air Force? JU: I started out in 1942. I went into the Army Air Force at that time. The Army Air Force, was until after my wartime services and they changed it to the U.S. Air Force. I stayed in the Reserves until I retired. SC: What year did you enter the service? JU: 1942. 2 SC: What year did you leave the service? JU: 1945. SC: What was your rank at the time you left service? JU: Colonel. SC: What would be the definition of your job or your position? JU: It depends on the time. I was a first pilot on a B-17 and I flew 35 missions over Germany from August of 1944 until January 1945. What they called me there was an aircraft commander. SC: Okay. What awards or medals did you receive during your time? JU: I got the Distinguished Flying Cross, the air medal with about six oak leaf clusters, the European-African-Middle East Theater and the World War II Victory Medal. I'd have to look at my records to get them all. SC: The Distinguished Flying Cross. JU: I got that for one hazardous mission over Germany when we barely made it back. SC: How did you come to be in the service? JU: I volunteered. I was working for the government as an aircraft mechanic. I went to a movie in Salt Lake and all these airplanes were flying around. I thought, "That's what I want to be." So, I signed up. SC: What was your age at that time? JU: I was about 20 or 21. 3 SC: After you volunteered, where did you have your training? JU: I went to Santa Ana, California. When you go there they decide if you're going to be a pilot, a navigator, or a bombardier. I got to be a pilot and that's what I wanted. I went from there to Dos Palos, California for primary training. That was the first airplane we flew. It was the Ryan PD-22. SC: What characteristics did you have that made you a pilot? JU: I don't know. I wasn't on the committee, but I had operated farm machinery and stuff like that all my life. I knew a little bit about engines. I had been an aircraft mechanic, so I knew about the airplanes. I don't know whether that helped me or not, but that was the background I had. SC: Where did you go for pilot training? JU: Dos Palos, California for the primary training. The BT-13 was the first airplane we flew. If you could pass that then you went on to basic training. We went to Lemoore, California for training there. At that time you had to decide if you wanted to be a fighter pilot or a bomber pilot. I really intended to make flying my career, so I went for the bomber pilot because I would get time in a four engine airplane. The four engine pilots went to Texas and that's where we took our training in a twin engine airplane. After I graduated from there, they asked us if we wanted to be in B-24's or B-17's. I, like a fool, said, "I want to go to the B-24 because I liked the tricycle landing gear." They sent me to the B-17's and that was the best thing for me because it was a better airplane. SC: So you felt like the B-17 was superior to the B-24? 4 JU: It was a superior airplane, but I didn't know that at the time. SC: Is that the "Flying Fortress?" JU: Yes, the "Flying Fortress." I went from there to Roswell, New Mexico where I took the B-17 transition training. It was where I learned to fly the B-17. SC: When did you go overseas? JU: When I left Roswell, New Mexico, I went to Salt Lake City and down to Plant Park, Florida and Avon Park, Florida where I received my crew. I got my pilot and navigator, etc. We trained there in combat training and left there in about June 1944 for the European theater. We went up to Savannah, Georgia where we were supposed to pick up a new B-17 and fly it across the ocean and in combat, but they ran out of B-17's so we had to ride the ship across. We spent 15 days on a boat going across there. SC: Instead of getting to fly a brand new bomber, you took a boat? JU: Yes, that's right. We were sent to a place where they would send you out to different squadrons. They sent me to the 401st bomb group and that was in Britain and that's where I flew my missions out of. SC: When did you get your airplane? JU: I didn't get a new airplane for a while. I flew other airplanes and I flew one by the name of Packawallop II and I flew that several missions. Marlene Deitrich went over there to entertain. Our group commander, Colonel Bill Sewell, took the airplane to go pick her up at the airport and bring her back for the entertainment. The next day, the crew that flew the Packawallop II was shot down. I don't know 5 if she put a hex on it. She was German, you know. I don't know if she put a hex on it or what, but the airplane did go down. SC: Did you then get a new airplane? JU: Yes, I got a new airplane. SC: So you were flying and bombing Germany? JU: We bombed oil refineries, ball bearing works, and airplane factories. We didn't bomb cities. We bombed the industrial targets and mainly oil refineries. I went to Merseburg Oil Refinery four times straight. When they captured that they found 1000 aircraft guns around it. That's what they were shooting at us. SC: Were you doing those during the daylight hours or the evening hours? JU: Daylight. SC: Okay. That was more risky I'm sure. JU: It was, the British wouldn't fly in the daytime they flew at night. SC: Can you tell us about some of your flights and the dangers and experiences you had? JU: The first mission that I went on, they gave me an experienced co-pilot. My regular co-pilot didn't fly with me, so we flew to Leipzig, Germany. That was a terrible target, it had a lot of aircraft guns and we got the oil system shot out on the B-17 while we were flying. It acted like it was hit in the right side on the wing or something because it went down on that side, but I managed to get it up again and flew it back to our base. I called the base and said, "I've got no brakes, I 6 can't stop. Can I land?" They said, "You stay up there until we get these other airplanes down." That's what they did and they had the ambulance and a lot of other people out at the end of the runway to patch us up if we got hurt. I brought that airplane in and landed it with no brakes. It doesn't stop very easily. I kept my number one and number two engines running so I could control it a little bit. We got to the end of the runway and there were all these people standing out there. I could see over the end of the runway that there was a great big ditch out there that I would hit and it would really wreck that airplane. It had a little patch of grass between me and that ditch. When I got onto that grass, I pushed the number one engine and opened it up and it turned the airplane and it caused it to ground loop. I ground looped a B-17. I don't know if anybody had ever done that before or since. When it turned around and headed for all those people, they scattered. The airplane kept turning around and it just spun around and stopped. It didn't hurt the airplane at all. That was my first combat mission. I had another one on Christmas Eve of 1944. We bombed Koblenz, Germany and we got hit in the number one engine oil system and it caused it to lose all the oil. Normally, it had a stand pipe in there to save enough oil to feather the engine. By feathering the engine I mean turn the prop out so it will stop. This airplane didn't have that in it. When the pressure dropped and we tried to feather the engine it wouldn't feather. It sat out there and wind milled after we turned the ignition, fuel and everything off. It wind milled until it broke the crank shaft on the engine. The prop was just spinning and the sparks were flying. It didn't catch on fire, thankfully. We dropped out of formation and headed back for England and 7 called for fighter support. We didn't get it because no fighter heard us. We went all the way back. This was at the time during the Battle of the Bulge when all that fog moved in and covered our base and we couldn't get back to our base. We got back across the channel. Some pilots would try to pull that prop off the engine and sometimes they'd succeed, but it would come right back through the cockpit. I thought, "I'm not going to do that." So I just left it on. We came over an airfield and I turned on my landing lights. I couldn't contact them with my radio because I didn't know what base they were. I went around and landed. Lucky for us, the prop didn't fall off and get entangled in the airplane and we got out alright. They found later that a lot of the counterweights in the wing were broken loose and were just rattling around in there. They could have jammed that wing or a control anytime, but they didn't. SC: The flight surface on the wing could have been damaged. JU: We called our base and since it was foggy they wouldn't send anybody after us so we had to stay at that base. SC: Was that your new B-17? JU: No, it was another one. I don't remember which one it was. SC: As you flew over and back, did you say you usually had fighter support? JU: In the latter parts of our missions we did. SC: Were they able to follow you clear to the target? JU: No, the fighter pilots are not dumb. They're not going to fly into that flack. 8 SC: Not like bombers had to, right? JU: When you get up there and get ready to go into the flack to bomb the target, the fighters drop back. They stay outside of that flack area. They did help a lot on knocking down the fighters that attacked us. SC: Did you have quite a few German fighters attacking you as you were going and coming? JU: We didn't have too many fighters hit us. It was mainly flack with us. We did get hit with some Focke-Wulf 190's on one mission. I was flying along and this guy on my left wing got a direct hit in the engine and he came up right into me and I had to pull up to keep him from hitting me. It caused my airplane to slow up and the Flockwelt-190's were sitting back there waiting and they started shooting. You could see the 12 millimeter cannons going through the right wing and the others. We managed to get back into the flack away from the fighter and saved us actually. SC: So, the German flack would scare off the German fighters? JU: Oh yeah, they wouldn't go in it either. They knew it was dangerous. SC: What other dangerous experiences did you? JU: Those were my two most hazardous missions. One mission we came back with 250 holes in the airplane. Luckily, the crew didn't get hit. None of us got wounded. They asked our navigator to fly with another crew. They went over to Hagenow and they got shot down. The pilot was killed getting out of the airplane, but my navigator bailed out and he was supposed to make a delayed jump where 9 you don't open your parachute until you get to about 3000 feet above the ground. He pulled it right away and the people were standing around waiting for him with pitchforks and guns and everything. He thought they were going to kill him right then, but they didn't kill him. The military came and took him over and he spent nine months in a prison camp. SC: Did you see him again? JU: Yes, I did. I saw him after he came out. He was very thin. He lived on bread and potatoes he said. He was really skinny. He died fairly young too. He was only 65 when he died. He was a schoolteacher in California. I thought possibly that the time in there shortened his life. I'm no doctor, I don't know. SC: You must have become very close with your crew. Did you become close friends with those that were with you? JU: Yes, they were very close friends. We looked out for each other. SC: Did you stay close to them after you served? JU: That's a funny thing. As soon as we finished our missions, we went our various ways. We went back home and got really split up. I didn't see too much of them after that. My co-pilot I've stayed close with. We have a 401st Bomb Group that the people flew in and they made an association here after the war and a lot of people and their crews went there. My crew wouldn't go for some reason. My engineer and I went to the reunions they had and I tried to get my navigator, my bombardier and my co-pilot to go and they wouldn't go. They had one reunion in Omaha, Nebraska and my bombardier, who I had to make my navigator after 10 Mack got shot down, said he would go to that one, but his ears bothered him and he couldn't fly anymore afterward. Sometimes we'd come down and his ears would bother him so bad that we'd have to go back up and let his ears clear out before we could go back down. He had to have operations on his ears after he got out. He still would not go to that reunion. SC: Can you tell me what the duties of each of your flight crew were? Since you were the flight commander you were obviously in charge of everything. What duties did the co-pilot have? JU: He was there to take over in case something happened to me. He also had duties at takeoff and would monitor the throttles and engines. He'd call it out if the engine started cutting out or something or anything else that he saw wrong. SC: The navigator, is that role pretty self-explanatory? JU: Yes. I never did use mine much because he got shot down and I had to put the bombardier up there to be a navigator and he didn't really know too much about it. He got me lost twice. The navigator that was leading the group had to be really good and get to the target. SC: Mostly you were following the group? JU: We followed the group mostly. Due partially to the fact that I didn't have a navigator; I didn't get to be a lead. I led six airplanes in the formation, but I never got to lead the group. SC: How about the bombardier? 11 JU: The bombardier would sight in on the Norton Bomb Site for the target and all the other airplanes dropped when he dropped. When he saw the lead airplane dropping bombs, the rest of us drop the bombs. SC: So was there only one of those Norton Bomb Sites? JU: No, they had a deputy, a number two man doing the same thing so that if something happened to the first one, he could take over. They might have had more, but I know they had at least one deputy. SC: So your airplane wouldn't necessarily have the Norton bomb site? JU: It had the bomb site in it. We could bomb it. SC: Did you have gunners? JU: I had gunners. SC: How many of those were on the B-17? JU: There were six and they all had other duties too. The radio operator was a gunner, and the engineer was a gunner. All the crew had a gun except the pilot and the co-pilot. The navigators had a gun and they were all gunners. SC: Wasn't there one gunner on the very bottom of the airplane that was separated from everyone else in a little plastic thing? JU: Yes. That was the ball turret gunner. SC: I've heard you had to be kind of a small fellow to fit in those confined spaces. JU: Yes, and he had to have a lot of guts too. I had two guys when we were assembling our crew in Avon Park, Florida, they sent me one guy to be my ball 12 turret gunner. As soon as he found out he was going to be the ball turret, he said, "I'm through flying." All he had to do to get out was say, "I don't want to fly anymore and they put him on a ground job." I had two guys do that. Finally, I got this little guy from West Virginia and he didn't quit, he stayed in there. SC: You must have been very reliant upon those gunners to shoot down and ward off enemy fighters. JU: Well, I didn't rely on them too much because if we got out by ourselves, we wouldn't depend on the fighter support because we didn't have it and then we'd have to rely on those gunners. We never got in that situation except that one time that we didn't get hit. SC: So you were pretty protected as long as you were in formation with the B-17's other than from the flack? JU: That's right. They flew in a particular formation so that the German fighters could come in and many bombers could put their guns on them. That's why they flew with three airplanes up here and three airplanes here and three here and three back here. That was the formation to fight off the fighter. SC: So you wouldn't get in the way of each other's shooting at them. JU: That's right, and we could concentrate all of our fire power on an airplane. SC: How did this military experience affect your life? Did you feel like it was kind of a defining period in your life? JU: Well, I guess it affected me, but I didn't realize it too much. I was going to go on and fly civilian airplanes. So, when I got through with my combat mission, I got 13 into the C-54's which were the best transport the Air Force had. I took training in that and I would have been flying from America to Casablanca, Africa. But, I got married about a year before that when I came back from combat. I didn't know what to do with myself. I thought, "Well, I think I better get married or something. So, I had my girlfriend waiting for me and we went and got married. Then we couldn't find a place to live. You could only stay in a room in a private home and you'd have to go out and eat and after about a year of that, before I made any trips in the C-54, I decided to get out. I signed the paper and got out. I'd had all of that living in private bedrooms that I could stand. SC: What have you done with your life? What has been your profession? JU: I've been just drifting here and there. No, I wanted to get a ranch. I grew up on the farm and I wanted to get a big ranch, but the bankers weren't too free with their money. They had the G.I. Bill, but that didn't help so I didn't have enough money to buy a big enough ranch. I ended up back working for the government. I started out as a laborer. I went from a first pilot on a C-54 down to being a laborer. SC: Where were you at this time? JU: I was here in Ogden. I worked my way up and I got to be a clerk, then a manager, and ended up being a supervisor buying spare parts for F-4's and F- 16's and distributing them. SC: Was this at the Defense Depot in Ogden? JU: That's where I started out as a laborer. 14 SC: Do you have children? JU: Yes, I have five children. SC: Are they nearby? JU: Yes, they all live here in the Ogden and Salt Lake area. SC: Is your wife alive? JU: No, she died in 2001. She had a hysterectomy and then she found out two years later that the doctor hadn't taken her ovaries out. We should have took her right back in and had them out, but we didn't do it. The doctor said it might not have helped anyway, but she got ovarian cancer. She actually had to tell the doctors what she had. They assumed that she didn't have these ovaries in there. Anyway, her stomach was swelled out a little bit and she'd been studying some literature from our daughter who is a nurse. My daughter was a teacher at Weber State in nursing for many years. She'd send her literature on. So, my wife told the doctor after they'd check and say, "I can't find out what's the matter with you." She said, "Check for cancer." They did and that's what it was. SC: Do you have grandchildren in the area? JU: Yes. I have fourteen grandchildren and six great grandchildren. They're not all in this area. There are some in California and some in Nevada. SC: Is there anything else that you think you ought to tell us about your service? JU: I don't think so. SC: I want to thank you for your service. 15 JU: Well, you're very welcome. I was glad I was able to do it. It's just what I wanted to do at the time. SC: It's what you wanted to do at the time? JU: Yes, it was. SC: Well, my generation certainly benefited from what you and your generation did. America has a debt of gratitude to pay to you and your associates for what you did. SC: Did you happen to know Lamar Buckner? I think he also flew B-17's. JU: I knew him, but not until later on. SC: You didn't know him during the time you were flying? JU: No, I didn't know him then. SC: Well, thank you for your time today. It's been really wonderful for us to share this with you.

Issue 59.6 of the Review for Religious, 2000. ; NOVEMBER: DECEMBER 2000 ,VOLUME 59 NUMBER 6 Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bimonthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 E-Mail: review@slu.edu ¯ Web site: www.reviewforreligious.org Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for.Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, iVlO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP Mount St. Mary's Seminary; Emmitsburg, Maryland 21727 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subsEription rates. ©2000 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distribu-tion, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. Jew rel,g,ous LIVING OUR CATHOLIC LEGACIES Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial Staff Advisory Board David L. Fleming sJ Clare Boehmer ASC Philip C. Fischer SJ Elizabeth McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm James and Joan Felling Adrian Gaudin SC Kathryn Richards FSP Joel Rippinger OSB. Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla SJ Patricia Wittberg SC NOVEMBER DECEMBER 2000 VOLUME 59 NUMBER 6 contents 566 spiritual practice Retrieving the Practice of Silence Donald J. Goergen oP enters us into an appreciation of silence that we might commit ourselves more to its observance. 575 The Dangers of Solitude Kenneth C. Russell, guiding readers through some 12th-century advice to hermits, shows its 2 l st-cenrury relevance to hermits and others as well. 584 A Spiritual Direction Mary Beth Moore SC gazes at, listens to, a few moments of reality and possibility within contemporary sisterly living. 594 a witness response Contemplative Religious Witness: A Redemptoristine Monastery Dennis J. Billy CSSR finds the life of a group of contemplative sisters very much present to his apostolic mission, and happily reflects that the reverse is true as well. 601 AVowed Response to the Postmodern World Andr~ Maureen Soete SSND seeks ways for the vowed life to contribute more vigorously, more effectively, to the alleviation of troubles in our troubled world. Review for Religious 608 examples from the past Mary Ward: Centuries Her Scroll Lawrence F. Barmann sketches the life story of Mary Ward, the saintly English founder of the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary, as an inspiration for us living in the current ecclesial milieu. 614 627 St. Catherine's Letters: Human Love, Gracious Authority Stan Parmisano OP finds that in style and content the letters of Catherine of Siena (1347-1380) have surprising and challenging and charming relevance for persons living today. Katharine Drexel's Cultural Relevance Now Normandie J. Gaitley SSJ sketches the life of the recently canonized Mother Katharine Drexel SBS (1858-1955), a Philadelphia debutante who used her inheritance to serve Native Americans and African Americans. 633 643 vocation When Vocations Happen by Accident Elizabeth Julian RSM describes with quiet enthusiasm her sense of a flexible small community in New Zealand that fosters acquaintance and has shown itself to foster vocations. Vocational Support Donald Macdonald SMM speaks of the human need of support in one's vocation and of the providential availability of that support if we are alert to its manifold presence. departments 564 Prisms 650 Canonical Counsel: Responsibilities of the Novice Director 656 Book Reviews 666 Indexes to Volume 59 November-December 2000 prisms Whave come to appreciate the rich complexi.ty of the biblical term jubilee, espe-cially as we have looked toward the new millennium. But as we approach the Advent and Christmas seasons of the year 2000, one focus of jubilee stands out. Jubilee implies celebration. Advent and Christmas seasons pro-vide an opportune moment for us to consider what it is that we celebrate. Celebrati6n often means bringing people together, sometimes those dearest to us, and at other times the "crowd" that comes together only for special occasions. Celebration can include elegant banquets or simple fin-ger food. It may suggest a refined cocktail party or a noisy beer-keg-and-pretzels get-together. Celebration can imply long-term planning or it may be a spur-of-the- moment, spontaneous occasion. We celebrate beginnings, like newborn babies and the wedding day; we celebrate completions, like school graduations and retirements. We observe national patriotic days, and we take time for religious festivals. But for all the aspects of a jubilee year of forgiveness, justice, and reconciliation, what is it that we most cele-brate? The biblical notion of jubilee celebrates, above all, our being God's people and our living like God's sons and daughters. This planet called Earth is "home" for us because it is God's home. Our space-age view of our planet Earth has brought home to us how much we all are "stewards," not owners, of God's gift to us. Review for Religious What is striking is how our jubilee celebrations enter us into the Gospel Prodigal Son parable. Whether we more identify with one who hopes to see life as only an arena of personal delights and squanderings or whether we more identify with the other who defines life as a kind of slavery with weighty obligations and grim duties, we realize how much we need a jubilee understanding of life. Both sons, in Jesus' famous parable, understand neither the father who helped bring them into life nor the life which this father wants to share with them. The first son in his self-cen-tered celebrating misses the point of celebration. The second son in his self-defined servitude also misses the idea of celebra-tion. Just as the father in the parable goes out of the way to meet each son, so God continues to break into our life to call us to a reality of biblical jubilee. Advent is our jubilee celebration of our longing and desire to dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of our life. Christmas is our jubilee celebration of God's desire and longing to come and play forever among the children of Earth. Advent and Christmas are at the center of our understanding jubilee because both seas~ons emphasize the heart of all our reasons to celebrate: God calls us sons and daughters, and we know the redemptive salvation that Jesus brought, of living in God's home all the days of our life. David L. Fleming SJ thank you for your ~uppor~throughout thi~ pa~t yoar and pray that (~od~rieh o a nd~ abundant iubiloo Advont and ~hri~tma~ Th~ Mitor~ and ,of Revi~ ~orRoligiou~ . " November-December 2000 spiritua practice DONALD J. GOERGEN Retrieving the Practice of Silence Jesus experienced the need for quiet. "In the morn-ing, while it was still very dark, he got up and went out to a deserted place, and there he prayed"(Mk 1:35, NRSV). What did he seek there? What did he find? The Book of Psalms is quoted in the New Testament more often than any other book of the Hebrew Bible. What role did the psalms play in the prayer of Jesus? "Be still, and know that I am God" (Ps 46:10). How often in the course of his life did Jesus pray over verses like that, or this: "For God alone my soul waits in silence; from him comes my salvation"? (Ps 62:1). There are few things in human life more important, both personally and communally, than discovering the value of silence. Spirituality and religion are important dimensions of human and social life, and so are silence and stillness. Other civilizations, perhaps more pastoral, more agrarian ones, had greater opportunities for the practice of silence. Our times seem less fortunate in that regard. Yet silence is essential to wholesome living. My purpose in these reflections is to help us appreciate silence more and commit ourselves to practicing it. Donald J. Goergen OP wrote on celibacy for our May- June 1998 issue. His address is Friends of God Dominican Ashram; 720 35th Street; Kenosha, Wisconsin 53140. Review for Religious Worship, Charity, and Silence Which is more important, love of God or love of neighbor? (Mk 12:28-31). It does not take much to realize that this question is falsely posed. Which is more important, inhaling or exhaling, yang or yin? St. Anselm spoke of God as "the Being a greater than which cannot be conceived." Certainly, for one who believes, God alone deserves to be worshiped. Adoration and praise are the only appro-priate responses to God. Although there is nothing in human life more important than love of God, the God of Jesus instructs us that there is something that must precede or accompany it. "So, when you are offering your gift at the altar, if you remem-ber that your brother or sister has something against you, leave your gift there before the altar and go first be reconciled to your brother or sister, and then come and offer your gift" (Mt 5:23- 24). "Those who say 'I love God,' and hate their brothers or sis-ters, are liars; for those who do not love a brother or sister whom they have seen cannot love God whom they have not seen. The commandment we have from him is this: those who love God must love their brothers and sisters also" (1 Jn 4:20-21). As important as worship is, equally important is the practice of charity, love of neighbor, the "works of mercy" (Mr 25:31-46). The revolution in Jesus' teaching was not that he understood love of God, the Shema (Dr 6:4-5), as the core of the Hebrew Scriptures. Almost every practicing and devout Jew understood that to be the great com-mandment. But Jesus' placing love of neighbor (Lv 19:18; Mk 12:31) on a par with love of God, that was revolutionary, and for him that was what true religion is about. For Jesus, the second commandment is not secondary, not second in the sense of less significant. According to Matthew, it is "like" the "great and first" commandment (Mr 22:38-39). Luke (10:27) reports them as really one commandment. True worship or love of God is inseparable from true com-passion or love of neighbor. But what do love of God and love of neighbor, or worship and the works of mercy, have to do with the practice of silence? Abhishiktananda, or Henri Le Saux, the French monk who came to India in 1948 and immersed himself in its reli-gious environment, wrote: Now if something has passed in this long discourse by the way of words, yet beyond words, if you have heard in the words of the Upanishads some echo of what the Spirit has November-Decenlber 2000 Goergen ¯ Retrieving the Practice of Silence certainly whispered in your heart when you sat in contem-plation of the mystery of the Father and the Son, then you will discover by yourselves the secret of what is called the Advaitic or Upanishadic prayer. It can be summed up in one Hebrew phrase of Psalm 65, which Jerome translates: silen-tium tibi laus. Silence is praise for you. Silence in prayer, silence in thanksgiving, prayer, and adoration, silence in meditation, silence inside and outside as the most essential preparation for this stillness of the soul in which alone the Spirit can work at his pleasure.~ The contemplative and interior journey, the love and worship of God, are dependent on silence. But charity or love of neigh-bor depends on silence too. A loving kindness toward our human companions on this earth requires the silent journey inward just as true worship of God requires it. Can there be true love of neigh-bor without confronting the truth about ourselves? Can we expect reconciliation and forgiveness in our world if we ourselves are not yet ready to forgive? If we are to transform our world, we must also be working on becoming transformed ourselves. Social engage-ment requires time apart. Silence is essential if we are to deepen our love for God and our love for our neighbor. Silence, Solitude, and Simplicity What does silence sound like? What does it look like? Are there different kinds of silence? Now there was a great wind, so strong that it was splitting mountains and breaking rocks in pieces before the Lord, but the Lord was not in the wind; and after the wind an earth-quake, but the Lord was not in the earthquake; and after the earthquake a fire, but the Lord was not in the fire; and after the fire a sound of sheer silence. When Elijah heard it, he wrapped his face in his mantle and went out and stood at the entrance of the cave. (1 Kg 19:11-13) True silence, the inner stillness, the still point, is an achieve-ment to be sought, yet always remains a grace. But it is a grace upon which we must focus our attention. It requires discipline, which does not guarantee interior silence, but rather prepares the way. We must devote time to "the practice of silence," the practice of interior and contemplative prayer, the practice of an awareness that is the fruit of quieting the mind.2 Such "quiet" is not easily obtained in our world today. Not Review for Religious that a busy, technological, urban society is the enemy of silence, but neither is it a friend. Modern social and commercial life cannot prevent the pursuit of silence, but neither do they encourage or value it. Entertainment is a noisy industry. The more channels we have on television, the better. But then they must be filled--with "stuff," whatever it be. They compete for attention; thus, the more out-rageous, the more likely the success. The Internet now multiplies ways to distract us from an inner stillness. Not to find television entertaining seems quaint. To see it or the overuse of the Internet as distraction from true entertain-ment, a life with God quietly pursued, is sec-ular heresy. For silence is not the stuff of which modern societies, commerce, or edu-cation are ordinarily made. Not that the media, the schools, the churches, market-places, and businesses are avowed enemies of silence; they are just uneasy with it. We are talking about a disciplined silence that requires resolve. Its close friends are solitude and simplicity. These compan-ions reveal how countercultural true silence really is. Solitude is one of silence's most cherished friends. Yet how difficult it is in our world today to find solitude, to pursue solitude, to practice solitude. We are "driven" away from it. We can hardly face the silence within ourselves. We flee. As Francis Thompson wrote: I fled Him, down the nights and down the days; I fled Him, down the arches of the years; I fled Him, down the labyrinthine ways Of my own mind; and in the mist of tears I hid from Him, and under running laughter.3 The running is aided by all the activities of our world, justified by the needs of our world, and rationalized by "This is just our world and that's the way it is." To desire silence we must value solitude. We identify aloneness with loneliness. But, until we are at home with ourselves, we will always be lonely, no matter how busy, how "with it," how much with others we might be. As we know, marriage is no cure for loneliness. Neither is single life. Dietrich Modern social and commercial life cannot prevent the pursuit of silence, but neither do they encourage or value it. November-December 2000 Goergen ¯ Retrieving tbe Practice of Silence Bonhoeffer once cautioned us to be wary of the person who lives with another or in community who cannot be alone, or who lives alone but cannot live in community.4 Sociality and solitude are two sides of the same coin: we can-not find one without the other. Silence lives on solitude. We must find ways to structure it into our lives on a regular basis, like the food we eat. Where can we find that place apart, that space for being alone, and for how long can we keep ourselves there with-out being taken up by distractions~ Where can we go to practice silence? Or how in the midst of activity can we find that cell within? s One of solitude's companions is simplicity of life. Simplicity inside requires simplicity outside. A cluttered, thing-filled, con-sumer- intensive environment is hardly the place in which to prac-tice an awareness that few things in life are important. The world immediately outside myself needs to reflect what I am trying to attain within myself. Simplicity in life is an outward expression of simplicity within. One's "within" and "without" go together. And now we can see more clearly why our current economic world can easily become an enemy of silence. The pursuit of silence eventu-ally becomes a pursuit of simplicity of life--which is a recognizable enemy to a consumer economy, a global and ever expanding mar-ket economy. Not that the market is evil; it is just easy prey to the pretension that it alone is important, the be-all and end-all of human life. The practices of silence, solitude, and simplicity enable us to see the truth about economic pursuits: How inhumane they can be when given priority in life, how grounded in greed they become! Kinds of Silence There are a variety of silences.6 Silence can be either destruc-tive or constructive.7 Destructive silence is refusing to speak when a word is called for, a word of consolation, of affection, of chal-lenge. Destructive silence can be passive aggression, a refusal to participate, a lack of care, a form of punishment, unconscionable noncommunication. But silence as context for an interior journey is positive. Silence as a socia! context is the absence of noise in our imme-diate environment. There are different degrees of environmental silence. A noiseless environment is difficult to find in modern Review for Religious urban settings. One can distinguish rural silences and urban silences. For someone unaccustomed to rural silences, the sound of the cricket or the howl of a coyote can be disturbing. There are sounds to which we have become accustomed and those to which we are not. Familiar sounds need not destroy environmen-tal silence, but can blend with it. There is a silent stillness to the vastness of nature: the sounds and silence of the ocean, the moun-tains, the desert, the plains. Each is a different environment and a different silence. On a windless day, sitting atop one of the mountain peaks of the Sangre de Cristo range near Christ in the Desert Monastery in northern New Mexico, one can hear an almost Human silence absolute environmental silence. Human silence is the presence of nonspeech, call be a silence It is not necessarily noncommunication or non-of solitude, communitarian. Silence itself can communicate abundantly, and it is amazing what can be corn- but it can also be municated without words. Human silence can be a silence of solitude, but it can also be commu- communitarian. nitarian. A solemn silence can prevail in Christian or Buddhist monasteries or a Hindu ashram, in a synagogue, church, or mosque. These settings or "environments" can be sacred space. There are times and places when human speech is out of place or out of season. Human silence can be community silence, but there is also personal silence. An individual person can cultivate silence--by seeking environmental silence, or sacred space, or solitude, but also by the practice of silence: avoiding unnecessary speech, c~eating personal space, the silence of one's own room, withdrawing to "the cell within," lis-tening to music, allowing absorption in art and beauty, acquiring an inner stillness and the practice of meditation. Personal silence itself is not only oriented toward calm, tran-quillity, and an absence of stress, but ultimately toward interior silence, the silencing of the mind, even if this is rare or only momentary. I remember a conversation with a cloistered Dominican nun, who had a doctorate and had been teaching before joining this cloistered contemplative community. When I asked why she had joined the monastery, she replied, "I needed to stop thinking if I was going to start praying." The human being is a reflective being, but also a contemplative being that sometimes needs to move beyond thoughts (mental silence) as well as wordsv-~z-~'~---)-'[-i November-December 2000 Goergen ¯ Retrieving the Practice of Silence (verbal silence). The interior journey is in fact directed toward this deep silence within, this cave of the heart, this still point, this soul of the soul, this human spirit. Spiritual silence is the human spirit at peace, the silence of the spirit in its communion with the Spirit of God, the divine Spirit, the Holy Spirit. This is mystical silence, with its dark nights, its ecstatic joy, its calm recollection, its deep rest. Silence of any sort is most often not constant, but periodic, coming at intervals, having a rhythm of its own. Deep silence, mystical silence, is not an achievement but a grace. Thus one can speak of the grace of silence, a grace that is present in varied ways and at varied levels, exteriorly and interiorly: the prayer of silence, the silent Presence, the Holy Mystery. It is this mystery that we cel-ebrate in liturgy and seek in contemplation. We experience litur-gical silence, a pastoral silence, intimate silences, times and places not to speak, for which words are inappropriate, occasions on which only silence can communicate. Silence can communicate from within a depth beyond words. In community, in friendship, in ministry, and in prayer there must be silence as well as speech. Divine silence is God's very own silence, God's very own self-communication, God's' awesome and incomprehensible transcen-dence, God's overwhelming intimate immanence, God's elusive presence and mysterious absence, God's truth and God's beauty, the Nameless One whose name is Father, Son, and Spirit, the One- Who-Is, the One-Who-Is-With-Us, the silence of being, the sound of ore, the soundlessness of communion, the union of God and humanity, the union of Word and flesh, the triune union, the incor-poration of humanity into the silent triunity of its Creator. There is ultimately no distinction between divine Silence and divine Speech. They are one 'and the same. God's speech is silent, and God's silence speaks. Silence and Theology .The practice of silence is necessary not only for the spiritual journey and to sustain our humanity. It is also essential for doing theology. Theologians are accountable for their theology to their professional peers, to their varied communities of faith, and to society at large for the quality, fidelity, and social implications of their work. They cannot absolve themselves of this threefold responsibility. But the theologian is also accountable to God. One Review for Religious does not stand before the Holy Mystery, the mysterium fascinans et tremendum, without asking the Holy Spirit for courage, guid-ance, and wisdom. In other words, all theology must begin with prayer. It has both a reflective moment and a contemplative moment. It is not an ego project, but a work of the Spirit. Theology cannot be done apart from silence. The practice of silence, of placing oneself in the presence of God, of meditation, of listening, of longing are all part of doing theology. Theology can too easily become words, verbal batdes, polemic, agenda ridden, jargon, rather than revelatory, illuminating, con-nected to life, committed to Truth. This happens when theolo-gians neglect the practice of contemplative silence--which would make them aware of both the inadequacy and the necessity of words for communicating the divine mystery. A theologian needs to be practiced in the art of silence. So does the magisterium in the church need to practice it. "Roma locuta est," the saying goes. But think of the symbolic power in "Roma tacuit." What a wonderful example that could be. Magisterial authority must reflect that we are a learning church as well as a teaching church. Is not part of the crisis over author-ity the ways in which the church exercises its authority? We do not grant authority easily to those who do not listen. Silence gives value to words. Apart from words, silence can be sterile, but apart from silence words lose their power. As Ecclesiastes (3:7) says, "There is a time for keeping silence, a time for speaking." Silence is a work of the Spirit. True silence is ulti-mately prayer. It speaks with authority. It communicates truth. It creates community. It is the voice of the soul, of the human spirit, and of the Holy Spirit. Can we afford to allow its practice to become peripheral in our lives? In The Sleeping Beauty, Ralph Harper points to the value of silence for our world: Each order of experience has its own a.tmosphere. The atmo-sphere of presence, of giving, of wholeness, is silence. We know that serious things have to be done in silence, because we do not have words to measure the immeasurable. In silence people love, pray, listen, compose, paint, write, think, suffer. These experiences are all occasions of giving and receiving, of some encounter with forces that are inex-haustible and independent of us. These are easily distin-guishable from our routines and possessiveness as silence is distinct from noise.8 November-December 2000 Goergen ¯ Retrieving the Practice of Silence Not only nuns and monks, but all of us need to retrieve the art and practice of silence. We need to dip deeply into the silent abyss of self, of God, of God in the self and the self in God, We need to explore the emptiness and the fullness that lie within us. We need silence. Notes 1 Abhishiktananda, "The Upanishads and Advaitic Experience," in The Further Shore (New Delhi: I.S.P.C.K., 1984), p. 117. 2 Buddhist traditions also see a triple relationship: compassion, rooted ¯ in egolessness, which in turn is rooted in mindfulness. These three are intimately connected. See Sogyal Rinpoche, The Tibetan Book of Living and Dying (San Francisco: Harper, 1992), esp. pp. 59-72, 116-122, 188-201. 3 The first lines of "The Hound of Heaven." 4 Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Life Together (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1954), esp. pp. 76~89. "Let him who cannot be alone beware of community. Let him who is not in community beware of being alone. ¯. The mark of solitude is silence, as speech is the mark of community. Silence and speech have the same inner correspondence and difference as do solitude and community. One does not exist without the other. Right speech comes out of silence, and right silence out of speech. Silence does not mean dumbness, as speech does not mean chatter. Dumbness does not create solitude and chatter does not create fellowship" (p. 78). s See Catherine of Siena: The Dialogue, trans. Suzanne Noffke OP (New York: Paulist Press, 1980), on the "cell of self-knowledge," pp. 25, 118, 122, 125, 135, and 158. 6 Theodore Pereira in "Eloquence in Silence, Healing in Stillness," Indian Theological Studies 33 (June 1996): 99-126, has written about different types of silences. 7 "Silence itself is expressed in several ways. We know silences of contempt and of joy, of pain and of pleasure, of consent and of solitude." Jean-Luc Marion, God without Being (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), pp. 53-54. ~ Ralph Harper, The Sleeping Beauty (London: Harvill Press, 1955), pp. 110-111. The word "men" in the original was changed to "people" to accommodate current usage. Review for Religious KENNETH C. RUSSELL The Dangers of Solitude ~o~e~oe ldi!a nTgheerrse oisf as ololintugd tera. dAitniodn t hoef wwaarrnniinngg sw hoauvlde- bneo th ceormmiets solely from cenobites suspicious of solitaries off doing "their own thing." Religious who have the highest regard for the blessings and joys of the life of aloneness with God have tempered their enthusiasm with cautionary words about the special difficulties the solitary is likely to encounter. Thomas Merton, for example, warns that "sordid difficulties and uncertainties" attend .the life of even interior solitude,l Authors from the first centuries of the church conjure up frightening pictures of the demons who lie in wait for the unsuspecting hermit, while modern writers warn newcomers to the desert that solitude will force them to confront the disturbing image of their true self. The message is clear: more awaits the novice hermit than the beauties of nature and the spiritual delights which ancient and contemporary enthusiasts of the eremitical life tend to emphasize. I suppose that most contemporary solitaries would agree that demons in one guise or another must be wrestled with and that it can, indeed, be a distressing experience to come face to face with the self we usually avoid in a flurry of activity. However, I also suspect that most hermits are somewhat amused by both the modern and the ancient depiction of their lot. They would be only too happy to confess that there are no monsters writhing in the Kenneth C. Russell last wrote for our March-April 2000 issue. His address remains 40 Landry Street, Apt. 1505; Vanier, Ontario; K1L 8K4 Canada. November-December 2000 E5-7-5 Russell ¯ The Dangers of Solitude corners of their huts and that the identity crisis so precious to their contemporaries does not keep them awake nights. What they actually confront, it seems, is a routine cycle of sun and cloud on a prairie stretching clear to the horizon. There are no mountains or valleys to speak of. Their bad days are as unremarkable as their good ones. They struggle against subtle temptations, not spectacular ones. It has always been so. The 12th-century Cistercian Aelred of Rievaulx recognized this in his hard-hitting Letter to a Recluse, addressed to his elderly sister but written with less seasoned solitaries in mind? So did his contemporaries Peter the Venerable and Bernard of Portes, who wrote shorter and less theologically dense letters to male recluses who had asked their advice.3 Twelfth-century recluses lived in circumstances that are quite different from those in which most modern hermits seek solitude. But this does not mean that the letters of Peter and Bernard are merely quaint witnesses to a bygone era. The basics of the eremitical life are constant across the centuries. They are also unaffected by the way in which different solitaries choose to live the eremitical life. Whether the solitary is a recluse, a hermit, or a homeless wanderer like Benedict Joseph Labre does not radically modify the eremitical life. Consequently the letters Peter and Bernard wrote to 12th-century male monastic recluses remain relevant to male and female solitaries of all kinds, even today. Indeed, it seems to me that their practical orientation makes them especially useful. Therefore, I want to focus on the difficulties these authors see arising when the honeymoon period of the eremitical life--which may last a good long time--is finally over. In highlighting some of the minor difficulties which can grow into major problems if not attended to, it is not my intention to present a negative view of the solitary life. It does have dark days; it would not be a human enterprise if it did not. However, in focusing on the gray periods, I am not denying its spells of fine weather. I am merely reiterating the warning uttered down the centuries that people who wander off into the desert on their own had better know what they are about. Peter the Venerable's Letter to Ghislebert Peter the Venerable, the great abbot of Cluny, was, by his own admission, a very busy man. In fact, he shocks us a bit by admitting that he read the letters from a Cluniac recluse named Ghislebert in Review for Religious his choir stall on Holy Saturday. He claims that he had simply not been able to find a moment to read them earlier. Peter may have been rushed, but he nevertheless knew something about the eremitical life. Not only did he himself periodically spend time in solitude, but he had pastoral experience in directing monks who sought a solitary retreat for a limited period or for life. There were actually a large number of hermits living in the woods near Cluny. Peter the Venerable, then, knew what he was talking about when he replied to Ghislebert's request for guidance. The key to Peter's advice is the emphasis he puts on the idea that, as a recluse, Ghislebert has been buried with Christ. We do not know the nature of the liturgical ceremony with which Ghislebert was committed to his cell, but other sources indicate that the idea of being buried with Christ and dead to the world was sometimes dramatically represented by using funeral rites to initiate such enclosure. In any case, Peter emphasizes that, if his effort to live as a recluse is going to succeed, Ghislebert had better be sure that he is indeed dead to the world and the world dead to him. To drive home the point, Peter quotes the desert father Arsenius: "Flee people, be silent, and you will be saved." In short, be what you have set out to be and all will be well. Although we may feel a little ill-at-ease with the medieval idea of the recluse being rather literally buried with Christ, it is obvious that any new solitary needs to make a definitive break with the world and his or her past to get off to a good start. He or she has to be serious about being marginal. But, for all the images of being cut off and buried, the reality is that a living human being goes into the desert. He or she wants to be there, of course, but the spiritual and especially the psychological conditioning to solitude is not achieved by a mere act of will. The hermit, in fact, begins with some interior dividedness. Part of the self has no interest in disappearing. Inevitably the life force will rise up against the isolation and denial of achievement that the solitary life demands. Hermits also soon discover, as the Carthusian Guigo II puts it, that they are a crowd unto themselves. They are, indeed, the doorway through which the world presses into the cell. They may succeed in finding a quiet spot on the sidelines of society, but the Hermits soon discover that they are a crowd unto themselves. November-December 2000 Russell ¯ The Dangers of Solitude internal vacuum created by their withdrawal makes them vulnerable to the imagination's readiness to reassert their right to a place in the world. Since hermits have what we might term a "weak" present, the mind tends to take refuge in either the past or the future. Bernard of Portes will highlight the way in which the past crowds into the hermit's mind. Peter the Venerable puts more emphasis on the daydreams about the future which exploit the hermit's status to draw him away from his solitude. He pictures the monk turned hermit imagining that he feels the tabs of a bishop's miter on the back of his necl~ or fantasizing that he is the wise, holy, and much admired abbot of a large monastic community. This is all nonsense, of course, and surely most beginners are as amused by the tricks the imagination plays as Peter the Venerable is. What is not funny is that these silly thoughts can trouble prayer. It is also true, unfortunately, that small threads can weave themselves into strong ropes. If hermits are not careful, they can convince themselves that they are made for something better than the sorry life of a solitary. A more serious pressure to "return from the dead" and reenter the hustle and bustle of.life, bit by bit, springs from the essential nature of the solitary existence. Hermits have to live without the external momentum that social interaction usually provides. They are not carried along by the excitement of what is going on at their workplace, nor can they look forward to parties or sports events to distract them. Unfortunately, unless solitaries maintain their focus on whatever is the task of the moment, their day-to-day existence will begin to feel dull and wearisome. The obvious way to relieve this lethargy is for the solitary to engage in a small amount of pastoral or counseling activity. This sounds like a psychologically sound idea, especially to modern Christians, who are more than a little suspicious of the way hermits pull away from the good causes "activists" think so important. Peter the Venerable, however, is not so sure. He is afraid that this public ministry will become addictive. Instead of relieving the hermits' boredom so that they can return to the solitary life refreshed, each turn outward makes solitude all the more unbearable and the turn away from it all the easier. What looks like a solution to the pressures of the eremitical regime can destroy a hermit's ability to live the solitary life. "Doing good" can do a hermit in. A second consequence of the turn outward is that the solitaries' Review for Religious availability attracts people who offer two enticing things: prestige and cash. Since the strict eremitical life deprives hermits of the ordinary opportunities to see themselves mirrored in the reaction of others, Peter the Venerable rightly fears that Ghislebert will take the high esteem in which he is held by those he helps as the true measure of his worth. The abbot sees a further danger in the money that the hermit will be offered for his services. With all the good intentions in the world, Ghislebert can easily find himself managing a little charitable fund which will grow, as such things do, until, as Peter puts it, he is putting up buildings and demolishing himself. Peter's point would seem to be that hermits who are not perfectly honest about their motivations can make a place for themselves in the world. They can keep an address in the woods, as it were, and still be part of society. The price they pay, unfortunately, is the abandonment of their original commitment. History offers many examples which confirm that the hardest thing in the world for solitaries is actually to be what they profess to be. Aelred of Rievaulx was very hard on the way in which solitaries drift into outside activities. He sharply admonished them to wake up to the facts of their vocation. "When you are pressured to get involved: Tu sede, tu tace, tu sustine. Sit still, keep quiet, and stick it out! Period! Leave the doing of good deeds to those who .have the responsibility for such tasks." The solitary's fundamental temptation, it seems, is to focus on something other than God. According to Peter, this can be anything from good works to an obsession with health or appearance. "Doing good" can do a hermit in. Bernard of Portes's Letter to Rainald The Carthusian Bernard of Portes agrees with Peter the Venerable that solitaries need to be on guard against the distractions that are likely to entice them away from their fundamental commitment. He is particularly sensitive, however, to the spiritual and psychological repercussions of the hermit's withdrawal from society. He understands very well that the social self will not go lightly into solitude. Though hermits are united to all believers and, indeed, all humanity in their union with Christ in his church, the social self wants to strut its stuff in the midst of the diversions November-December 2000 Russell * The Dangers of Solitude Hermits do not have the social status they enjoyed in the 12th century. of the marketplace. It does not want to be shut away with not much more than God to focus on. Therefore, Bernard warns Rainald that he must expect a spell of bad weather sooner or later. One day he might be hit by a wave of sadness and the next be in a bad mood and irritable. He will find tapes from his past running in his head while he reedits the script of what he said and did. A troupe of lewd thoughts will stage its floor show one day, and lukewarnmess flood in the next. It seems that there is no escape from these inner storms and flat stretches. Indeed, Bernard maintains that hermits go into the desert specifically t6 wrestle with these elements that distract us from God. They are, we might say, the psychological echoes of a hermit's attachment to the world he or she claims to have renounced. Bernard of Portes warns hermits that, because they are no longer carried along by the current of daily life in society, they will be the targets of acedia and sadness. Acedia, a listless psychospiritual condition, weighs so heavily on its victims that some escape from the boredom o'f the here and now into dreams of what has been and might yet be while others slip into the torpor of chronic fatigue. This affliction, which involves a hanging back from the initial vocational commitment and a failure to actualize it in the present moment, "detemporalizes" hermits. It weakens their focus on the here and now and sets them adrift. Therefore they look outward for things to occupy their mind and fill their time. Bernard says it is very important for hermits to give their life a certain self-generated dynamism by moving from one activity to another th~'oughout the day. Oddly enough, this is in accord with the traditional wisdom that the secret of the eremitical life is "Keep it moving." Bernard also emphasizes meditation and advises Rainald to be totally present to the words he is saying when he recites the Office. Bernard, it is quite clear, believes that acedia can be held at bay if a hermit puts his or her mind to it and lives in the present moment. Sadness, however, is another matter. Bernard seems convinced that an occasional period of feeling down is an inescapable feature of the eremitical life. Sadness is, I suppose, a pit into which an Review for Religious individual ill-suited for solitude might tumble, but this does not seem to be what Bernard has in mind. He is describing, not a chronic or pathological condition, but the normal downturns of life--which the hermit feels more intensely because of his or her isolation. On the spiritual level, the alternation of these strong and weak periods is inevitable in view of the ebb and flow of God's grace. If acedia pulls one away from the present, sadness can be said to sink one into it. Sadness is the clouding over of the eternal horizon of hope which draws us forward. Without the attraction of the ultimate goal--which is, remember, the sole dynamic element in a hermit's life--the individual is oppressed by the miseries of the present. For no good reason, anger can well up in the solitary and rail away at the self or other people: "Nothing they do is ever any good, and nothing I try ever works out!" Such slack times call for patience, because, once again, the temptation is to shift attention away from God and the love that is his due. The self, whether proud or inadequate, whether much sought after or neglected, must not become the primary object of the hermit's attention. Application to Modern Hermits Is any of this applicable to modern hermits living in country cabins and cheap city apartments? I think so. Times have certainly changed, but the leisure of the hermit can still go flat, and money remains a worrisome issue. Unlike their 12th-century counterparts, modern hermits do not have to figure out how to channel their excess funds to the poor without attracting a crowd of beggars, but they do have to worry about how to live apart from the world and still earn their keep. Unless they are supported by a religious congregation or order, paying their bills and providing some measure of stability in an unsettled time can be a real preoccupation. Indeed, it can shipwreck their project altogether. Pride, which Peter the Venerable and Bernard of Portes see as a major threat to hermits, would seem to be less of a worry these days. Solitaries are looked up to once again, but the applause is not unanimous. In fact, many people who give their lives to the service of Christ and his poor question the sense of such a calling. Certainly hermits do not have the social status they enjoyed in the 12th century. In any case, while many religious who become November-December 2000 Russell ¯ The Dangers of Solitude With no one else to worry about, they can become obsessed with every ache. solitaries identify themselves as hermits, most lay hermits have no official status of any kind. They live a hidden life which is just that, hidden. The lack of social status does not mean, of course, that hermits are immune to the temptation to take a little secret pride in the uniqueness of their calling. Pride, however, does not seem to be the great danger it was to hermits in the Middle Ages. Certainly relevant today, however, is the emphasis Peter the Venerable and Bernard of Portes put on the need for the hermit to exist in the now. This almost Buddhist focus on being present to the moment is for both of them basic to the eremitical life. Without this absorption in the here and now, distractions press in. The hermit, to borrow a phrase from the world of sports, "loses his or her concentration" on the worship of God in unending prayer. This is a major problem, but, given the restrictions of the solitary life, it manifests itself in small and sometimes silly ways. For example, hermits may get too wrapped up in their work or turn repairs to their dwelling into a full-scale redecorating project. They can become finicky fussbudgets who insist that every item in their cell be lined up just so. Worse yet, with no one else to worry about, they can become obsessed with every ache and sniffle. What are we to make of Peter the Venerable's condemnation of the tendency of hermits to make themselves useful to their fel-low Christians by offering them the fruit, as it were, of their con-templative silence? Must we conclude that he, and Bernard as well, would censure the spiritual direction and parish activities in which some contemporary hermits get involved? Not necessarily. In their letters both authors emphasize--and we must keep in mind that they were writing to recluses, that is, to solitaries who in theory were totally cut off from the world--that the singularity of the eremitical life means that hermits will have to work out what is best for them. Therefore, while Bernard borrows from the cus-toms of the Carthusians to make all kinds of suggestions to Rainald about the details of his life, he realizes that it is up to the hermit to exercise discretion in choosing what suits him. Consequently, we can conclude that, although Peter and Bernard show that it is easy for hermits to delude themselves about why they are rendering this or that occasional service, it is up to them to determine, after Review for Religious taking counsel, what fosters their aloneness with God and what hinders it. I suspect that there are times when novice solitaries, going through a dark period, might welcome the sight of a few demons raising cain in their living room. They might even be glad to summon up the self-absorption required for the drama of a first-class identity crisis. Anything exciting and novel would be a relief. What they have to contend with, however, day in and day out, as Peter and Bernard remind them, is the subtle task of remaining faithful to their original commitment in all kinds of psychological weather. They have much to gain and much to lose. Peter the Venerable and Bernard of Portes, who shared a high regard for the solitary life, warn them, therefore, to take care. Notes ' Thomas Merton, "Notes for a Philosophy of Solitude," in his Disputed Questions (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1960; Noonday Book, 1976), p. 165. 2 A Rule of Life for a Recluse, trans. Mary Paul MacPherson, in The Works of Aelred of Rievaulx, Vol. 1: Treatises, The Pastoral Prayer, Cistercian Fathers Series, no. 2 (Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971). 3 Neither the letter of Peter the Venerable to Ghislebert nor Bernard of Portes's letter to Rainald has, as far as I know, been translated into English. The Latin text and a French translation of Bernard's letter can be found in Lettres des premiers chartreux, Vol. 2, introduction, critical text, French translation, and notes by "un chartreux" (Sources chr~tiennes, no. 274; Paris: Cerf, 1980), pp. 50-79. For the Latin text of Peter's letter, see Giles Constable, The Letters of Peter the Venerable, Vol. 1 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 27-41. November-December 2000 MARY BETH MOORE A Spiritual Direction Connie drew the heavy drape across the window, noting the ast gray light filtering from the west. She turned on a small lamp on one side of the room and lit the vanilla candle at the other. Immediately its aroma permeated the small space. She selected a Mozart disc from the handful of CDs near the love seat, placed it carefully on the turntable, pressed play, and adjusted the volume so that the maestro's graceful, precise notes were barely audible, as subtle as the candle. She paused, looking slowly to each corner until satisfied by the atmosphere she had created. Free of clutter, the parlor was just large enough for the love seat, chair, and coffee table. She sat down on the chair. Connie never sat until she was satisfied. She was a short, heavy woman and, since it was not easy for her to get out of a chair, she considered the act of getting into it. She had a few moments before her guest arrived, and this time was also planned. The guest or, more precisely, the directee required the kind of attention one must work up to. So she made an effort to appreciate the room for its own sake. She awaited the security these preparations usually brought. She summoned the attitude of inner peace which any directee had a right to expect of her, breathing deeply, ignoring the slight pulse in her legs, ankles, even noting the contradiction between attending to a pleas-ant carnal sensation--the candle--and determinedly shutting out the unpleasant. She made herself breathe. Connie had been a spiritual director for almost twenty years, Mary Beth Moore SC writes from 3496 Jerusalem Avenue; Wantagh, New York 11793. Review for Religious and people liked her. She had talent in this abstruse area, and she knew this because her directees said so. Most of her clients were nuns, participants in a lifestyle whose subtle conflicts she knew as her own, having been a nun now for forty years. Relationships: community, friends, principals, superiors. Even, occasionally, a romantic entanglement. And, of course, the relationship with God. Connie never told them what to do. She listened. She asked ques-tions. She recalled for the searcher his or her own best qualities. (Yes, even the occasional priest or layman found his way to her.) Generosity. Loyalty. Courage. Connie never mi~de these things up. Yes, that was the talent. Seemingly from thin air, she would recall a point the directee had made two months before, or ask precisely the right question. "What must you do to grow in this sit-uation?" The question was perhaps trite, but the answers never were. Stammering or articulate, passionate or cool, the directee usually responded with a perfectly credible plan of action, one whose truthfulness went to the heart of the matter. She had learned to expect the creativity that her directees brought with them. Still, Connie did not consider herself creative. She thought of herself as a modest person, and attributed the results to God's grace. When she looked in the mirror, she saw a face that had always been plain, and was now old. Of course, Connie had not once seen her own brown eyes transformed with the glow of the full attention she gave to the directees. They simply thanked her. She expected nothing more. At the sound of the doorbell, Connie took hold of the chair arms and, giving herself a boost, stood and steadied herself before crossing the short distance to the front door. She was pleasantly nervous for this encounter with her client, and she hurried as much as she could, knowing how uncomfortable it was to wait at her door. The Bronx brownstone faced southeast toward the Sound and Long Island, and through the winter a stiffwind blew almost steadily. She opened the door to see a petite woman framed against the dark corridor of the street, hopping around on the stoop to cope with the cold. The sky behind her was clear, but dark. The city lights obliterated all but the highest-hung stars. "Marilyn, my dear, come in quickly before the wind knocks you down." "It almost did. I parked a block away, and--" "Did you meet much traffic?" Connie took Marilyn's coat and shivered at the cold that rolled off of it. November-December 2000 Moore ¯ A Spiritual Direction "Som'e, as usual. The Cross Bronx is always crowded." "Oh, that's a terrible road. I always feel glad when I turn off. A cup of tea before we start?" "I would love it, if it's no trouble. It sounds so good." "No trouble at all. Go in and make yourse.lf comfortable. I'll be right back." She indicated the room she had just prepared, and waited to be sure her guest was seated before disappearing into the inner quarters to make tea. She returned with a tray and two steaming cups. They were silent as they fixed the tea to their lik-ing. Part of Connie's skill was to suppress small talk as the pre-lude to spiritual direction. Chatter cluttered the spirit, she believed. She had once lived as a hermit for three months, and the disci-pline served her well. After a suitable interval she moved to her cus-tomary opener. "So, tell me, what brings you to spiritual direction?" "Ah, yes. Well, I have the intuition, this notion. It haunts me and I feel almost, I don't know, maybe, embarrassed to share it. Or even ashamed--though maybe that is too strong a word. I've tried to discuss it, get a hold, but I." Connie listened as the other woman stuttered, and felt a tug of compassion. She leaned ever so slightly toward her, her eyes widening to lend support to the recitation. A sexual problem per-haps. Everything supposedly out in the open these days, but the unique turns of the human heart, and the struggle to articulate them! She waited. ". this notion, and others don't want to hear, or maybe can't hear. Almost a conviction actually." "A conviction that ." Connie was poised, waiting for the other to look up. "I don't want to offend you, as well. But I suppose it's foolish to come and beat around the bush. You see--" "'I assure you, my dear, I won't be offended. I'm eager to hear what you have to say." "A conviction that it's over. Over, over, over." Connie frowned, noted the slightest wave of impatience with the conversation's turn. "You'll have to tell me what 'it' is, I think." "This." She spread her hands as if her meaning should be obvi-ous, indicating the candle, the lamp, and Connie herself with thrusts of her chin. "Convents. Middle-aged women living in polite little groups, good-hearted, but accommodated. Comfortable. Convents, parlors, single beds, obsessive neatness, vanilla candles. Over." Review for Religious "Leave my candle out of it, at least," Connie said, more emphatically than she had intended. She was offended, but she did not realize it quite yet. "O.K. Your candle may be spared." Marilyn grinned. "But as for the other elements, well, the writing is on the wall." "Nebuchadnezzar? A kingdom about to fall?" Connie tried to get her bearings. The other's hesitancy had disappeared, her voice got stronger by the sentence, and Connie began to think that her earlier, tentative approach might have been a ploy. "Yes. That's exactly right, Connie. The humble kingdom we built for ourselves that did so much good. Children we taught, sick we nursed. It was a world in itself, a kingdom if you will. We had a place in a religiosity that was shared by Catholics every-where. In that Catholic world, we had a mystique of holiness, otherness. We were a cheap labor pool. Now others can do what we did, without living a special way of life." She took deep breath while Connie waited with alarm. "I believe our lifestyle is ending." Buy time. That was Connie's second idea, after the first one, something like, who do you think you are? Who are you, sup-posedly asking me for help, boldly upending a tradition? One that needs no defense. "I must keep eye contact," she thought. "Marilyn, too, is a committed religious, sincere, middle-aged, a seeker like myself." She was unused to such a strong emotion that was not compassion. She focused with effort. "Fall back on tech-nique," she urged herself. When she finally spoke, her voice was light. "Well, that's radical, for sure. Possibly a bit reductive. I'll need some time to take in the idea. But, in any case, you know that spir-itual direction does not provide answers. Why don't you tell me about your prayer. What's happening there?" "Connie, don't you see? That is what's happening. I pray, but I feel afraid. This sense of winding down . . . it, it assaults me. This is the result of my reading the signs of the times. And, very selfishly, I wonder what will happen to us. I'd actually like some-body to refute me." "'Prayer is the balance of mind and heart. Perhaps you think too much." November-December 2000 Moore ¯ A Spiritual Direction "Prayer is the balance of mind and heart. Perhaps you think too much." "Oh, maybe. It's just when I have an insight I always think it's correct. I'm not pious, either." Marilyn's voice had softened. Connie saw that she had heard her words as a correction, as in fact they had been. She had men-tioned fear, a key word in Connie's work, the rope binding the spirit, an adversary of growth. Usually Connie would have asked about it, but this evening it suddenly seemed like too much trou-ble. She was impatient, her back began to ache. She sought for a middle ground. "Or perhaps I think too little. You're a challenge to me, and I'm not sure if I can be as objective as I like. Can you"--she searched for the way back to Marilyn's point--"can you stay with the questions?" She got a little stronger. "Ride the questions." Marilyn thrust out her chin, as if shg regarded the question as an object in the room. There was a pulse of silence. "Yeah. That's a good idea." She smiled and looked at Connie with a glint of humor. "Good luck. I'll pray with you." There was a notable pause, and Connie sighed before turn-ing to topics of lesser import. Her back pain was easing, and she felt relieved that the conversation had returned to a manageable place. She was no coward. She had borne others' tears and rage at God. But a messy squabble with herself as partner was not at all congenial. She had put the balance back. She would pray with and for Marilyn. Both were careful to refrain from gossip in the spiritual-direc-tion setting; the set of those who chose such support was small, and many knew each other. Still, there were allowable facts--some-one's new job, an elderly sister's passing. And, after the intense discussion of the inner life, it was consoling to take in the mellow light and the full attention, each from the other. When they had finished the tea, and the candle wax threatened to spill on the table top, Marilyn moved to go. Connie helped her with her coat, saw her out into the cold air. The street was quieter now and a single star, maybe a planet, winked above the streetlights. She closed the door and went back to her direction room to turn off the light and blow out the candle. The wax had leaked onto the table into a viscous pool. "Ride the question," she repeated softly aloud to herself. She had been pleased to hit upon a phrase Revie~v for Religious that seemed to help her directee, but, as she turned it over in her mind now, looking at the empty room, it sounded trite, facile. The dialogue with Marilyn echoed in her mind, and a sensation rip-pled quickly, like the hint of an unpleasant duty she could not quite remember. She stepped away from the room with unusual haste and headed for the community recreation room and her favorite TV program. When Connie got to the community room, Sarah was watch-ing a public TV program--something about endangered species-- with the intensity of a graduate student. While she made eye contact with Connie, she held up a forefinger to postpone conversation until the program seg-ment ended. Connie sank into the chair and waited. She did not mind. It was more inter-esting to observe Sarah than to watch the parade of facts on the screen. She could easily see in the woman the ardent girl she had taught thirty years before, and, in her unsettled state of mind, that girl seemed to inhabit the room again. Sarah's field was biology, and she brought her expertise along with boundless energy to a nonprofit agency that monitored the environ-ment. Connie studied her with detached affec-tion. What was it that made Sarah so interesting? The combination of ambition and idealism, thought Connie. She was the perfect nun for our time. Connie mused about the effect of her own ministry. She had joined Sarah and the others in the brownstone house the year she finished her term as novice director. It had been her initiative to work free-lance in spiritual direction, and the community con-firmed' her choice. Her clients found her by word of mouth. She spent her day much as she had with the novices, in a disciplined but unhurried rhythm of prayer, study, and client appointments. It was Sarah who persuaded Connie to get a paying job two years ago. Some of the sisters in her own house had argued against it, but Sarah persisted. She pointed out to Connie that she com-plained about being the one to answer telephone solicitations and wait for plumbers. Sarah, the realist, reminded the community that their income base was shrinking, since the elderly sisters far outnumbered the younger wage-earners. Connie began to mind She could see in the woman the ardent girl she had taught thirty years before. November-December 2000 Moore ¯ A Spiritual Direction not having even a modest paycheck to present for the running of the house, and the quota for the retired sisters' care. The only thing she did not tell Sarah and the others was that she was tired of not having tales to "tell at supper about the outside world they inhabited each day. What could she say about spiritual direction? In that field there were no general issues, no little anecdotes, to report, only secrets of the heart whose value was discovered as the directee conferred it. So Connie took a job as the secretary in a little Catholic school in the Bronx. She bolstered the idealistic young man who was prin-cipal and lent an ear to the parents who rushed through with for-gotten lunches and umbrellas. She now had tales for the dinner table with the community, and savored even more the evenings of direction. She did not allow herself to miss the easy pace she had once enjoyed. She was often tired. She worried intermittently about losing weight, especially when Sarah inaugurated a new restric-tion in the community diet. She gave up insisting that they buy whole milk: it was not worth the commentary on cholesterol. But these were small .annoyances, predictable, familiar. If the occa-sional ache or pain pressed itself too deeply into her conscious-ness, her mind might leap to the future for a moment. But the pain subsided, or was integrated into what she chose to put up with. It was against her principles to measure herself by a worldly standard. She gazed at the TV for a bit, savoring the comfort of her (avorite chair until the program finished and Sarah pressed the mute button. "How was your day?" Connie asked. "Really productive," Sarah answered brightly. "I spent the morning editing that junior high 'natural city' curriculum. Jake did a great job with the project and I told him so. Then I had a meeting with the Friends of the Harbor committee. Giuliani's guy stopped in. Nice person actually, said he would continue to press our concerns with the mayor. He sounded sincere, but we'll keep the pressure on anyway. Peter was pleased." "Peter?" "Grossman, the earth sciences professor from Bronx Community College, that one who chairs--" "Oh yes, I remember him." Connie made it a point to keep up with the cast of cha[acters that peopled Sarah's offbeat job. "Did Jake's wife have the baby yet?" Review for Religious "Three days ago! I thought I'd told you. Mother and daugh-ter are doing fine." Sarah described the particulars of the birth in detail, then trained eager eyes on Connie. "How was your day?" Connie's mind returned to her session, where a seasoned nun had suggested that religious life would become a thing of the past. It was an abstract idea, after all. The common room she shared now with Sarah was perfectly real and stable. The house had been paid for. "Connie, your day?" Sarah's voice called her from her reverie. "Anything wrong?" "Wrong? Oh no." She hesitated. "Do you think about the future, Sarah? I mean our community. Do you think there will be nuns living in this house in twenty years? Youngish nuns, enthu-siastic like yourself, women who believe in prayer, the vows? Some of my directees"--she tried to be deliberately vague--"a few think our way of living is a thing of the past." Sarah frowned. "It could be, you know. Let's face it. No one has joined the community at all in the past five years, and those of us in it aren't getting any younger. It could be. But, hey, God our Mother will bring to birth something new. Birth, growth, decay, matter recycle into new growth. It's a universal process. Why should we escape it?" She reached for the TV wand."Do you want to watch anything else?" "You've thought about this?" "Oh, it crosses my mind now and again. Shall I turn this off?." Sarah waved the remote again. "Sure." Connie could see that Sarah was preparing to leave the community room, and a wave of desolation passed over her. She longed to call out, "Please don't go, yet," but she knew perfectly well such a request would startle Sarah. "She'd probably think I'm having some kind of attack," Connie thought. "What reason could I give for the need of her presence?" Nothing came to her. Sarah was at the door now, turning back, her gaze objective and ldnd. "You O.K., Connie?" "I'm just fine," Connie answered quickly. "Sufficient for the day is the trouble thereof." Sarah was satisfied. "Sleep well, then." "You too." Connie was alone now in the familiar room, and hothing could threaten her. Soon her strange moment of panic would pass, and she would move to her usual routine, fold back the newspaper, November-December 2000 Moore ¯ A Spiritual Direction enjoy the silence. She had an honorable job. She loved Sarah, and the others with whom she lived and shared an uncomplicated love of friendship. She scanned the headlines, then tossed them aside to read the Arts page, a book review, but she struggled to concen-trate. "Loneliness has no hold over me," she thought. Loneliness and solitude were the same companion in different dress, the bite of one and the consolation of the other alternating throughout her days. But the mood of release she sought at the end of the day still eluded her. She focused on the gratitude she must render for the events of the day, and recalled a grandmother who had come to the school to deliver a forgotten lunch. In her mind's eye she could see the weary black face transformed with smiles when the child hove into view. But, when the memory dimmed, a keen discomfort reasserted itself. She pushed through her rote evening prayer, "Now Lord you may dismiss your servant in peace, for my eyes have seen your sal-vation. A light of revelation to the Gentiles and a glory for your people Israel." Simeon, welcoming his life's end, having seen the object of his heart's desire. "He was lucky," she thought. The prayer did not seem to help at all. She turned off the light in the common room and made her way out by the light of the street lamp filtering through the blinds. She turned toward the kitchen. "A nice cup of tea," she thought. "It will clear my mind." She made the tea. She measured out her usual two spoonfuls of sugar, tasted it, then furtively added a third. She sipped it slowly and regarded the clock, whose subtle whine could be heard in the silence. "I tell my directees to face their fears. And so must I," Connie concluded. "What was it, then, old age?" But she dismissed this quickly. Maybe prettier, fitter women, yes, even nuns might struggle with this, but she had never known herself that way. She had long ago accommodated herself to aches and wrinkles. Nor was it fear of death. Not yet. Her mother, her aunts, stout women all, had lived into their nineties. "I probably have a few decades in me," she mused. What had Marilyn said? "It's over." That was the phrase that had ripped her, as if a web of equilibrium she hardly knew existed was torn, and its sundering had discovered a category of feeling she could not recognize. "Now, Lord, you may dismiss your servant in peace, because my eyes have seen your salvation." Simeon's words came back Review for Religious again, with the picture of the bearded sage, smiling and content, holding an infant whom he knew certainly to be the savior. Who did he think he was? "I'm jealous of him," she thought. And, since the habit of honesty was well established, Connie began to name the struggle. The child Simeon held had just been named Jesus, newly circumcised, accompanied by proud parents. She was jealous of Simeon's proximity, his luck to be in the right place at the right time. She was envious of the consolation of touch, the embrace that illuminated him, at once revealing the true iden-tity of the child. But most of all she was jealous of his certainty. As a young idealistic woman, and through all the vicissitudes of the years, she had fallen back on the certainty that she was doing God's will. And, just as the meeting with a newborn child had transformed Simeon from a bumbling old man into a prophet, so she had thought her lifestyle would transform her. She looked around the kitchen slowly, scrutinizing the cabi-nets, the fridge. Stalling. The fear she felt was not provoked by the encounter with Marilyn, but rather unmasked by it. Fear, raw fear, as when a young child is lost in a crowded arena. Connie placed both hands on the teacup and concentrated on the warmth that spread to her palms. She recalled, with effort, that she was an adult. But, slowly, understanding came to her. What was threatened was certainty and specialness. The fear in her belly suggested that she had bartered for those goods with the austerity of her lifestyle and her vows. Yet she herself had taught the basic truth of spiri-tual direction so many times: All that is not love must be rooted out. She could not blame anyone or anything external for her new situation. She sat thus at the kitchentable for a long while, and the tea, untouched, grew cold. By and by she simply admitted that an inner battle was just beginning; she might as well go to bed. Fear would come and go, and grief, too, must attend the process. She lay in bed, listening to the faint sounds of traffic, making an effort to yield to sleep in order to be ready for the next day. But, as she was poised on the mysterious shelf before consciousness falls away, a phrase floated up from the well of memory, a saying she would work with for months to come, "Though a bird be tied to earth by only a thread, still he cannot fly." November-December 2000 a witness response DENNIS j. BILLY Contemplative Religious Witness: A Redemptoristine Monastery At the end of each academic year, I leave my work at the Alphonsian Academy in Rome and spend the summer months as an author in residence at Mount St. Alphonsus, the Redemptorist retreat center in Esopus, New York. During my time there, one of the responsibilities I share with the other members of my community is to celebrate Eucharist at the nearby Redemptoristine monastery of Our Mother of Perpetual Help. This small community of contemplative nuns devotes itself to being what their 18th-century Neapolitan foundress, Maria Celeste Crostarosa (1696- 1755), called a "living memory" of the Holy Savior. My close contact with the sisters there has helped me appreciate more deeply the contemplative dimension of my own vocation. It has also helped me see the intimate relationship between the Redemptorist and Redemptoristine callings, two very different lifestyles-- one apostolic, the other contemplative--deeply devoted to a common charism of proclaiming "plentiful redemption" in Christ. Dennis J. Billy CSSR, a frequent contributor to this review, may be addressed at Accademia Alfonsiana; C.P. 2458; 00100 Roma; Italy. R~view for Religious Spousal Love As a community of women entirely dedicated to contemplation, the sisters at Perpetual Help Monastery maintain a spirit of separation but openness to the world around them. They follow the norms of papal enclosure as laid out in church law and interpreted by their Constitutions and Statutes, but do so with a keen sensitivity that their contemplative vocation places them at the very heart of the local church. In the spirit of Vatican Council II, they have also renewed their way of life to be more in keeping with the spirit and charism of their foundress. In doing so, they have attempted to adapt the contemplative life to the exigencies of North American culture while at the same time taking care to maintain the significant countercultural and eschatological witness that religious life in general and the contemplative life in particular seeks to convey. The result is a small but dedicated group of women religious whose lives are deeply immersed in the mystery of Christ and his body, the church. Verbi sponsa, the recent Vatican instruction on contemplative life and the norms of papal enclosure, describes cloistered nuns as becoming, with the Virgin Mary, "the 'living memory' of the church's spousal love" (§1). I could not read these words without thinking of the special meaning they would have for the Redemptoristines at Esopus and throughout the world. Mary's close.relationship to her Son places her in a position of humble service toward all who turn to her. "To Jesus through Mary" was the way St. Alphonsus de Liguori (1696- 1787) liked to express Mary's role in the economy of salvation. Everything she does is meant to lead us to a closer, more intimate relationship with her Son. Her loving and heartfelt fiat in Luke's Gospel reminds us that it could not be otherwise. Her response to the angel reveals a deep trust in God's trust in her. She became the Mother of God because of her spousal relationship with God, which was itself a gift from God to her and, through her, to all the world. When seen in this light, to be with Mary a "living memory of the church's spousal love" leads quite naturally (perhaps it would be better to say "supernaturally") to being a "living memory of the redeeming Christ." Each remembrance is a single dimension of a To be with Mary a "living memory of the church's spousal love". Ly-95---2 November-December 2000 Billy ¯ Contemplative Religious Witness much larger reality: you cannot have one without the other. Keenly aware of this connection, the Redemptoristines at Esopus proclaim their spousal love for their risen Lord at their daily Eucharist, where he eats with them, drinks with them, and caresses them with the gentle, calming breeze of his Spirit. A Eucharistic Community It is often said that something is not fully experienced until it is remembered. If this saying is true, then the Redemptoristines' desire to become a "living memory" of their Lord must foster a deeper experience of Jesus' presence in their hearts and in their midst. One need only consider the deep spirit of prayerfulness that fills their daily celebration of the Eucharist to see that this is so. These simple celebrations tap into the hidden life of contemplation going on in the deepest recesses of their hearts and reveal the height and depth and breadth of the paschal mystery. The daily Eucharist is the center of the sisters' lives. It immerses them in the mystery of God's love which their lives espouse and puts them in intimate contact with their risen Lord. The Eucharist reminds them of the "eucharistic quality" of the cloistered life itself (see Verbi sponsa, §3). Separation from the world enables the sisters to be present t6 the world on a much deeper level. It enables them to share not only in Jesus' life of kenotic self-offering, but also to join him in his eternal act of thanksgiving to the Father. This close connection between the Eucharist and the sisters' contemplative vocation touches the very heart of the redemptive mystery. It affirms Jesus' ongoing presence in their community and gives meaning to every dimension of their largely hidden life of prayer. The sisters' daily remembrance of Jesus is possible only because of Jesus' continual remembrance of them. They seek to be a living memorial to the living memorial he has left them in the Eucharist. They, more than anyone else I have met, take to heart Jesus' words "Do this in memory of me." In this light, life in the Redemptoristine cloister at Esopus takes on the threefold dimensions of banquet, sacrifice, and presence that characterize the mystery of every Eucharistic celebration. Being a "living memo~ry" of Jesus, in other words, means seeking to give nourishment to others (banquet) through a humble offering of self (sacrifice) in the name and in the company of Jesus, who is "Emmanuel, God wi~h us" (presence). The Review for Religious Eucharist, in other words, not only is the summit of their lives, but permeates everything they do. Without it, there is no way they could continue or even survive. From Death to Life I once had the occasion to experience this eucharistic quality of the sisters' lives in a profound and beautiful way. Sister Mary Regina, one of the sisters in the community, was nearing death after a long-drawn-out battle with cancer. This was happening at the very time I had been scheduled to lead the sisters in their annual ten-day retreat. After learning that Regina's death was drawing near, I fully expected the retreat to be canceled (or at least postponed), since the sisters' hearts were heavy with sorrow and their schedule was already overloaded by the "round the clock" attention Regina's condition demanded. I was ~urprised, therefore, to learn that the community wanted the retreat to go on, despite the added strain it would put on them. I was even more surprised (but also delighted) when, on the first day of the retreat, the prioress asked if it would be all right to celebrate Mass in the infirmary so that Regina could attend from her sickbed. That Eucharistturned out to be the last Regina would ever share in--at least on this side of death. The breaking of the bread took on special significance as we celebrated in the presence of one whose life was ebbing away. The nearness of death brought a special solemnity to our celebration. Regina's silence added depth to our words; her gaze, a quiet calm to our troubled, questioning hearts. The knowledge that she would not be with us much longer affected the way we prayed. Everyone in the room seemed to have one eye fixed on the Lord and the other one on her. And that was the way it should have been, the way the Lord himself wanted it. This was Regina's moment. With her community around her, she was free to be herself before her Lord. Firmly fixed on the host, her eyes told us in a quiet, nonverbal way that Jesus was with her in a way he had never been before. So it is, I believe, with all of us at or near the time of death. Each one of us must one day drink from the same cup. Now it was Regina's turn. Separation from the world enables the sisters to be present on a much deeper level. November-December 2000 Billy ¯ Contemplative Religious Witness Near the end of Mass, I looked around the room and experienced that sense of communion that can only come from hearts united by their common yearning for God. As my eyes moved from face to face, I could sense the pain that the community as a whole and each of its members was experiencing as a result of Regina's illness and imminent death. I could also sense the deep love that bound them to each other and, at this special moment, to Regina. In the midst of the sadness, my gratitude deepened and gave way to a deep sense of peace. The Lord was with us, and that was all that mattered. I closed my eyes and imagined myself in the upper room. The Heart of the Church Contemplatives, we are told, live at the very heart of the church. On this day I was grateful for this brief glimpse God had given me into the heart of a contemplative community. There the simple mysteries of life and death are recognized, pondered, and celebrated. There human existence is plumbed to its depths and experienced in all its wonder and heightened fragility. There the restlessness of the human heart forages in the darkness of divine mystery. There God is allowed to be God and is welcomed, however he chooses to come. Very few of us ai'e called to live as contemplatives in the heart of the church. Those who hear the call and respond to it often find that they have been driven to it by the relentless pursuit of a passionate divine Lover. Happiness would elude them anywhere else. Only there, in the cloister, can they give themselves exclusively to God with all their heart, mind, soul, and strength. Their hidden life behind their monastery walls is the visible reminder of what they have left behind--and journeyed into. So essential is it to the good of the whole that it recedes, almost by necessity, to the background of life's numerous surface activities. Like the heart itself, it is never seen, rarely heard, seemingly still, but always pumping. The heart, one might say, is an appropriate metaphor for monastic enclosure itself. Some of the most vital activity in the entire body takes place within the narrow, confining chambers of the heart. These otherwise empty cavities are formed by the inner contours of the heart's muscle fibers. The constant expansion and contraction of these tissues forces the blood through the chambers Review for Religious and creates enough pressure to make it flow throughout the rest of the body. In a similar way the empty spaces within the cloister are visibly shaped by the rules of monastic enclosure which, firm yet flexible, allow the life of the contemplative community to distinguish itself from the rest of Christ's body in order to perform for it a special function. Here the all-important apostolic dimension of the contemplative life comes to light. The contemplative community plumbs the depths of the Spirit so that the life of the Spirit may flow more freely to all the members of the body. Here the law of inverted magnitudes operates in full force. The contemplative community confines itself in time and space in order to open itself up to and move more deeply into the sacred. This simultaneous movement ("juxtaposition," if you will) of contraction and expansion is at the center of the contemplative experience. Although not everyone is called to live a life of monastic enclosure, all of us are called to foster a contemplative attihade toward life. For us to do so, this dynamic .movement of physical withdrawal and spiritual expansion must somehow come into play for each of us. Active and Contehaplative I began these reflections by stating that my contact with the Redemptoristine community at Esopus has given me a deeper appreciation of the contemplative dimension of my vocation as a Redemptorist, missionary. I also like to think that, in some way, the appreciation has been mutual, giving rise in them to a deeper sense of the apostolic dimension of their lives as contemplative religious. We share a single charism which, although expressed in drastically different lifestyles, brings to light the plentiful redemption wrought for us in the passion, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Contemplative religious, we have seen, live in the very heart of the church. The Redemptoristines, to my mind, do much the same for the apostolic mission of the Redemptorist congregation. Both orders, after all, share common origins and embrace the same motto: Copiosa apud eum redemptio ("With him there is plentiful redemption"). To follow the Lord in his work for the poor and most abandoned (as Redemptorists try to do) is closely tied to being a "living memory" of the risen Lord (as the sisters try to be). Each order focuses on a different dimension of the one redemptive mystery and, for this very reason, is intimately related to the other. Noventber-December 2000 My experience at Esopus has taught me that contemplative religious can best contribute to the apostolic mission of the church by simply being themselves and living whatever Rule they follow with patience, humility, and deep compassion. In doing so, they reveal the depth of their humanity and remind us of the intimacy we are all called to share with the divine. The eucharistic quality of their lives enables them to celebrate the present moment-- whatever it may bring--by sharing the gifts of self-offering and sensitive personal presence. Their life of solitude places them at the very heart of the church's life and ongoing mission. Their enclosed life offers the world a countercultural and eschatological sign of what is still to come, yet somehow already mysteriously present in the deepest recesses of the human heart. Like the Redemptoristines at Esopus, contemplative religious are called to lose themselves in the mystery of the divine in order to find themselves in the face of the very next person they meet. They plumb the depths of human experience in order to move more deeply into the sacred and live in intimate spousal union with their divine Lover. All of them are living reminders of the passion, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. All are visible expressions of the church's living memory of what took place in the person of Jesus Christ and takes place today in his body, the church. Theirs is a message for all times, all places, and all circumstances. Those who hear it will recognize the need to foster in themselves a contemplative attitude toward life. Those who do not will miss a unique opportunity to peer beneath the surface of life and behold, as never before, the innermost treasures of the human heart. Review for Religious ANDRI~ MAUREEN SOETE A Vowed Response to the Postmodern World Tphosetm choadrearcnte wriostrilcds asryem bpetionmgs s, taunddie rde aalnitdie ps roofb oeudr bsyo -sccailelend-tists, sociologists, anthropologists, philosophers, and theologians. All seek to understand the reality, foresee the consequences, and arrive at some satisfactory description and response. Since I am not a theologian, scientist, philosopher, or any of the above, I do not claim to understand this reality, much less propose responses. What I offer is simply my own response as a woman religious, specifically a School Sister of Notre Dame. The Situation of Our Age Postmodern issues have been touching us and coming into our consciousness for some time now. Our world is rapidly chang-ing, and what we once thought were objective, unchangeable real-ities are in fact changing. The "way to be" and the "way to do" for the present generation seems so different from our way. What can all this mean to SSND sisters and associates at this time? This time of change may feel like a breakdown. The world has become so different that we may not like it and may question Andr,~ Maureen Soete SSND has ministered in Japan for thirteen years. This article is the address she gave to an assembly of Japanese and North American School Sisters of Notre Dame in Kyoto on 9 January 2000. Her address is 11 ol Kawarada-cho; Matsugasaki; Sakyo-ku; Kyoto 606, Japan. November-December 2000 Soete * A Vowed Response the direction in which it is heading. Envisioning ourselves living in this new age, we may have the feeling that we do not fit, for what we understood as reality is being challenged. This is not just the usual generation-gap experience that we have all probably experienced from one side or the other. This phenomenon has been observed by many since the first hints of it in the 1970s and is obviously a real cultural shift. The choices for different lifestyles, the questioning of what we considered permanent values, and the challenges to our thinking are in some ways unnerving. We may catch ourselves longing for the good old days--the secure structures, the way students "used to be," and the way convent life was. It almost tempts us to choose to respond by retreating--by going back. These times are being described by the word chaos. Some of the chaotic things that people observe and study are political, eco-nomic, and social oppression; poverty, starvation, and unemploy-ment; the oppression of women; the ecological crisis; nuclear threat; secularism, materialism, and the failure of churches to renew themselves and inspire belief. Chaos causes a great deal of anxiety, but it also provides us with the moment and the call to rediscover our real story and our deepest roots. How Our Foundress Would Respond As followers of Mother Theresa Gerhardinger, we can ask ourselves how she would manage in this age, how .she would respond if she were alive today. We know that our answer would have something to do with our charism. What is it that she passed on to us that is ageless? What is the changeless essence that will survive these times and even give us the hope we need to go on? When we think of Mother Theresa responding to her time and day we think of a strong woman of prayer, a woman of God, a woman in touch with the reality and needs of her day, a woman animated and energized by the conviction that women can change the world, a woman who knew that, if people can change, the world can cMnge too. But at the root of all these images of her was her sense of God's desire and call "that all be one." She longed for the oneness of all in God. She was a woman willing to strug-gle for unity on every level. She could see unity in diversity, for she believed in the rights of individuals and the respect due to each person. She learned the Review for Religious lessons essential for real unity--lessons of love, respect, appreci-ation, tolerance, and trust--first from her own parents and later from her mentors Bishop Wittmann and Father Job. These were her models, inspiring her to foster the same values among her sis-ters and her society. It was her commitment to unity and her drive "to make one" that gave her tireless energy for mission, and could give us the same tireless energy. The Postmodern Age The academic world has come to use the term "postmodern" in an attempt to name this period of the world's history because this is the period in which people are reacting to all that is false and untrue, all that has not worked in our familiar modern age. In some way the choice of the name "postmodern" is like calling the butterfly a "postcaterpillar." "Postcaterpillar" might be a suitable name during the period when we observe that the caterpillar is no more, that what was once the caterpillar now seems dead or half dead, changing unaccountably. But once we see the beautiful creature with bright wings emerge, flutter freely, and take flight, we find ourselves calling it a "butterfly." Similarly, because of the lack of clarity about the future, schol-ars describe the present reality by noting changes from the earlier condition.When all of the characteristics of this age become clear and show some coherence, it will be time to give the new period a name. The world may not reach that point in our lifetimes, but I hope that all of us want to be a part of the creation of the new name. We can do that by appropriately influencing, shaping, and creating some of the characteristics that will emerge. I suggest that a principal characteristic must be unity. That same oneness that was Christ's mission and Theresa Gerhardinger's mission must be our mission too. Failure of the Modern Age The modern age promised us that by science and technology, by dividing the whole, dissecting and labeling every part, and con-trasting one thing with another, it could understand and solve the problems of our world and probe the depths of reality. It promised that the world would be controlled and developed and perfected, and that human beings would reach great heights. But science November-December 2000 [--~2 ¯ Soete ¯ A Vowed Response Our prosperity and plenty come to us on the backs of the poor and oppressed. itself has had to admit that the mysteries of the world are far beyond such probing; that our scientific advances have actually destroyed much of our world and have led us to live in fear of some scientific developments; that actually, in spite of all of our sci-entific progress, we have missed opportunities to expand and develop our spiritual and human potential and have inst(ad created horrendous human misery. MI of the human misery in the world today is a sign that these former beliefs are not working. When I think of the oppression, poverty, ecological recklessness, uncontrolled materialism, and other problems of our day, I can understand why a new generation rejects our old answers. When I hear dogmatic pronouncements from our churches or from our governments about how things should be and see that those very pronouncements bring about more division than unity and hope alnong peoples, I can understand why some of my own young nieces and nephews reject them as incomplete, irrelevant, without meaning in their lives. It is probably true that there have always been famines, always children abused, always conflicts among religious groups, always people oppressed and exploited and murdered--but we have not always known about them with such immediate clarity. Now, thanks to advances in technology, we do. We are informed immediately about what is happening around the world. And we know now what the prophets and economists have been telling us for a long time, that our prosperity and plenty come to us on the backs of the poor and oppressed. And now the poor and oppressed know that too. We can see all of the "signs of the times" on our nightly news programs. It is up to us to read them carefully, interpret them honestly, and respond accordingly. If society is not organizing itself so as to be inclusive of all citizens, but chooses rather to be exclusive, then the developments in the world around us must sig-nal that we are going in the wrong direction. If our lack of respect for our environment cries out to heaven and to us in its misery, if our land is no longer fertile, our water is befouled, and our air is poisoned--if we really see and recognize this, we must know that we are going in the wrong direction. Review for Religious If our neglect of the poor and downtrodden causes our edu-cation and healthcare systems to fail, and if our competitive cul-tures make the lives of many people miserable, then all of that neglect and competition must be the wrong direction. If the signs tell me that life the way we have thus far organized it is not work-ing, that nothing succeeds, that my actions effect disaster for oth-ers, I am obviously moving in the wrong direction. After recognizing all of this, what do we do? We must make choices in response to these signs. We can choose to be "the tired ones" who give up to let someone else lead the renewal. We can choose to be "the selfish ones" who create only our own security and pleasure. Or we can choose to be "the hopeful ones" who will look for new possibilities for ourselves and for the world. I want us to be the ones who choose to be hopeful. I think we must con-tinue to believe that human beings hold the potential to create a world that works for all peoples. Our Vows as a Response I think that as vowed religious we might bring new dimen-sions to the thinking about solutions to world problems and could radically affect outcomes--not by seeing ourselves as an elite group distanced from our neighbors by some holy and private choices, by mysterious vows of poverty, celibacy, and obedience, but rather by remembering--and letting ourselves be reignited by--the zeal with which I think we all made our first vows. I mean the per-sonal hope that we would change the world for the better, that we ourselves would bring with us the presence of Christ, that by sharing our love, faith, and hope we would make Christ visible and bring all the world to oneness in God. What happened to that most wonderful zeal and enthusiasm? I think that we religious need to ponder deeply the meaning of our vows and the witness our lives can give, must give, in con-trast to various trends and news events. I think of instances of environmental pollution, of trials for war crimes, of the terroriz-ing of ethnic and religious groups, and of the mother of a young child who could kill another woman's little girl. We seek to be effective in demonstrating hope and bringing it into our world. In a world where millions (including helpless children) suf-fer from the lack of such essentials as food, clothing, shelter, medicine, and education; in a world where people use their wealth November-December 2000 Soete ¯ A Vowed Response to produce more wealth so that they can live in a style that uses up the goods of the earth; in a world where people want more and more and give less and less to the laborers who produce the goods; in a world full of people who throw away and waste without even a thought--in such a world I have promised, we have promised, to use only what we need and to share everything we have. Are we keeping that promise? Would anyone who looks at us, our lifestyles, or our closets notice our choiceto do with less and our willingness to share? Would they be edified, stand in awe of the way that we are keeping our promise? In a world where groups of human beings look upon other groups as lower and with great intolerance seek to get rid of them; in a world where "ethnic cleansing," ways of death, become a way of life for some; in a world where nationalism means that free-dom to be intolerant of the differences of other races or peoples-- in such a world I have promised, we have promised, to love inclusively and to take on Jesus' own reverence and concern for all people, excluding no one. Are we keeping that promise? Would anyone who looks at us, at our way of being with the people with whom we live, at our way of being with the people at our place of ministry, notice our love, tolerance, and respect? Would they be edified and stand in awe of the way we are keeping our promise? In a world where the strong and influential make decisions for the weak; in a world where whole groups of people are not consulted about matters that affect vital areas of their lives; in a world where people are murdered because they disagree--in such a world I have promised, we have promised, to search for God's will and the right direction through dialogue and conversation, con-sultation and collaboration with all concerned. Are we keeping that promise? Would anyone who watches how we lead or partic-ipate in groups of students or teachers or coworkers notice our collaborative style or the way we listen to every person? Wotild they be edified and stand in awe of the way we are keeping our promise? What Then? I have spoken about our vows, emphasizing them as three promises because the term "vows" can sometimes be spiritualized and focused only on our commitment to God. In thinking about them as promises, I had a sense of a great possibility. I began to see Review for Religious that what we promise is more like a radical way that all human beings need to choose if we are to create a world where all people can live with dignity. I Wonder what might happen if we shared these choices of ours more openly among ourselves and witnessed to them more radically with our associates and with our partners in ministry. I am not so sure of our next step. I am not so sure how this small core of friends and others like us might have a good impact on our society and our world. But I think that somehow we can--and I challenge ourselves and others to come alive with that potential. "Striving for Unity" is our charism. We are supposed to be masters of it by now. Why, in our Japan Region alone, if we add up all of our years of religious life, we have more than three thousand years of our SSND lifestyle! I hope that we and others may gather together everyone's good insights and with them create for ourselves an exciting and real-istic dream as we step forward with God into this third millennium. Many of us will probably not be around when the next era gets its name, but--just as we prefer the word "butterfly" to "postcaterpillar" when thinking of the little creature's potential--would we not want the concepts of oneness, tolerance, collaboration, acceptance, and respect to be part of the name given to the next era? Are there initiatives for us to take, or can we at least support and encourage the wonderful people around us who are already dedicating their lives to this conversion and transformation of the earth? Is this not what we want to use our energy and ingenuity for? Is this not a way that we could use our positions as educa-tors and as ministers? Is this not worth the offering of the rest of our lives? We have promised to use only what we need. Are we keeping that promise? November-Decen~ber 2000 LAWRENCE F. BARMANN Mary Ward: Centuries Her Scroll examples from the past Today, amid questions about effective evangelization in the 21st century, about leadership and ~uthority in the Catholic Church, and about women's fuller participa-tion in these efforts and echelons, there is much that can and should be learned from Mary Ward at long last. During her lifetime four hundred years ago, she experi-enced much suffering and failure, but her full contribu-tion to the church and the world seems now to be only beginning. For religious in the United States and else-where who may know little or nothing of this extraor-dinary woman, I hope this article may provide a brief but warm introduction. The recent book I will be draw-ing from and citing is an excellent place to make fur-ther acquaintance with her goodness and truth. I refer to Mary Ward: Pilgrim and Mystic by Margaret Mary Littlehales IBVM) Mary Ward was an English gentlewoman, well-con-nected by birth, and related to many of those who were executed for their part in the ill-conceived Gun Powder Plot of 1605. She was born in Yorkshire in 1585, three years before the defeat of the Spanish Armada and four- Lawrence E Barmann is a professor of American studies and theological studies at Saint Louis Univ, ersity. His address is Humanities Building; 3800 Lindell Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63108. Review for Religious teen years after Pope Pius V's bull Regnans in excelsis made techni-cal traitors out of all English Catholics who claimed allegiance to the pope by inviting them to dethrone Queen Elizabeth. So mar-tyrdom for the faith, or at least willingly accepted hardship for the ability to practice it, became the very atmosphere in which Mary Ward grew to adulthood. Such an atmosphere is often inducive to quick spiritual maturity, and in Mary Ward's case it certainly was. By the time she was sixteen, Mary Ward had developed a strong prayer life and the conviction that God intended her for the religious state in some form. Her parents thought otherwise, and Edmund Neville, heir to the earldom of Westmoreland, became her suitor. After Mary had gently rejected him, Neville became a Jesuit; and at twenty-one she persuaded her father to allow her to go to the continent to try her vocation to religious life. In 1606 Mary arrived at SaintoOmer in the Spanish Netherlands (now northern France), where English Catholics escaping persecution in their homeland had been migrating for decades. Through the advice of misguided confessors, she entered a Poor Clare convent, only to realize within a year that this was not where God intended her to be. In 1609 she returned briefly to England, where she seems to have gained some light about God's choice for her. Upon returning to Saint-Omer with a small group of English women about her own age, she set about doing for women's education what the Jesuits were doing for boys among the emigr~s. She called her community the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and her specific intention was "to train English girls from Catholic families to be wives and mothers or religious, but all to be apostles for the faith in England." She was convinced that women were quite as capable of edu-cation as men, though she thought they did not need precisely the same courses. For Greek and Hebrew she substituted modern lan-guages, and for physical training, dancing. Moreover, she set about having her own followers trained to teach such things. In the patri-archal world and church of the 17th century, this was considered wildly innovative and thus suspect; and so the church authorities, who alone could approve her work as a religious institute, were to make Mary pay dearly for such innovation. Once, in 1617, after hearing a Jesuit priest comment on the work of her schools that, "when all is done, they are but women," Mary remarked calmly but with conviction: "There is no such dif- November-Decen~ber 2000 Barmann ¯ Mary Ward ference between men and women that women may not do great things . And I hope in time to come it will be seen that women will do much . What think you of this word 'but women'? but as if we were in all things inferior to some other creature which I suppose to be man." Mary Ward's convictions about this and much else were drawn not primarily from books and debates, but from her intense relationship with God and from his grace working through her wonderfully balanced and prophetic personality. As the schools grew and young women increasingly wished to join Mary Ward's community, she needed to settle on some rule of life. By 1611 already about forty women had cast their lots with hers. Both the local bishop and her confessor tried to force her to adopt either the Augustinian, Benedictine, Franciscan, or Carmelite rules. To these urgings she could only respond that "they seemed not that which God would have." These "English Ladies," as they were now commonly called by their supporters (or "Jesuitesses," by their detractors), could not have adopted any of those earlier rules for women and continue to do the work to which they were called; all four rules as they were applied to women in those days required canonical enclosure. Finally Mary Ward had her answer, and it was to lead to incredible suffering for the remainder of her life. To the papal nuncio in Cologne, Monsignor Albergati, she explained: About this time, in the year 1611, being alone in some extraordinary repose of mind, I heard distinctly not by sound of voice, but intellectually understood, these words: "Take the same of the Society"; so understood as that we were to take the same both in matter and manner, that only excepted which God by diversity of sex hath prohibited. These few words gave so great a light in that particular institute, comfort and strength, and changed so the whole soul as that it was impos-sible for me to doubt, but that they came from Him whose words are works. Mary Ward's conviction that God intended her to adopt the Jesuit Rule to her institute of religious women and to do her spe-cial work in the world rather than in a cloister was what 17th-cen-tury western Europe obviously needed if it were to remain at all Catholic. But it was a conviction far in advance of the convictions of most of the male authorities in post-Reformation Rome. Furthermore, the Jesuits had managed to incur the jealous wrath of the secular clergy in England, and these latter pursued Mary with calumnious accusations simply because she intended to estab-lish a female religious congregation based on Jesuit principles. Review for Religious These calumnies found a ready hearing in Rome. The Jesuits them-selves were ambivalent about her institute, sometimes being extremely helpful and sometimes joining the enemy. In 1622 Mary Ward finally met the Jesuit general, Mutius Vitelleschi, who was deeply and permanently impressed by her. Henceforth the Jesuit general would instruct his men to be supportive of Mary's work and gracious to her, short of such involvement as might lead to a sort of second order--something St. Ignatius Loyola had strictly for-bidden. Meanwhile Mary's institute had established schools not only in Saint-Omer, but in Liege and Rome, and would soon have houses in Naples, Perugia, Munich, Vienna, Pressburg, and elsewhere. Mary herself, always of delicate physical constitution, went back and forth across the Alps, mostly on foot, frequently in winter and in the midst of the Thirty Years War, in order to strengthen and encourage her followers; while at the same time she worked tirelessly to gain the necessary support of bishops, the Roman curia, and the pope, for the approval of her institute. The number of high-placed clerics who opposed her for reasons that had nothing to do with reli-gion, or even good sense, always outnumbered those who sup-ported her. The bishop of Vienna, for instance, wrote to Rome in 1628 to complain that the English Ladies had opened a school there without his peymission (though they had the emperor's per-mission and he had even given them a house and funds) and that the girls in Mary Ward's school had actually performed publicly in a comic school play! With the Catholic religion collapsing in central Europe, a bishop's jealousy of his rights against the only Catholic ruler of any weight in the region would ultimately prevent the Catholic education of young women in the empire. Of popes with whom Mary had to deal, Urban VIII, who would condemn Galileo at Mary Ward's conviction that God intended her to adopt the Jesuit Rule to her institute of religious women was what 17th-century western Europe obviously needed if it were to remain Catholic. November-December 2000 Barmann ¯ Mar~ Ward about the same time that he condemned Mary Ward, was the most duplicitous. She first had an audience with Urban in 1624, in which she pleaded for approval of her institute and in which Urban smiled and smiled and totally misled her about his intentions. Eventually he ordered the suppression of all of her houses and the dissolution of her institute, and this merely on the basis of English clerical calumnies and calumnies spawned by the hurt pride of ambitious continental clerics. Mary herself was eventually imprisoned as a heretic in a Poor Clare convent in Munich, by order of the Roman Inquisition. There she nearly died, though she so impressed the resident Poor Clares that they knew she was anything but a heretic. Meanwhile, her followers were being systematically driven from their houses and were mostly on the verge of starvation. Having at length been released from prison, Mary set out at the end of 1631 for Rome in order to clear her good name for the sake of what she hoped might be the future of her institute. Kneeling at Urban's feet she burst out, "Holy Father, I am not nor ever have been a heretic." At which the pope interrupted, "We believe it, we believe it; we need no other proof." He also allowed the institute to continue (under private vows) in Rome and under his protection. In 1637 Mary Ward set out again for England, though it would be May of 1639 before she actually got there. She sought a letter from Pope Urban to give to Queen Henrietta Maria to gain the queen's support for her institute. The letter Mary received speaks of her as "one much esteemed in Rome both for her well-known qualities and piety, which will without doubt cause Your Majesty to see and hear her." This was the same Rome which, only half a dozen years earlier, had imprisoned her as a heretic and decreed the destruction of her life's work. The queen did receive Mary gra-ciously, but within a year the country would be in the throes of political ttirmoil that would end in civil war and the execution of the king. Without completely abandoning her hope of establishing a school in London, Mary went north to Yorkshire in 1642, and there she died at Osbaldwick, a short distance from the city of York, on 20 January (old style) 1645. After her death Mary Ward's institute did in fact flourish, and finally, in 1977, after a wait of 366 years, the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary was able to realize Mary Ward's original insight and founder's charism by adopting the Jesuit Constitutions, and with the blessing of the Jesuit general, Pedro Arrupe. Margaret Mary Review for Religious Littlehales's study of Mary's Ward's life reveals many things. It reveals the costliness, but also the great happiness, of completely abandoning oneself to God. It also demonstrates that, within the external church structure, official authority can be quite wrong, but probably less so in proportion to the genuine humility of its wielders. Mary Ward's life demonstrates incontrovertibly that God's intended purposes are often achieved through the near annihilation of the human instruments of that achievement. Christians should not be surprised by this, for such was the case with God's own Son. Contemporary religious, both men and women, can find great encouragement and inspiration in the life of this saintly English woman. Dorothy Day did, and she even titled her own autobiog-raphy with a remark Mary Ward once made as she pondered what lay ahead of her as a young woman bent on seeking only God's will--"the long loneliness." Note 1 Margaret Mary Littlehales, Mary Ward, Pilgrim and Mystic, 1~8Y- 164~ (Tunbridge Wells, England: Burns and Oates, 1998). Pp. 272. £18.95. Patrimony my patrimony is a deity unknown whose name I cannot pronounce communicated to me in stuttering speech, in fits of temper and in weeping, in so many questions unleavened by answers in silence and in absence by those struck dumb and those afraid to speak Sefin Kinsella November-December 2000 STAN PARMISANO St. Catherine's Letters: Human Love, Gracious Authority One level of St. Catherine of Siena, perhaps her deepest, is revealed in her Dialogue.' But this great work, whether in the original or in proper translation, is strange fare for many mod-ern readers. Its subject matter--mystical union with the Trinity in and through Christ--is high and heavy and, I should think, attractive only to the relatively few seriously intent upon such union. Its language often includes words and phrases borrowed from the scholastic theology of the day, though Catherine's orig-inal genius keeps breaking through, giving new form to old mat-ter. The book is also rife with personification and allegory (Christ the Bridge, the Tree of Life, Vineyard of the Soul, and so forth)-- fun for the medieval reader, but dry and tedious for today's read-ership. Also, in the Dialogue Catherine is quite formal and impersonal. The lively, dynamic personality recorded in history is certainly there, but it has to be searched out, for it is hidden in the shadow of the great Truth she labors to expound. She herself is merely un'anirna in the mighty presence of her God. Her letters are a different matter.2 They are personal--writ-ten not by an anonymous "soul," but by the flesh-and-blood Catherine. Io Caterina rings throughout, addressed not to people in general, but to here-and-now individuals. The letters evoke wide and popular interest. They deal with Catherine's own life Stan Parmisano OP wrote about theology and faith in our September- October issue. His address remains Saint Albert's Priory; 5890 Birch Court; Oakland, California 94618. Revie'a, for Religiou, and visible experiences and with details about life around her, social and political as well as spiritual. Their language is not borrowed from or freighted with outmoded rhetorical devices, but is pleas-ingly spontaneous and informal, as alive today as in Catherine's own time. On the whole the letters are original. They are Catherine, in every vibrant word and phrase--simple, nuanced, various, alive with passion for the truth, and the truth in particu-lar situations. They are "unliterary," to be sure, for they were talked, not written, by our unlettered saint, but they are clear and coherent, direct and firm, though also tactful. Catherine sometimes digresses, loses the train of her thought, but she never really rambles on or gossips. She has little time for light conversation ("Let us run, let us run, for the time is short!"), and her central point is almost always clear and precise. Though each of her letters is unique, many of them fall into a common pattern. They begin with Jesus, and with Catherine as the slave of the servants of God--never, for Catherine, a mere pious formula, but always freshly genuine. Then she often seems to lose herself in the contemplation and exposition of one of the mysteries of faith, which, however, turns out to be pertinent to the subject of the letter. Soon she comes to the question at issue, and, if in the initial paragraphs she was high and spiritual, peacefully contemplative, now she is very much the active apostle dealing practically and in detail with earthy mat-ters. She ends with statements of love and concern for her corre-spondent, placing all in the hands of God: "Bathe you in the blood of Christ crucified. Sweet Jesus, Jesus Love." The letters reveal the breadth as well as depth of Catherine's concerns, and her marvelous ability to adapt, with no compromise of ideal, to various situations and personalities. To a little niece she writes in gentle, childlike simplicity about the wise and foolish virgins in the Gospel and the lamps they bear: "Do you know what this means, my daughter? By the lamp is meant our heart, because a heart ought to be like a lamp. You see that a lamp is wide above and narrow below, and so the heart is made to signify that we ought always to keep it wide above through holy thoughts and holy imaginations and continual prayer; always holding in mem-ory the blessing of the Blood by which we are bought . I said . simple, nuanced, various, alive with passion for the truth, and the truth in particular situations. November-December 2000 Parmisano ¯ St. Catherine's Letters that a lamp is narrow below, and so is our heart: to signify that the heart ought to be narrow toward these earthly things--that is, it must not desire or love them extravagantly, nor hunger for more than God wills to give us" (letter no. 23). To Alessa, as to other of her women disciples, she sends prac-tical advice about the religious life, which is to be lived "both with and without moderation . For love toward God should be with-out measure, and that for creatures should be measured by that for God, and not by measure of one's own consolations, whether spiritual or temporal." And how manage this? "Make two homes for yourself, my daughter: one actual home in your cell, that you go not running about into many places, unless for necessity, or for obe-dience to the prioress, or for charity's sake; and another spiritual home, which you are to carry with you always." This last, she con-tinues, is "the cell of true self-knowledge," embracing both the knowledge of God and the knowledge of self, "two cells in one. ¯ and when abiding in the one you must abide in the other, for oth-erwise the soul would fall into either confusion or presumption. For, if you rested in the knowledge of yourself, confusion of mind would fall upon you; and, if you dwelt in the knowledge of God alone, you would fall into presumption" (no. 49). Still within the uncompromising truth and love of Jesus, but with some relevant adaptation, she writes in a much different vein to Sir John Hawkwood, the English soldier of fortune who was the scourge of the Italian city-states. She begs him to leave "the service and pay of the devil., and take the pay and the cross of Christ crucified." He is a soldier; let him remain such, but let him now become Christ's knight: "I beg you, then, gently in Christ Jesus, that, since God and also our Holy Father have ordered a crusade against the infidels and [since] you take such pleasure in war and fighting, you should not make war against Christians any-more-- for that is wrong to God; but go against the infidels. For it is a great cruelty that we who are Christians, and members bound in the body of Holy Church, should persecute one another." And she concludes abruptly but quite aptly with a subtle undertone of warning against his soldiering altogether: "I beg you, dearest brother, to keep in memory the shortness of your time." Her final words are as usual: "Remain in the holy and sweet grace of God. Sweet Jesus, Jesus Love" (140). To that formidable woman of the world Queen Joanna of Naples, who first sided with Clement, then Urban, then with Review for Religious Clement again in their rival claims on the papacy, Catherine writes in a similar manner, but with deeper sorrow and fiercer passion: "Dearest Mother--mother, I say, insofar as I see you to be a faith-ful daughter of Holy Church--it seems to me that you have no mercy on yourself. Ah me! because I love you I grieve over the evil state of your soul and body. I would willingly lay down my life to prevent this cruelty. Many times I have written to you in compassion, showing you that what is shown you for the truth is a lie; and the rod of divine justice., is ready for you if you do not flee so great a wrong. It is a human thing to sin, but perseverance in sin is a thing of the devil . Be merciful, ah, be merciful to yourself]. I say no more to you. Remain in the holy sweet grace of God. Sweet Jesus, Jesus Love" (348). She writes differently to Gregory xI than at a later date she would write to Urban vI. Gregory was weak and vacillating, and so in her letters to hi~n she exhorts him to be "manly" and firm in his high office of supreme pontiff: "Be manly in my sight, and not timorous . I, Catherine. write you in his precious Blood, desiring to see you a manly man (uomo virile) without any servile fear." And, when Gregory hesitates in his resolve to return to Rome for fear of being poisoned there, Catherine reminds him that there are other, more terrible kinds of poison; and at any rate there's as much poison "on the tables of Avignon . as on those of Rome!" (229, 239). Urban, on the other hand, from the start of his pontificate was already betraying that spirit of anger and vindictiveness that would end in personal revenge, violence, and mt~rder. One had written to Catherine after the election of Urban: "It seems that our new Christ is a terrible man." In her first letter to him, Catherine appears to be aware of this and shapes her words accordingly: "Next I beg you, and constrain you by the love of Christ crucified, as to those sheep who have left the fold--I believe for my sins-- that, by love of that Blood of which you are made minister, you delay not to receive them in mercy, and with your benignity and holiness force their hardness; give them the good of bringing them back to the fold, and, if they do not ask it in true and perfect humility, let Your Holiness supply for their imperfection. Receive from a sick man what he can give you" (291). Religious life is to be lived "both with and without moderation." November-December 2000 Parmisano * "St. Catherine's Letters She writes to William Flete and other hermits at Laceto a gem of a letter begging them to leave for a time the peace and quiet of their forest retreat and come to Rome on pilgrimage in support of Urban. She desires them so to lose themselves as to seek "nor peace nor quiet elsewhere than in Christ crucified." If out of piety they are loath to leave their solitary life, they must know that there are woods and forests aplenty in and around Rome! (326). To Raymond of Capua, her Dominican soul brother and dearest friend, she writes in every which way: tenderly, pas-sionately, in joy, in anger; now as a scolding mother, now as his obedient daughter, now reproving him for cowardice and want of faith, now exposing her own weakness and want of love. And, often uncomfortably for Raymond, always she wants him together with herself to die a martyr: "I tell you, sweetest Father, that, whether we will or no, the time we are living in enjoins us to die, so do not live any longer." (333). Catherine's Human Love This last suggests one of two facets of Catherine's personality that may prove especially problematic for the modern reader of her letters, namely, the quality of her human love. The spontane-ity, passion, naturalness, and totality of her love for the Person of Christ is beyond question: she is quite literally consumed, body and soul, with love for Him, who is mad (pazzo), drunk (ebro) with love for her. But, when it comes to lesser*folk, her native inclina-tions seem to be oversupernaturalized, and her love may appear forced and lacking in the milk of human tenderness and warmth and understanding. This would explain the extreme discomfort she experiences when ordered by the Lord to leave her solitary life and give to others the same love that she gave to

(J^JLMJAU!**-- MARCH, J899 oeTtneoo Qettysbmr erciury .CONTENTS. The Old Campus 1 Extracts from "Honor in Stu-dent Life" 4 A Page from Prof. Brede's Diary 6 Henry Louis Baugher 7 A Compiled Thanatopsis 10 Thy Speech Bewrayeth Thee 13 The Favorite Sport of Rome IS The Cultivation of the Dramatic. 18 Concerning the Inhabitants of Porto Rico 20 The Reconciliation of Orlando and Oliver 24 Editor's Desk 26 Kee Mar Reception 29 Success in Art 31 The Trip to Chambersburg 33 Athletics 35 jBURGreOLCEGE^LIiRARY GETTYSBURG, PA, r\Hiimmmmitimmmmsmm. FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. J. R. STINEk-> •*nd SON, Gents' Furnisher, CHAHBERSBURO STREET. C. B. Kitzmiller, Dealer In Hats, Caps, Boots and . A.—Shoes GETTYSBURG, PA. J. H. Myers, Fashionable Tailor, Clothier and Gents' Furnisher. The best place in town tohayeyourCloth-mg made to order. All workmanship and Trimmings guaranteed. No charge for re-pairs and pressing for one year. Dyeing and Repairing a specialty. Ready-made Clothing the largest stock in town. Up-to-date styles. Bicycle Suits and Breeches Headquarters. 11 Baltimore St., Gettysburg, Pa. S. B. ALCOTT, .Agent for. Browning, King 6c Co., Merchant Tailor, N. Y. Suits *12 up; Overcoats $12 up; Pants $4. r it and Workmanship Guaranteed. R. A. WONDERS, Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, Etc. Scott s Corner, Opp. Eagle Hotel. GETTYSBURG, PA. EPH. H. MINNIGH, Manufacturer, Wholesale and Retail Dealer in Confectionery and Ice Cream. Oysters in Season. News Depot and Subscription Agency. Sole manufacturer of Dr. Tyler's Cough Drops. flain St., Gettysburg:, Pa. EDGAR 5. MARTIN, .Fine CIGARS AND SMOKERS' ARTICLES. Chambersburg St., Gettysburg. JOHN H. MINNIGH, Confectionery «*- lee Cream: Oysters Stewed and Fried. No. 17 BALTIMORE ST. .COLLEGE OP. Physicians and Surgeons BALTIMORE, flD. TIT The College of Physicians and Surgeons of Baltimore, Maryland, is a well equipped school. Four sessions are required for graduation. For full information send for the annual catalogue, or write to THOMAS OPIE, M. D., Dean. Cor. Calvert & Saratoga Sts. .THE. GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter. VOL. VIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., MARCH, 1899. No. 1 Editor-in-Chief. J. FRANK HEILM AN, '00. Assistant Editors. LUTHER A. WEIGLE, '00. SAMUEL VAN ORMER, '01. Alumni Editor. REV. F. D. GARLAND. Business Manager. JOHN K. HAMACHER. Assistant Business Manager. CLARENCE MOOE. Advisory Board. PROF. J. A. HIMES, LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M. D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD. D. D. Published monthly by the students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price One Dollar a year in advance, single copies Ten Cents. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. THE OLD CAMPUS. HE was old. The snows of sixty winters had silvered the raven locks of sixty years ago. His figure tall and erect showed scarcely any signs of his four decades. Yet the expression of those sad brown eyes had hidden in them an experience rich and varied. The secrets, that those firm lips had guarded, surely were worthy of so kind and noble a character. But interest, sym-pathy, even love could not rob that soul of its hidden secret. The story of his life as known by his associates was without the touch of a romance. His parents having died when he was young, he was educated by his relatives. His course at College was very ordinary, with exception of a great interest in athletics. He was not exceptionally bright and did not graduate among the first ten of his class. There suddenly developed within him after his graduation a strong determination to make a name for himself in his profession. Then there was exhibited the strength of his will and ability. Gradually he rose until he stood at the head of GETTYSBURG COLLEGE LIBRARY GETTYSBURG, PA. |U,olM THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. his profession. Now, however, after having attained this much desired position there seemed to influence him, not that former spirit of determination but rather a mechanical direction of his powers to a certain end. He was never married and his life seemed to be very lonely. A peculiar fondness however for a small boy, whom he had employed about his office, grew up within him. The boy was sent to College and each year, as his strange benefactor came to visit him, a stronger bond united them. So then we can understand the feelings of these two men as they stood together upon the Old Campus on the eve of the young man's graduation day. It was early evening. A gentle breeze was playing among the the leaves of the trees. Sometimes they seemed to whisper of the days of happiness that were passed beneath their shade and then suddenly a low wail of sadness issued as a moan from their shadowy depths. To our two hearers the}' brought different feelings. Yet they had one desire in common and it was to unfold to each other the thoughts stirring for supremacy within them. The younger man was full of glad expectancy. All the world lay before him in which he might achieve great deeds. No longer would he be bound by the narrow circles of college walls and authority, but he would now be able to take his place among men. Everything would be sacrificed until he attained his high-est ambition. Life was long and sweet. He would make the most of it. The older man listened to his companion's enthusiastic re-marks with fast dimming eyes. After the youth had ceased speak-ing the older man said, "Listen my boy to the story I have to tell, and if you can profit by any of its lessons, do so. Men have called me morose and perhaps they are right. Women have said that I am heartless but they know not the depth of my love. Years ago I entered this institution with all the future spread in a glittering expanse before me. I was by no means a hard stu-dent. I was however an ardent lover of all kinds of sport. My means were limited so that I was not among the richer class of boys. My life passed along in its ordinary course until my com-mencement week—and then a change so sudden, so vast burst upon me that even to this day words fail to express it. I was playing on our ball team. How vividly it all comes back to me to-night, as though it were but yesterday. It was the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 3 last inning with the score a tie. Was it chance that enabled me then to be the means of winning the game for our team? I do not know. But as the boys were carrying me from the field, my attention was called to a group of ladies who wished to congrat-ulate me. Suffice it, my boy, that among that group there was one, whose modest appreciation of my chance was more wel-come to me than the compliments of all the others. That night, just a few decades ago, I walked with her under these same old shade trees, which to-night whisper their sweet old secrets to me. Then I learned for the first time that my ideal of womanhood was approaching reality. I can but marvel at the depth of thought and feeling, at the richness of mind and intel-lect which existed in so beautiful a form. My child, words to-night are inadequate to express my feelings as they were then. I said farewell with the intention of realizing all the possibilities of her ideal of manhood. It was a chance acquaintance but it influenced my life. I entered the bustle of the busy world and was amply re-warded for my labors. But the originator of all my strongest ambitions and the shaper of my character had passed from my life altogether. For years I tried to trace her but all in vain. Then my profession seemed to lose its former glamour and I grew more reticent. I thought that so many years ago it might be but a passing fancy for the fair girl by my side, but all the years of my life since, have shown me the wonderful depth of my love and affection. So sacred has her memory been to me, that never would I enter society, and so have been misunderstood. I tell you this because you are the only one in all this wide world whose affection I believe is mine. To-night after long years of separation, I met her brother. He told me of her beautiful, con-secrated life. Numerous as were her suitors, she rejected them all. Could it have been possible that she cared for me, and I missed my happiness by delay? Those swaying leaves, which whisper to you in the fulfillment of your fondest dreams, murmur to me in an undertone, that she loved me as I loved her, with all the wealth of our new-born affections. Such are the memories that rise within me upon this dear old Campus to-night. Could these trees tell the tales that they have heard, could those rooms in yonder dormitory re-echo the thoughts of their many occupants, then truly could they reveal t THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. : secrets more joyous and perhaps more sad than mine. Go forth, my boy, and meet the world with that bright smile of yours. Keep that pure spirit untainted by any wrong to your fellowmen and God. But remember, by the moral of my life, this lesson, New hope may bloom, and days may come of milder, calmer beam, But there's nothing- half so sweet in life, as love's young- dream. —S. W. H., '99. EXTRACTS FROM "HONOR IN STUDENT LIFE." A WISE college president recently declared, after an outbreak of rowdyism in his college. I am of the opinion that unless the common tenden-cies toward irresponsible conduct in college life are checked, parents will begin to doubt whether it is best to send their chil-dren to college. The older I grow the more deeply I feel that it is the duty of all people charged with any responsibility for the guidance of youth to co-operate with all others having any share in that responsibility, to the end that the young may make the most of themselves. I know of nothing which would contribute to that end more largely than to require them to respect others and the established institutions of their country. I would permit the largest freedom of individual action, on the assumption that it would be within legitimate bounds. I would not only tolerate, but I would sympathize with, and, when agreeable to them, I would join with young people in all activities in which they may properly engage. The theory upon which university authorities commonly ab-solve themselves from all responsibility for offenses committed by students away from university grounds or not in the immediate presence of the faculty, is a very convenient one, but, in my judgment, it is a very unsound one. And they are particularly charged with doing all that in them lies to help parents attain the higher ends for which they sacrifice much in order to send their children to college. It is sad to see the extent to which college students think it unmanly for them to reveal the gravest offenses committed by their associates, and even to lie in order to shield them. Tattling about ordinary shortcomings, or any of the small affairs of college life, is to be scorned. But when an offense stains the character t^mmmmmmmaammm THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. ofan institution and violates the law of the state, the time has come for every true man's hand to be raised against the offender. And student and community sentiment upon this, as upon other matters, must be much influenced by university action or univer-sity indifference. The curse of college morals is a double standard—a shifting for the convenience of the moment, from the character of a respon-sible man to the character of an irresponsible boy. The admini-strative officers accept without question a student's word; they assume that he is a gentleman and that a gentleman does not lie ; if, as happens now and then, he is not a gentleman and does lie, they had rather, nevertheless, be fooled sometimes than be sus-picious always (and be fooled quite as often). Frankly treated, the student is usually frank himself; our undergraduates are, in general, excellent fellows to deal with; yet so much is done for them, so man}' oportunities are lavished on them, that the more thoughtless fail to see the relation of their rights to other people's, and, in the self-importance of early manhood, forget that the world is not for them alone. Students of this kind need delicate handling. They jealously demand to be treated as men, take ad-vantage of the instructors who treat them so, and excuse them-selves on the ground that, after all, they are only boys. This double standard is seen in both theme-copying and sign-stealing. Its moral effect is probably more insidious in the former than in the latter; for whereas persons more or less mendacious pass muster in all society but the best, no decent community outside of college will put up with a thief. In college, both offenses have been tolerated, through the pernicious doctrine, held by some re-pectable persons, that the life of every young man—or at least of every young gentleman—takes in a period of engaging anarchy, during which period almost anything short of murder may be winked at as boys' fun. Fun, and not crime, is doubtless the motive; and the fault is no more in the young men than in those staid citizens who boast their own early escapades, and are con-tent that their sons should behave no better than they did. Yet wherever the blame lies, the real nature of these acts is so plain to anyone, however young, who suffers himself to open his eyes, that the usual slow processes of education may, perhaps, be ef-fectually discarded. I 6 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. The rolls of our higher institutions contain our selected youth; and it should not be possible to say of them what Bismarck said of the German students, that "one-third destroy themselves by dissipation, one-third wear themselves out by over-work, and the rest govern the country," or as put by a distinguished educator, one-third go to the dogs, one-third to the grave and the rest are the strength of the republic. It is the supreme function if school and college discipline to merge the first two classes into the third —not, as we are all too prone to think, to eliminate or ignore them. The chief end of education should be to transform weak-ness into strength. If in a republic the man must outweigh the majority, then in a deep sense the whole body of our educated youth must outweigh the mass of our people. —JAMES C. MACKENZIE. A PAGE FROM PROF. BREDE'S DIARY. A VIEW from one of the peaks of the Black Forest of the whole chain of the Alps, reaching from Mt. Blanc, 140 miles away, to Tyrol in the east will not soon be forgotten, but the view from the Rigi, on Lake Lucerne, while restricted to the Bernes Alps, has probably no rival in the whole world. But the weather must be propitious. Our party ascended by the Rigi rail-way, which makes you feel as though rising in a balloon, so quickly do lake, and city, and lower hills recede; but as we neared the summit, a cloud enveloped us, a steady mist began to fall, and all hopes of having a view the following morning were apparently shattered. But let the traveler in Switzerland never despair, rise early, make the best of all his time, and carry out his programme, for when he least expects, there will be a rift in the clouds, and as ifby magic touch they will be gathered up, leaving him face to face with some sublime view, such as he had hardly hoped to see. We retired despondent, but rose to witness a glorious sunrise. The whole range of Alpine peaks stood out boldly against the blue sky, but dull and gray, when suddenly here and there a lofty peak, touched by the warm rays of the rising sun, glowed with the rosy hue of life. The snow-clad mountains, though the nearest was twenty miles away, seemed so near as to make one think the voice could reach them. The view to the south was bounded by this wall of Alpine peaks, to the west were the rugged outlines of the MMnonmaM THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. j Tura, while northward one hundred miles away, the outlines of the Vosges and Black Forest peaks could be traced, and to the east the Suabian and Bavarian ranges ; cities, towns, and villages were visible without number; the great lakes of Lucerne lay close at our feet in wonderful hues of emerald, blue, and purple, while at a greater distance on every side appeared other well-known lakes. From Lucerne we may explore the lake, or rather the series of lakes, and pass the places made illustrious by Schiller's drama of Wilhelm Tell. At Fluelen we take the railroad and pass, within the next hour, through the finest scenery of the whole St. Goth-ard route, climbing the mountains, winding about in looping tunnels, until it is utterly impossible to be certain of the direction. At the town of Geshenen we are near the head of the valley, and after seven miles of tunnel through the St. Gothard we speed along the banks of the Tessino to the shores of Lake Maggiore and the plains of Northern Italy. If we leave the railway at Geshenen, however, and go a-foot along the turbulent Reuss a few miles farther, we shall come to a wall of rock which the stream has pierced for itself—the Hole of Uri—and where the road has emerged from a tunnel, we hardly know whether to be-lieve our eyes, for before us opens a charming plain shut in on all sides by lofty mountains, this is the valley of Andermatt, and we are here at one of the most interesting points in the Alps. To our left, that is to the east, a road in sweeping curves climbs the mountain over the tunnel, which in a few hours would take us to the sources of the Rhine; opposite, a few miles along a similar road takes us over the Gothard Pass to the Rhone glacier. This rises in terraces a distance of six miles, and seems like an immense frozen cataract, while from beneath it rushes a lusty stream, the Rhone. HENRY LOUIS BAUGHER. ON the founding of Pennsylvania College in 1832, Rev. Henry L- Baugher—the father of our Prof. Baugher—was elected Professor of Greek, being transferred to the Presi-dency of the college in 1850, he continued his valuable services to the college and the church until his death, April 14, 1868. The third son of President Baugher, Henry Louis, was born August 6, 1840, and entered the Preparatory School of the college 3 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. in 1850, graduating with honor in 1857, being assigned the Greek Oration. During the next two years he taught in the schools of Uniontown, Md., Quakertown, Pa., and Washington, D. C, and in 1859-60 in the Preparatory School of Pennsylvania College. In i860, he was in the office of the Sergeant-at-Arms of the United States House of Representatives. During this troubled period in National affairs his duties required various journeys to the border and southern states. The year's 1860-1863 were spent in studies in the Theological Seminaries at Gettysburg and Andover. In 1863 he was licensed as a minister, serving for the next year as co-pastor with Rev. S. B. Barnitz in "Home Mission Work" at Wheeling, W. Va. From 1864-7 he was pastor of the Lutheran church at Norris-town, Pa. On leaving this charge he spent six months in travel in Europe, returning to take charge of the pastorate at Indian-apolis, Ind. From this work he was elected in 1868, about four months after the death of his father, President Baugher, to the Professorship of Greek Language and Literature in Pennsylvania College, entering on his new and congenial duties January 1, 1869; he continued in the professorship till 1880, when he resigned to enter the active ministry. At this time his Alma Mater in recog-nition of his services and abilities conferred on him the honor-ary degree of Doctor of Divinity. He served the Kountze Memorial congregation at Omaha, Neb., during the year 1880-1, when he returned to Gettysburg. After a short interval he was elected Professor of Greek in Howard University, Washington, D. C, serving in this position 1882-3. In x883 he was again elected Professor of Greek in Pennsylvania College, continuing till June 1896, thus completing twenty-five years of teaching service in his Alma Mater. During the periods he was teaching in the college, he also temporarily filled positions in the faculty of the Theological Seminary at Gettysburg, teaching New Testament Exegesis, 1870-4, and Sys-tematic Theology, 1883-4. For a number of years he was Vice- President of the alumni association of the college and served as chairman of the obituary committee. In 1874 when Dr. F. W. Conrad established the Augsburg Sunday School Teacher, he selected Prof. Baugher to prepare the lesson comments. On the transfer in 1875 of this publication, to the Lutheran Publication Society, Prof. Baugher was elected edi- ■H THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY tor of the Augsburg Series of Sunday School Lesson Helps—con-tributing the lesson comments and preparing the questions and aids given in the Scholar's Quarterly, continuing in this posi-tion till January i, 1894. He was a member of the International Sunday School Lesson Committee, from 1879 to 1897; and of the Board of the Lutheran Publication Society, 1877-1880. He was a trustee of Carthage College 18 80-1, and at the time of his death a director of the Theological Seminary at Gettysburg, hav-ing been continued in this position from his first election in 1889. Dr. Baugher was elected President of the General Synod in 1895, and of the Luther League of Pennsylvania, in 1896. In 1897 he was chosen editor of the Lutheran World, resigning this position in 1898, he was quietly residing in Gettysburg, having declined several pastorates and a Professorship in the Theological School of the United Synod of the South. During recent months his health failed rapidly, and he passed into rest at Philadelphia, at 10.30 P. M., February 11, 1899. Dr. Baugher was frequently elected by the West Pennsylvania Synod as a member of the General Synod. He served his Dis-trict Synod and the General Synod on many important commit-tees, he was a member of the committee which prepared Augs-burg Songs, Number One; chairman of the committee 011 the De-velopment of Luther's Smaller Catechism ; was for many years a member of the committee of Beneficiary Education of West Pennsylvania Synod ; a member of the Executive Committee of the Parent Education Society, and at the time of his death a member of the committee on revision of Hymns of the Book of Worship. The publications of Dr. Baugher consist of his editorial work. Numerous contributions to the church papers, several articles in the Lutheran Quarterly and the volume on the Gospel by Luke in the series of Lutheran Commentaries. April 3, 1872, Prof. Baugher was married to Miss Ida Smith, of York, Pa., who with one daughter, Miss Bessie, survive to la-ment a loving husband and father. The strong personality of Dr. Baugher was felt in every rela-tion in which he was placed, having strong convictions in the many matters in which he was interested, his urgency and forci-bleness in advocacy of his views always commanded attention and respect. In all public utterances as a preacher, teacher and writer IO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. he was clear and impressive. As a teacher he was enthusiastic and deeply concerned for the welfare of his pupils. As a churchman he was interested in all Christian work—but specially in all things Lutheran—in her institutions, her missions, her theology. He was an advocate of central, responsible gov-ernment in the church and a leader in the recent movement for a more uniform and more extended liturgical service. He was strongly desirous of a union among the various Lutheran bodies in the United States, believing this could be attained by a con-formity to certain views as to historical Lutheran Theology. The large number of persons who had been attracted to Dr. Baugher in warm friendship will miss his genial company and his sympathetic interest in their welfare. —E. S. B. A COMPILED THANATOPSIS. "Pallida Mors aeguopulsatpedepauperum tabernas Regumque turris." THUS Horace (Odes I. 4, 13,) tells us that "Pallid Death with impartial tread at the hovels poor does knock and at palaces of kings," and echoes Solomon's words (Ecc. 3:20,) then centuries old, "All go unto one place; all are of the dust and all turn to dust again." Death above all others is impartial, laying low rich and poor, young and old. Nor does he long warn, nor is the day well known. Alfred Tennyson beautifully expresses this in the sixth poem of "In Memoriam:"— O father, wheresoe'er thou be, Who pledgest now thy gallant son, A shot, ere half thy draught be done, Hath stilled the life that beat from thee. O mother, praying God will save Thy sailor,—while thy head is bow'd, His heavy-shotted hammock-shroud Drops in his vast and wandering grave. Ye know no more than I who wrought At that last hour to please him well ; Who mused on all I had to tell, And something written, something thought. HMMMHriH I THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. II Expecting- still his advent home : And ever met him on his way With wishes, thinking-, here to-day, Or 'here to-morrow—will he come.' O somewhere, meek, unconscious dove, That sittest ranging golden hair ; And glad to find thyself so fair, Poor child, that waitest for thy love ! For now her father's chimney glows In expectation of a guest; And thinking 'this will please him best,' She takes a riband or a rose. For he will see them on to-night; And with the thought her color burns; And, having left the glass, she turns Once more to set a ringlet right. And, even when she turn'd, the curse Had fallen, and her future lord Was drown'd in passing: through the ford, Or kill'd in falling from his horse. "In an hour when thou thinkest not," thus he comes as Juvenal also shows (Sat. Ill, 261-267) in telling of the death of a father while his household was preparing for him the cena. We translate the passage in verse as follows:— * * Now his household secure the pans and the dishes Wash already, and kindle the hearth-flame by puffing their cheeks up, Flesh-scrapers oily they clatter, in placing by oil-flask the towels. These things among the slaves are hastened variously, but he Sits already upon the bank, as a newcomer hateful Charon he dreads, nor hopes for the boat of the muddy, dark river In his unhappiness, nor has the coin in his mouth there to offer. "The young may die and the old must," we, too, all say, yet feel an added pang when Death takes the life while in the bud or when its first soft petals are opening. He claims this right how-ever, says Longfellow in "The Reaper and the Flowers :" There is a Reaper, whose name is Death, And, with his sickle keen, He reaps the bearded grain at a breath. And the flowers that grow between. "Shall Ihave nought that is fair ?" saith he; "Have nought but the bearded grain ?" 12 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Even more than we, the ancients felt this sad fate. They thought the old ought to die, and in their unmitigated selfishness urged them to die in behalf of the young when their death was necessary and even slandered them for not doing it. Just such a case occurred when, in behalf of King Admetus after all others re-fused, his dear wife, Alcestis, endured the pangs of death. Then when Pheres, the father of Admetus, brought love-tokens for the last rites and ceremonies he was met with some such gauling, shameful words as these from his son (The Alcestis of Euripides, vv. 629-672),—"Neither do you come to this funeral-feast invited by me, nor do I count your presence among the friends. These adornments of yours she shall never put on ; for she shall not be buried having any need of these your gifts. You ought then to have sympathized when /was just perishing. But you, who stood aside and let another die and she a young lady although you were an old man, do you bewail this death? Indeed you were not truly the father of this body, nor did she, alleging to have borne me and called my mother, bear me. * * Most certainly you ex-ceed all others in soullessness, you who, although being so far advanced in years and having come to the limit of life, were not willing nor had the heart to die in behalf of your son, but together with my mother let this strange woman die. * * Short for you at all events was the remaining time worth living; and I and she might have lived the remaining time, and I being left alone should not have bemoaned my misfortunes. * * But in vain are old men willing to die, finding fault with old age and a long period of life." Compare also Juvenal, Satire X, vv. 246-247. "The Stoics," said Bacon, "bestowed too much cost upon death, and by their great preparations made it appear more fear-ful." Yet how have men approached death, how should we ap-proach it? The ancient looked with greatest dread upon death. Alcestis died in a mad frenzy, heightened by Admetus' grief for his loss. Then too, it was very necessary that they die feeling as-sured of Horace's thought as found in his Odes I. 28, 36 : * * * licebit Injecto ter pulvere curras. How the old customs remain ! Thus died the ancient Greek but Juvenal again has something better. Among the things that man should desire above all others, above pleasures of time and THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 13 sense, he names a strong resolve, void of the fear of death, that reckons the closing period of life among the boons of nature. Fortem posce animum, mortis terrore carentem Qui spatium vitae extremum inter munera ponat Naturae. * * Sat. X. 3S7-3S9. Yet we would rather hear Bryant's injunction : Go thou * * "not like the quarry-slave at night, Scourged to his dung-eon, but, sustained and soothed By an unfaltering- trust, approach thy grave Like one who wrappes the drapery of his couch About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams." We all would know that '' the spirit shall return unto God who gave it," (Ecc. 12 : 7), and that as Milton says,— Weep no more woeful Shepherds, weep no more, For Lycidas your sorrow is not dead, Sunk though he be beneath the watery floor ; So sinks the day-star in the ocean bed, And yet anon repairs his drooping head, And tricks his beams, and with new spangled ore Flames in the forehead of the morning sky. So Lycidas sunk low, but mounted high, Thro' the dear might of him that walk'd the waves, Where other groves and other streams along, With nectar pure his oozy locks he laves, And hears the unexpressive nuptial song. In the blest kingdoms meek of joy and love, There entertain him all the saints above, In solemn troops, and sweet societies, That sing, and singing in their glory move, And wipe the tears forever from his eyes. Or as Jesus said of the maid, "she is not dead but sleepeth." —C c. G., '00. THY SPEECH BEWRAYETH THEE. Long years ago, one doleful night By pallid light of taper's dim, Our Savior faced a lawless trial Before the Sanhedrim. And while it took its course, there stood Behind the pillars of the court, A bosom friend, who now disowned A knowledge of his Lord. H THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. "I do not know the man," he said, With lying- and stentorian lip ; And e'en denied with cursing tongue, His own discipleship. But all his cursings went for naught, They would not listen to his plea ; A damsel stepping forth declared : "Thy speech bewrayeth thee." Ah, truant man ! art thou surprised, When through thy polished surface peer The deadly vices of thy heart, And conscience hard and seer ? Art thou surprised because thy word Is disbelieved by friend and foe ; While those of lesser learning find A fertile soil to grow ? Be not confused as to its cause, It is not difficult to see ; For, while thy culture hides the stain, "Thy speech bewrayeth thee." Thy smooth exterior may conceal The fount of stench that lies within, But through the labial orifice Will gush the streams of sin. Thou canst not hide from critic man The full abundance of thy heart; For out of it, the mouth we're told, Its issues will impart. Like as the pendulum, which makes From side to side its measured peace, So does the tongue of man explain The works behind the face. It is the signet of our God Upon his human beings placed, And gives them sure ascendancy O'er all beneath them based. If used with love, it yields a balm More healing than on Gilead grew, And will restore the saddest heart To life and health anew. When used against a wicked foe From Satan's vast and mighty horde, It's finer than Damascus steel, And sharper than a sword. IHMHHIIi^H THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 15 But rest assured, when secret sins, Their taints upon the owner leave, His tong-ue will not belie his state, His lips will not deceive. Ah ye, with records yet unstained By baneful blots of sin and doubt, Be sure before you step awry, Your sins will find you out. And thou with vain deceitful heart, Which thine own maker best can see ; Remember that by man thou'rt known, "Thy speech bewrayeth thee." —J. B. BAKER, 1900. THE FAVORITE SPORT OF ROME. THE favorite form of athletic amusement of every nation is usually characteristic of its populace. The United States has her "baseball," England her "cricket," and Germany her "bowling,"—games showing a tendency in these nations to encourage that which will develop strength of body and alertness of mind for the purpose of performing the duties and enjoying the blessings of life. Russia's great love for fast driving indicates the excitable natures of her people. The occupation of the "kite-fly-ing" Chinaman well portrays his sluggishnes of both mental and bodily action. Until recently "bull-fighting'' was the chief amuse-ment of the Spanish, whose bloodthirsty and treacherous nature is evidenced by the delight with which the spectators behold such torture as is inflicted upon each other by the matador and his mad-dened antagonist. And just as modern nations have their characteristic muscular pursuits, so also had the ancient nations. Greece and Rome both attained to great excellency in the sports of the arena. But the character of the games of each betrays the difference in the char-acters of the two peoples. The Grecian government endeavored to increase the love of its subjects for such sports as foot and chariot-racing, boxing, wrestling, discus-throwing, and such other friendly contests as would increase not only physical strength, but that grace and perfect form of body for which the Grecians were noted. But Rome, on the other hand, fitted her youths only for military service, forgetting to pay atttention to human grace and i6 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. beauty. For she committed the serious error of adding to her en-nobling and health-producing sports that of the' 'gladiatorial show.'' This institution had its origin about two centuries and a half before Christ, when two young men arranged a series of mortal combats at the burial of their father, a prominent Roman. They believed the spirits of the departed delighted in the shedding of blood. These combats were called a ' 'gladiatorial show,'' and the combatants "gladiators;" that is, "sword fighters." For many years these contests took place only at funerals, the deceased often having willed a sum sufficient to defray the expenses of the show. L,ater, they were held in the "Circus Maximus" of the "Forum" at Rome ; but as these places were inadequate, amphitheatres were built especially for the purpose. Of these amphitheatres, the most nearly perfect one extant is that at Rome, called the ''Coliseum.'' It is an elliptical structure consisting of many rows of marble seats built in tiers, to a height of over one hundred and fifty feet. The space in the centre, called the "arena," where the contests were held is also elliptical, and over two hundred and eighty feet long. The Coliseum is still com-plete enough for us to observe how magnificent it formerly must have been, when it had so many dens for holding animals to be slain, so many attendants, such beautiful decorations, cushioned seats to accommodate eighty-seven thousand spectators, and its arena large enough for ten thousand participants and large enough when flooded with water to hold many war-ships. This building has since been damaged by lightning and by being used as a for-tress in time of war and a quarry in time of peace, several large palaces have been built of the marble taken from it. The Coliseum has been called one of the "seven wonders of the world." Those who fought in the arena ofthis amphitheatre were formerly slaves who were condemned to die, or malefactors who were allowed to earn their liberty by fighting. But later, Roman citi-zens and even senators went into the arena. Commodius the Ro-man Emperor fought in a contest. These gladiators, however, did not enter combats without training. For this purpose they had schools or gymnasiums where they were trained in a similar manner to that in which gymnasts are to-day trained, and their diet was regulated just as the diet of our modern football players is regulated. But unlike our practice, everything was done at the schools to increase brutality and thirst for blood. Before entering THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 17 here each gladiator was obliged to take an oath, which lowered him to the rank of a slave as long as he remained there. From this fact arose the rebellion of Spartacus, which threatened for a time to overthrow the Roman Empire. For, fifty-seven gladiators, escaping from a school, took him for leader, and with the help of other slaves conquered almost the whole of Italy. Crassus, how-ever, came to the rescue of his state by defeating Spartacus. So, the show-bills being posted and the gladiators so well pre-pared for their dreadful work, the contest began. The person giving the show, or "editor," held a place of honor at the middle of one side of the arena. The combatants entered from doors at the sides. Animals to be slain were raised by elevators from their dens beneath the seats and urged into the arena. The men fought each other in different manners and with different arms. Some wore full suits of armor, frequently without eye-holes, to amuse the spectators with their ill-aimed thrusts. Some were entirely naked and carried swords. Others were on horseback and often pairs of men fought against each other. The chariot combats were very exciting. A noose was sometimes used by one gladiator to catch another. But the most interesting was the con-test between those who carried the net, tridens, and dagger, the first to entangle an opponent and the last two to kill him when caught in the net. Having cast the net and failed, the gladiator would be obliged to retreat to a corner and try to gain time in which to readjust his net for another throw, at the same time warding off the blows of his antagonist. When a gladiator was overpowered, whether he should live or be killed was determined by the wishes of the spectators. If he had fought nobly, they held up their thumbs, and he was set at liberty, If not, thumbs were turned down and he was put to death. Unlike the Greeks, besides the customary wreath ofpalms, they presented prize money to the conqueror. With the abolishment of such barbarous practices ended the greatest of the degrading influences upon the Roman mind. By these practices the people were fast becoming idle, lazy, licen-tious, and dangerous, and when Spartacus needed persons to carry out his plans, he found them among that class of people who were habitual attendants at the gladiatorial show, a class whom the Roman government had unwisely been feeding and furnishing with free amusement. Such was their desire for games THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. that they cried in the streets, "Give us bread for nothing and games forever!'' With the discontinuance of such sport came a lessening of im-purity in politics. It cost at that time about thirty-five thousand dollars for an office-seeking politician to give a show respectable enough to bring him popularity and votes. Such a sum very few men could afford to spend, and so in order to obtain such re-sources they were obliged to practice extortion upon their poor rural tenants, and to undermine the Roman government by profit-able intrigue in the city. The effects of such an institution as the gladiatorial show cause us to be glad that in our times and in our nation there are no such abominable practices to be done away with, no athletic sports that degrade to such an extent as did this Roman folly. Truly, the character of a nation may be known by the character of its athletic pursuits. c^, -D. C. B. '01. "THE CULTIVATION OF THE DRAMATIC." 1. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.—2. THE EXTENT TO WHICH IT IS CULTIVA-ATED.— 3. ITS INFLUENCE UPON SOCIETY.—4. REMARKS ON AMATEUR PLAYERS.—5. SHOULD WE TRY TO CULTIVATE THE SPIRIT.—6. CON-CLUSION. THE drama is one of the most interesting and instructive productions of the Literary Art. Its origin dates back to the ancient Greeks and Romans. A large portion of their literature is connected withthedrama. In its two forms, comedy and tragedy, it covers a large range of subjects. It seems to have grown up naturally with the people; and while it has changed somewhat from the original, yet in its fundamental principles and meaning it is still the same. The drama represents the pursuits and events of daily life, and when these are studied, and acted, they are made the more interesting, because they are then brought more vividly before the mind. We may inquire now : "To what extent is the dramatic spirit cultivated at the present time? " I cannot say whether or not it is cultivated as much now as it was many years ago ; but it cer-tainly is cultivated to a large extent. We are continually receiv-ing new plays, which rank well with the older ones, although they differ from them in some respects. Such plays as those of THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 19 Shakespeare, Goldsmith and others, will never lose their place in literature. They are being played everywhere by the best pro-fessional troupes. During the winter months especially, the theaters are crowded, and people will go again and again to hear these plays. Many of the magazines give long accounts of the stage, including descriptions of the most famous actors, and an ex-planation of the plays that have been, or will be, given. It is evident that the people have not lost their love for the drama, which still holds a high place in literature. Some people are very bitterly opposed to the stage and will not allow any of their children even to see a play. They have some very good reasons to think as they do. In the early history of the drama, the highest classes of people took part in it. But later, many disreputable people went into the plays, and to-day we have troupes made up of that class. It is not to be wondered then, that many people are opposed to the stage. But in every profession we find people with whom we would not associate. Although the stage is a profession which I would not think of choosing, yet it is a profession that many very excellent people choose, and who attain to high hon-ors. There is a class of plays which have a demoralizing effect and these plays should not be exhibited. Besides the number of professional troupes, we have a number of amateur players. Almost all the colleges and smaller institu-tions have their dramatic associations. This has been done re-cently by many of the colleges. It seems to be a necessity, and both the students and friends of the institutions, take a great deal of interest in them. They give plays at home and in neighboring places, and some of them have been doing excellent work. Our association is just in its childhood, and it is making earn-est efforts to rise. It started about two years ago with but a few members and has kept on increasing until at this time it has reached a number which is able to do some good work. There seems to be a great interest taken in it, and it will not be long, if we do hard and faithful work, until we will rank well with the other colleges. This is something which should be of interest to all students, because, as some go out of the association when they are gradu-ated from college, others will then be ready to go in. s 20 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. But we say, "what is the necessity of cultivating the dra-matic?" It is of the utmost importance, for several reasons. Here one receives instructions which he cannot get as well any-where else. It is a splendid cultivation of the voice, because one is re-quired to articulate distinctly; otherwise the audience would lose interest. Then in order to become successful actors, every movement must be studied, so that we may be graceful and pleasing. We must get into the spirit of the play, and study it carefully be-fore we can render it correctly. It also gives one ease and grace in the society of others. Not every one has the ability to become a good actor, but those who have, should cultivate and use it. This is a part of our education as well as anything else. Plato says: "A good education is that which gives to the body and soul, all the beauty and all the perfection of which they are capable." Those who are studying to be successful actors, should al-ways remember that "they are playing/or the audience and not to them. They make a part of a living picture." We must for-get ourselves, so to speak, and enter into the plays withheartand mind. We shall have reached an advanced stage of development when we are able to please our audience. **&> CONCERNING THE INHABITANTS OF PORTO RICO. FOUR centuries of Spanish civilization seem to have done little for the uplifting of the primitive race of Porto Rico. Spain gave the island nothing, but took all. She pretended to administer a government, which was both arbitrary and despotic, with no thought of other than her own interest; but she demanded and required for this both the liberty and the land of the people. She corrupted their simple life and taught them vice and crime. It was seldom that they murmured. They endured their fate with scarcely a hope. They were more than long-suffering and patient. So that when a better day began to dawn, they were scarcely ready to realize it. But when the fullness of time had come and the Cas-tilian banner of oppression was forced to retire to make way for •Mam THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 21 the hallowed emblem of liberty, there was not found one to shed a tear, but a multitude to cry from the very depth of their hearts " Viva Americano." I never shall forget how an intelligent, gray-haired citizen of Ponce, with tears in his eyes, tears of honest joy, but several days after the surrender of that city, told me how seemingly impossible it was for him to believe that what he saw, was real ; then he told me how, when he was a child, he had been taught to cherish a hope of freedom and to look toward the United States for it. And how he had instilled that same doctrine of love of freedom into the minds of his own sons; and now how at last in a single night, when it was not expected, it had all come to pass,—the hope of ages realized. It was all like a dream to him, could it be and was it really true,—had God indeed heard their secret prayers ? And the tears trinkled down his careworn face. Nor less impressive to me is this instance, that when a school boy, fifty years ago, Mr. Rivera, (late one of the secretaries of the new autonomic govern-ment granted the island by the Sagasta ministry) should have written a poem, one stanza of which, translated, is that "Someday the great Eagle of Liberty from the north shall swoop down upon this island, and bear away the monstrous brute bleeding in his talons." And it was, strange as it may seem, Mr. Rivera's re-ward to have the honor as well as the privilege to be among the first Porto Ricans to swear his allegiance to that country in the North from which in time the "Eagle of Liberty" came. We might go on and multiply instances to show how the love of the Porto Ricans for our flag and nation ever manifested itself; we might continue to tell of mothers, who have brought their chil-dren miles that they might only see the flag of the free, and how reverently their daughters have tenderly caressed and kissed its folds, how also on the field of battle men and women have followed that flag with water for our famished soldiers, but are these not sufficient for the credulous ? But who are these inhabitants of Porto Rico ? They are of two classes, viz., the rich and the poor. The rich own the land and the poor live on it. The rich are of Spanish descent, and the poor are descended from the aborigines and the negro slaves, but still the rightful owners of the soil. The poor are indeed very poor and the rich very few. The poor were too poor and the rich too few to promote any enterprise of particular consequence upon I 22 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. ■ the island ; so that the condition of the people under the Spanish regime was most deplorable in every phrase. The little capital that did manifest itself upon the island was largely from without. For the few rich, who did by chance pos-sess any means beyond their land, were fearful to invest; because a successful business was only so much plunder for the unscrupu-lous agents of the so-called government. Thus were the inhabi-tants by the very nature of their government driven to and held in a condition solely dependent on the product of the soil. There-fore in the soil lay the hidden wealth of the island beyond the reach of the Spanish vandal. And it was a great wealth ; for a benign Providence had made the island rich and fertile. I '00. EDITOR'S DESK. THE late staff of the MERCURY has done work worthy of Get-tysburg, and we cannot let the members of the staff pass from service without thanking them, in the name of the friends of the MERCURY, for their sincere, hard work. During the last year they surmounted disheartening obstacles and have given into the charge of the new staff, a paper which ranks with the best college publications in the state. The present editors and business managers take pride in controlling the GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 27 The committee in charge of the annual parade did not forget Washington—they simply remembered the blizzard. The condi-tion of the streets on the 22nd, proved the good judgment of the committee. As for the town youngsters who, had the parade been held, very likely would have caused some trouble, there is a gen-eral understanding in college, that the baseball and football men assisted by all other students, keep the youngsters where they be-long during the games on Nixon Field. We are glad to know that the parade was missed, for the celebration of Washington's birthday by a parade is an annual event of Gettysburg which cus-tom has made dear. During the recent blizzard, Gettysburg was practically cut off from the rest of the world ; but college work went on. It was not an uncommon thing, while the trees on the campus were wrestling with the raging storm, to see the form of some student or professor, bent at an angle of 45° to withstand the blasts, slowly wending his way over the pathless plain toward Recitation Hall, which, be-cause of the blinding sheets of snow, appeared in dim outline. Occasionally refractory hats would leave their accustomed places and accompany the gale; these would be hotly pursued by the owners, and sometimes by words "that would never do to tell." The storm passed by. Snow plows were welcomed at the de-pots, and mail trains were eagerly awaited, and when they came, many letters, long delayed, caused good cheer to return to the despondent hearts of numerous students. Soon the pavements of the town were cleared, leaving long channels through the deep snow ; and in due time we were permitted to walk on the concrete (?) avenues of the campus. On the evening of Feb. 21, Mr. Beck, a Lutheran missionary from Siberia, delivered an address to the students of Seminary. All pronounced the address interesting and highly profitable. On the afternoon of the following day, Mr. Beck gave a short but in-teresting talk to the "Volunteer Band" of college. The plain, child-like manners of Mr. Beck are a sure testimony to the nobility of his character. —,Ji:i,LJ.L:lii±i!li±LilJ^. 28 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. The staff is highly gratified at the readiness with which the contributors of this issue, offered their productions. We notice in college, a perceptible increase of what we might term, "literary-courage. '' Until last year our students were timid about publish-ing their work because they hesitated to face the guying of their fellow students. Now, however, no one is guyed for an honest attempt in the literary line, but he is rather commended by all for his "good work." Although some articles published by the MERCURY from time to time may not be the very best, the editors desire to publish them for the much needed encouragement of literary work. Heretofore the MERCURY has published home talent in preference to other, and the present staff intends to pursue the same course. As for this issue, although there was but a week to prepare it—we have endeavored to turn out a GETTYSBURG MERCURY. The late trip of the College Musical Clubs was an exceedingly pleasant one in more ways than one. Despite the bad weather, which interfered materially with the audiences, the boys express themselves as having the most enjoyable trip in the memory of any man on the club, and all are loud in the praises of the yonng ladies they met in the different towns of the Cumberland Valley. The college girls especially seemed to appeal to these college boys of ours. There is a quick twinkle of pleasure in every man's eye when Irving is mentioned. By far the best concert of the trip was given there, and it certainly must have been the inspira-tion of so many charming hostesses that enchanted the boys, even to the extent of falling up the steps, and losing some other fel-low's pennants. Then there was the reception afterwards and chapel the next morning, and finally the matinee in Harrisburg on Saturday, and many large square envelopes at the post-office after the blizzard was over. The Glee Club men will not forget Irving soon, and wish for some pretext to go back this year. We bespeak a big audience for the Irving Club if they ever come to Gettysburg. 'Rah for our sister ! THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 29 KEE MAR RECEPTION. GETTYSBURG has many excellent young people but not enough to go around. As a result many of the college boys fail to secure the social culture they are expected to have when once graduated. A consciousness of this lack of social training added double interest to our anticipations when we as a senior class were invited to Kee Mar college to a reception. Our most sanguine expectations were realized. A warm welcome was extended to us by members of the faculty and students and we soon felt that we were among friends. The spacious halls were decorated with the Maryland colors, and adorned with plants. And while the patter of light feet kept time to the sweet music, other lads and lassies strolled up and down the corridors, or al-lowed cupid to drive them into a secluded spot where the side-long glances of glinting eyes pierced the armor of the hardest heart. Appropriate toasts were given and responded to, refreshments served, when the laughing moon slowly setting warned us to de-part. His warnings were seconded by the college authorities, else some of the boys had been there yet. Saturday morning we college men were invited to a concert given by the College Glee Club. A very few minutes served to show how much easier we felt in this home of the nymphs. Formality was absent. After an extended program of excellent music which charmed us all, the boys from Gettysburg responded with a few impromptu verses and various yells which had a strange echo in those halls. But the unfeeling hands and expressionless face of the clock pointed to the hour of final departure, Kodaks, handkerchiefs, mementoes, were in evidence, and a fierce struggle between love and duty was fought in many hearts. But though the time was too short for one of our number to pay his respects to our land-lord, we all caught the train. It was a long way home, and many fellows have been longing ever since. A reunion is being wished for soon. Some of the crowd see nothing but Kee Mar to this day on every page of every book, while pretty faces are seen even when their eyes are closed. Not a little of the pleasure of the trip was owing to our hav-ing with us Miss Menges, formerly a classmate, now at Irving ; and Miss Welty, our class poet, who, though she never was a boy 3° THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. in all her life, yet gave expression to the common feeling of the boys whose thoughts were too deep to beset down even in poetry. This promises to be the only song sung around here until after June 15. TO KEE MAR. TUNE—"Jnanita." Swift o'er the mountain Speed the boys of ninety-nine, White gleam the snow fields In the bright moon-shine. To fair Kee Mar College Where the lovely maidens dwell,' As the train moves onward Hear the joyous " yell." Kee Mar, lovely Kee Mar, Full of hope we came to thee, Kee Mar, kindly Kee Mar, Thou wilt gracious be. Slow o'er the mountain Back returneth ninety-nine, Each eye a fountain Shedding drops of brine. For some hearts are broken How it happened none can tell, And the word now spoken Is a sad farewell. Kee Mar, lovely Kee Mar, All our heart we leave with thee, Kee Mar, loyal Kee Mar, Ever faithful be. When in our dreaming / Eives again that happy night, We'll catch the gleaming Of those eyes so bright. Hear the low, sweet music, Tread again the stately hall, With the girl we worshiped At the Kee Mar ball. Kee Mar, well-loved Kee Mar, In the years that are to be, Kee Mar, darling Kee Mar, We'll remember thee ! ma THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 31 SUCCESS IN ART. EVERY artist strives for success. But this word "success" admits of several definitions. In the mind of one artist it means money or fame or both; to another, it means a knowl-edge of his art and ability to enjoy it. Success, then, can be true or false. True success in art is attained when art is studied for art's sake and the product is real art. An essential in attain-ing such success is that the artist himself be true. That is he must be "heart, head and hand" an artist. The desire to create is natural, but besides this, knowledge and complete mastery of materials and implements is indispensable. An artist must first be completely grounded in every detail of his art before he should begin to produce. In every trade among artisans, ignorance under this heading is unknown; badly constructed articles of merchan-dise find no market. So it should be in art. Knowledge must be the absolute foundation or else the creation will be as faulty and unbalanced as a house of cards and will fall to pieces at the first shaft of intelligent criticism. In all good works on harmony the very last chapters are reserved for the treatment of composition of melodies. This in itself teaches a lesson, and one which is very evident; it says, "Now after you have the foundation laid you may safely attempt the superstructure." Technique and method guided by intelligence, are absolutely required. Then the successful artist must be industrious, patient, and persevering. We gaze in rapture at a beautiful painting or hear an exquisite piece of music and we forget that back of it all lay a long, steep and toilsome road, tediously climbed. Constant and tiresome was much of the labor. An artist must essentially have what has been called the "artistic temperament"—*. e. imaginative and sympathetic power. Ruskin says, "The qualities which distinctly mark an artist with-out which he must be feeble in life, forgotten in death—with which he may become one of the shakers of earth and one of the signal lights in heaven—are those of sympathy and imagination." Imagination is the strength of all art, of everything beautiful in architecture, sculpture, painting, poetry or music. The Venus of Milo, in all its beauty was seen in the rough marble shaft by the sculptor, long before the releasing chisel touched the stone. And sympathy, too. is necessary in order that the creations should 32 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. be properly interpreted and understood. So strong should this temperament be in every artist that the artist himself will lose sight of the "ego" in his work, while to others his individuality shines out in every one of his creations. How many engaged in some art have been so eager in anticipation of artistic success that they have forgotten the soul in the wealth of splendid tech-nique they exhibit in their works ! They do not live their art and hence are not true to themselves. Study well any of the classics in literature, painting, sculpture or music and see how easy it is to recognize the productions of the same brain. So every true artist will imprint on each piece of his work a certain indescrib-able something which makes each resemble the other and dis-tinguishes it from the creations of other artists. And then the artist must do his best. No half-hearted attempt will be successful. Simple productions should be attempted at first; nothing elaborate, as for instance, in music, a Grand March or an Overture ought to be undertaken,—but some little theme, well and faithfully worked out. These should be the characteristics of everyone engaged in art; and one of the reasons why this is not so is because so many of the art public do not understand art sufficiently to demand better creations. In the construction of articles used in everyday life, there is no necessity for especial education to detest frauds, it only requires common sense; but with art products, however, it is different entirely. One often meets with highly intelligent people who cannot distinguish between a colorless daub and an original work of art, filled with atmosphere and light. They have not yet educated their eye to see wherein lies the difference; again, we see many who prefer an everyday, popular song, superficial and light, to the beautiful melodies of an Abt, a Schubert, or a Verdi. Education in art is evidently not sufficiently general to enable everyone to make these distinctions. Ignor-ance of beauty of form, or structure, undeveloped imagina-tion, unappreciation of beauty of symmetry are too general. Suc-cessful attempts are being made to remedy this, especially in literature, by the University Extension Movement. People are discovering that they need not necessarily be college graduates to become cultured and appreciate the best. This is a condition, then, for which some allowance can be made but what shall be done for the individual—and he is one of a large family—who IHHH I THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 33 I while admitting his ignorance of the principles of art, yet cooly in-forms you that he can "tell a fine painting when he sees it, or a good piece of music when he hears it?" This is the class of peo-ple who open the way for those would-be artists who make "suc-cess" and "money"synonyms. They are both pretenders. The public, eager to be gullied, thinking that money will purchase everything, aims at seeming to be well-versed in art; the artist, with little real knowledge, and less imagination, too insincere and full of pretence to live his own life aims at the money or social position his apparent art productions will procure for him. Each deserves pity. They may gain their respective ends, but neither can ever know the delights of one who has developed a taste for art, or who has consecrated his life to it. They cannot, with all their wealth buy the wholesome, pure and rapturous thrill of delight, for one second, that another can invoke at will from such as Bach, Beethoven, Horace, Shakespeare, Raphael, or Wagner. Success in art, then, cannot be measured by the money one gains; a true artist will live in his art long after millionaires have passed away. Michael Angelo, Dante, and Palestrina still live while the names of their contemporary moneyed men are dead. And let us bear in mind, too, that the road to success is always one of toil and weariness. —P. '00. THE TRIP TO CHAMBERSBURG. ABOUT forty of the boys took advantage of the recent good sleighing and went to Chambersburg to attend a concert given by our Glee and Musical Clubs. The party was divided into three sled loads and got started after an hour's delay in waiting for our Proctor (who decided to accompany us about the time we were ready to start) to get a hair-cut and shave in or-der to be presentable to the sight of the Wilson girls. Soon after leaving Gettysburg it started to snow hard, so we had to break our own road, which soon told on our horses. When we reached the top of the mountain we were informed that we were favored if the horse would be able to get us to Chambersburg that night, much less bring us back. The boys got scared and decided to wade the snow when a steep hill was reached rather than spend the rest of l^uMmmmmmummMwmm 34 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. the night so far from friends. All the other sleds, which were lighter, passed us on the mountain except the fourth one, which was a cutter with two freshmen in it. They heard of the fellows going, so the}' went up town and after much persuasion, and many promises in case the horse and sleigh were lost, they started out in pursuit of the other three sleds. The heavy snow covered all traces of a trail, yet by the aid of matches and sign-boards they reached the top of the mountain where the road was rough, the trees close on either side, no full moon to light the way, in fact there was nothing there but a team and two scared freshmen. One was positive that there were bears in the mountain because he knew of one having been shot recently. The other tried to con-vince him that they were perfectly safe so long as they staid in the road, but after a few strange sounds were heard in the woods and a few dark stumps were seen in the direction of the noise, they were both positive of the presence of bears, so they turned and lost no time in getting back home, where they related their ex-perience to their friends. Our last through sled reached its desti-nation after a long six hour's drive. The only amusement on the way over was giving yells, singing songs and telling stories. We went immediately to the concert, where we were greeted by the presence of about thirty Wilson girls who showed their appreci-ation for our yells and songs by their innocent cousinly smiles. After the concert we had supper, a thing we looked forward to after we walked the second steep hill. About 11 p. M. we were informed that it would be impossible for the horses to make the return trip that night. Well, the common topics of conversation among the boys who went financially prepared to return the same night, were as follows: Where are you going to sleep? Have you any money to lend ? Do you have any relatives in town ? And do you think we can stand the proprietor off? It happened that some went prepared to stay a week, so the money soon became equally divided, and the boys spent a pleasant night but by no means a quiet one, if you can believe the report of the proprietor. The next morn-ing we were allowed the privilege of visiting the Wilson College and attending chapel with the girls, a privilege which seemed to be enjoyed mutually, judging by the interest they took in showing us through the college buildings. On our way back the only stop made was at the big hotel on the top of the mountain where we THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 35 did justice to a good dinner. The trip was enjoyed by all who took it and the same crowd could be easily induced to repeat the trip, especially if the Wilson girls were at the other end of the line. —H. M. C. ATHLETICS. THE Sons of Hercules have gotten down to systematic work, and expect to hold their exhibition about the third week in March. Every Monday, Wednesday and Friday evenings are devoted to this branch of athletics, basket-ball occupying the floor on other days. A number of old men are candidates, includ-ing Koser, who is leader, Traub, Bottinger, Stock, Straw, Brum-baugh, Smith, Smyser, Jr., and Bickel. These are all men whose work is well-known. Among new men who are showing up well may be mentioned Stock, Jr., McClean, Claney, Koser, W. W. Hartman, Smyser, Jr., and Ketterman. In general, the work is of a high standard and promises a good exhibition. Beside the usual features, it will include this year, boxing and wrestling ; and the programme will also be varied by performances of the glee and mandolin clubs. A game of basket-ball will close the evening, which is certainly one to look forward to with pleasure. There is plenty of good material yet dormant, however. Let every man come out and do his best to make this year's gym team a success. Manager Weigle has completed his schedule for the coming season with the exception of one date. It is as follows: April IS—Franklin and Marshall at Lancaster. April 20—Susquehanna at Selinsgrove. April 21—Bucknell at Lewisburg. April 22—State at State College. April 26—Dickinson at Gettysburg-. May 5—Susquehanna at Gettysburg. May 6—Indians at Carlisle. May 13—Dickinson at Carlisle. May 20 -Franklin and Marshall at Gettysburg. May 27—Indians at Gettysburg. June 3—Open. June 10—Bucknell at Gettysburg. It will be noted that we meet Dickinson again for the first time in five years and other old rivals are on the list. All the teams ^mmmmmmm 36 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. are about our strength and there is no reason why we should not have a successful season. Let every man come out and get down to hard work and we will make the season of '99 one to be re-membered. EDITOR'S SCISSORS. That New Year resolution, Unlike most things of earth, Grows ever small and smaller; It was biggest at its birth.—Ex. HEARD AFTER THE BLIZZARD. " Don't you throw that at me, kid ! " " Gwan, I'll lick the whole college." —W. The boys came over the mountain, The boys came over the mountain, The boys came over the mountain, To see the Wilson girls, To see the Wilson girls, To see the Wilson girls, The boys came over the mountain, The boys came over the mountain, The boys came over the mountain, To see the Wilson girls. We won't go home till morning, We won't go home till morning, We won't go home till morning, For we've seen the Wilson girls, We've seen the Wilson girls, We've seen the Wilson girls, We won't go home till morning, We won't go home till morning, We won't go home till morning, We've seen the Wilson girls. -Sled No. 1. When you leave college without permission, always take the Proctor along. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 37 Old Dorm to New Dorm ; "You may be pretty, but you're terribly cracked." New Dorm to Old Dorm ; " Cork it off ! You've been full ten years." I saw an old man in a funny old wig Go dancing- along-, jiggity gig. Behind him there capered and gambolled a dog And a donkey that ambled, joggity jog. They jigged and they jogged and they gambolled in glee To the tune of a fiddler, fiddle dee dee. They went till they came to the volcano's top, And down they went into it, hobbity, hop. And then I didn't see them any more. —Castalian. ,t^^ri:sjr~s->r-s5jr*sis->t4r-»r~s>jr^-> RINTING WE PRINT THIS BOOK ^ and BINDING MT. HOLLY PRINTING COMPANY. The Mount Holly Stationery and Print-ing Company does all classes of Printing and Binding, and can furnish you any Book, Bill Head, Letter Head, Envelope, Card, Blank, or anything pertaining to their business in just as good style and at less cost than you can obtain same elsewhere. They are located among the mountains but their work is metropolitan. You can be convinced of this if you give them the opportunity. MT. HOLLY SPRINGS, PA. ^«_r^_jr-M^--w~jr^r^:r^r^:kJc^jr"5^rT^r-^^r-5«j H. S. BENNER, ■-^--ib tEroxel. Dealer in ^irte (groceries anb Itottons *_x_4}orfc Street. Teachers. Union Teachers' Agencies of America REV. L. D. BASS, D. D., Manager. Pittsburgh Pa., Toronto, Can., New Orleans, La., New York, N. Y., Washington, D. C, San Francisco, Cal., Chicago, 111., St. Louis, Mo., Denver, Col. There are thousands of positions to be filled. We had over 8,000 vacancies last sea-son. Unsurpassed facilities for placing leachers in any part of the U. S. or Canada. One fee registers in 9 offices. More vacan-cies than teachers. Address all applications toPITTSBURG, PA. MUMPER & BENDER Furniture Cabinet Making, Picture Frames Baltimore St., GETTYSBURG, PA. .GO TO. I}otel (Gettysburg Barber Sfyop. Centre Square- B. M. SEFTON. W. F. CODORI, Sim^Tcodori Dealer in Beef, Pork, Lamb, Veal, Sausage. Special rates to Clubs. York St., GETTYSBURG. .ao TO. TIPTON & BARBEHENN, Barbers, In the Eagle Hotel, Cor. Main and Washington Sts. Subscribe for t£jc .©ettysburg. HIercury MtfH FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. I gasebaU ^applies, .SpalOtng's SLeague JBail, dftite, dfcasfcs, Etc. Managers should send for samples and special rates. Every requisite for Jennie, ©olf, Crtcftet, aracft anO ffielb, ©gmnaetum Equipments ant) ©utftts Complete Catalogue Spring and Summer Sports Free. The Name the Guar-antee." a. ©. SpalOlng & JSros. New York .•. Philadelphia V Chicago S. G. Spangles & Co., Piitc >IfW 102 EAST MIDDLE STREET. Telephone 39. S. J. CODORI, Jr. *H Druggist*** Dealer in Drugs, Medicines, Toilet Articles, £ Stationery, Blank Books, Amateur Pho-tographic Supplies, Etc., Etc. .Baltimore Street. R. H. Gulp, PAPER HANGER, Second Square, York St. COLLEGE EMBLEMS. EMIL ZOTHE, ENGRAVER, DESIGNER AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER. 19 S. NINTH ST.PHILADELPHIA. PA SPECIALTIES: Masonic Marks, Society Badges, College Buttons, Pins, Scarf Pins, Stick Pins and Athletic Prizes. All Goods ordered through C. H. Tilp. Gotrell # Leonard, 472-474 Broadway, Albany, N. Y. makers of CAPS, GOWNS and. HOODS To the leading American Colleges. Illus-trated Manual, etc., upon application. Meneely Bell Co. TROY, N. Y. MANUFACTURERS OF SUPERIOR BELLS The 2000 pound bell now ringing in the tower of Pennsylvania Col-lege was manufactured at this foundry. mK^^m^mt^^mmm PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. You can't expect to create the im-pression that you are well dressed unless your clothes are MADE FOR YOU. Equivocate as you may, the fact remains that ready-made g-arments lack that air of exclusiveness which custom work possesses. J. D. LIPPY, Merchant Tailor 39 Chambersburg St., Gettysburg-, Pa. G. E. SPANGLER, j» ( Successor to J. W. Eicholtz & Co.,) Dealer in Pianos, Organs, Music, Musical Instruments, Strings, Etc. YORK STREET, 1ST SQUARE. GETTYSBURG. II08 CHESTNUT ST., PHILA. Wright's Engraving House HAS become the recognized leader in unique styles of COLLEGE and FRA-TERNITY ENGRAVINGS and STA-TIONERY, College and Class-day Invita-tions, engraved and printed from steel plates Programmes, Menus, Wedding and Recep-tion Invitations, Announcements, etc., etc. Examine prices and styles before ordering elsewhere. Fifty Visiting Cards from New Engraved Plates $1.00. ERNEST A. WRIGHT, 1108 CHESTNUT ST., PHILADELPHIA. JOHN L. SHEADS, New Cigar Store Next Door to W. M. Depot, GETTYSBURG. P. F. HENNIG, DEALER IN Bread, Rolls, Pretzels, Crackers, YORK ST., GETTYSBURG. Reasonable Rates to Clubs. 1XX filler, Grocer, Confectioner and Fruiterer. Ice Cream and Oysters in Season . . . \9 TXlain St., ©ettusburg. City Hotel, Main St. Gettysburg. J* Free 'Bus to and from all Trains Thirty seconds' walk from either depot Dinner with drive over field with four or more, 51.35 Rates $1.50 to $2.00 per day. John E. Hughes, Prop. C. A. Blocher's Jewelry Store, For Souvenir Spoons, Sword Pins Etc. All kinds of Jewelry. Repairing- a Specialty. POST OFFICE CORNER CENTRE SQUARE .Photographer. No. 3 Main St., GETTYSBURG, PENNA. Our new effects in Portraiture are equal to photos made anywhere, and at any price.