Suchergebnisse

Dokumentation des Erhebungsdesigns und der Instrumente (CAPI und Drop-Off-Fragebogen) der DEAS-Erhebung 2008. Der Deutsche Alterssurvey (DEAS) ist eine Langzeitstudie zum Wandel der Lebenssituationen und Alternsverläufe von Menschen, die sich in der zweiten Lebenshälfte befinden. Grundlage sind bundesweit repräsentative Befragungen im Quer- und Längsschnitt von jeweils mehreren tausend Teilnehmern im Alter ab 40 Jahren. ; Documentation of the survey design and instruments of DEAS survey year 2008. The German Ageing Survey (DEAS) is a longitudinal survey for the analysis of life situations and biographies of people in the second half of their lives. The data is based on nationally representative surveying (cross-sectional and longitudinal) of some thousand participants from the age of 40 onwards.

Documentation of the survey design and instruments of DEAS-survey year 2008. The German Ageing Survey (DEAS) is a longitudinal survey for the analysis of life situations and biographies of people in the second half of their lives. The data is based on nationally representative surveying (cross-sectional and longitudinal) of some thousand participants from the age of 40 onwards. ; Documentation of the survey design and instruments of DEAS survey year 2008. The German Ageing Survey (DEAS) is a longitudinal survey for the analysis of life situations and biographies of people in the second half of their lives. The data is based on nationally representative surveying (cross-sectional and longitudinal) of some thousand participants from the age of 40 onwards.

This article examines the problem of analysing the interaction between humans and domestic animals. The research involved the analysis of transcripts of video recordings representing the interactions between humans and animals. Observations of touch and gesture exchange allowed the reconstruction social rituals (greetings and farewells) as well as other social forms of association (playing, spontaneous expressing of emotions, baths, putting to sleep, walks, fights during walks, indulgent reproach), which create emotional and social bonds. The analysis of visual data provided an opportunity to examine the corporality and direct interactions of bodies in the sequential exchange of gestures. The method applied in the analysis of data was grounded theory.

Die Politbarometer werden seit 1977 etwa monatlich von der Forschungsgruppe Wahlen für das Zweite Deutsche Fernsehen (ZDF) durchgeführt. Seit 1990 steht diese Datenbasis auch für die neuen Bundesländer zur Verfügung. Im Zentrum der Untersuchung stehen die Meinungen und Einstellungen der wahlberechtigten Bevölkerung in der Bundesrepublik zu aktuellen politischen Themen, Parteien und Politikern sowie dem Wahlverhalten. 1990 bis 1995 und ab 1999 wurden die Politbarometer-Umfragen in den neuen und alten Bundesländern getrennt durchgeführt (Politbarometer Ost bzw. Politbarometer West). Die monatlichen Einzelumfragen eines Jahres werden in einen kumulierten Datensatz integriert, der alle Erhebungen eines Jahres und alle Variablen des jeweiligen Jahrganges umfasst. Ab 2003 sind die Politbarometer-Kurzbefragungen, die unterschiedlich häufig im Jahr erhoben werden, in die Jahreskumulation integriert.

Dokumentation des Erhebungsdesigns und der Instrumente (CAPI und Drop-Off-Fragebogen) der DEAS-Erhebung 2002. Der Deutsche Alterssurvey (DEAS) ist eine Langzeitstudie zum Wandel der Lebenssituationen und Alternsverläufe von Menschen, die sich in der zweiten Lebenshälfte befinden. Grundlage sind bundesweit repräsentative Befragungen im Quer- und Längsschnitt von jeweils mehreren tausend Teilnehmern im Alter ab 40 Jahren. ; Documentation of the survey design and instruments of DEAS survey year 2002. The German Ageing Survey (DEAS) is a longitudinal survey for the analysis of life situations and biographies of people in the second half of their lives. The data is based on nationally representative surveying (cross-sectional and longitudinal) of some thousand participants from the age of 40 onwards.

Dokumentation des Erhebungsdesigns und der Instrumente (CAPI und Drop-Off-Fragebogen) der ersten DEAS-Erhebung 1996. Der Deutsche Alterssurvey (DEAS) ist eine Langzeitstudie zum Wandel der Lebenssituationen und Alternsverläufe von Menschen, die sich in der zweiten Lebenshälfte befinden. Grundlage sind bundesweit repräsentative Befragungen im Quer- und Längsschnitt von jeweils mehreren tausend Teilnehmern im Alter ab 40 Jahren. ; Documentation of the survey design and instruments of the first DEAS survey year 1996. The German Ageing Survey (DEAS) is a longitudinal survey for the analysis of life situations and biographies of people in the second half of their lives. The data is based on nationally representative surveying (cross-sectional and longitudinal) of some thousand participants from the age of 40 onwards. ; Die Dokumentation wird als Forschungsbericht 61 der Forschungsgruppe Altern und Lebenslauf zum Download im PDF-Format angeboten und enthält 125 Seiten. ; The documentation (Research Report No. 61 of the Research Group on Ageing and the Life Course) is available as a PDF file and contains 125 pages.

Frontmatter -- PREFACE / Lane, Frederic C. -- CONTENTS / TABLE DES MATIÈRES -- I. FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF CAPITALISM -- INTRODUCTORY NOTE / L., F.C. -- FORMATION ET STRUCTURES DU CAPITALISME (DU 15e AU 18e SIÈCLE) / Ruiz-Martin, Felipe -- MARCHANDS CAPITALISTES ET CLASSES SOCIALES / Kellenbenz, Hermann -- FAVOURABLE AND UNFAVOURABLE CONDITIONS FOR CAPITALIST GROWTH: THE SHIFT OF INTERNATIONAL TRADE ROUTES IN THE 15th TO 17th CENTURIES / Pach, Sigismund P. -- LES PREMIERS ÉLÉMENTS DU CAPITALISME DANS LES BALKANS DU 14e AU 17e SIÈCLE / Tadic, Jorjo -- SUMMARIES OF COMMUNICATIONS -- FORMATION ET DÉVELOPPEMENT DES STRUCTURES DU CAPITALISME DANS UNE VILLE BUREAUCRATIQUE / Bennassar, Bartolomé -- «ACCUMULATION PRIMITIVE» ET NAISSANCE D'UN CAPITALISME URBAIN / Bergier, Jean-François -- THE TRANSITION FROM FEUDALISM TO CAPITALISM IN ENGLAND / Furey, Joseph C. / Wilben, Charles K. -- ASPECTS DU DÉVELOPPEMENT CAPITALISTE DANS LES MILIEUX D'AFFAIRES DE ROUEN À LA F I N DU 16e SIÈCLE / Jeannin, Pierre -- VARIOUS FORMS OF INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISES IN BOHEMIA IN THE 18th CENTURY / Klima, Arnost -- PECULIARITIES OF THE GENESIS OF CAPITALISM IN RUSSIA IN THE 17th TO 18th CENTURIES / Kovaltchenko, I . D. -- FÖRDERNDE UND HEMMENDE KRÄFTE DER ENTWICKLUNG ZUM KAPITALISMUS IN DEUTSCHLAND AM ENDE DES 18. JAHRHUNDERTS / Kuczynski, J. -- STIMULANTS ET FREINS AU DÉVELOPPEMENT DU CAPITALISME EN FRANCE JUSQU'À LA FIN DU 18e SIÈCLE / Mandrou, Robert -- TRIEB- UND HEMMUNGSKRÄFTE DER ENTWICKLUNG DES KAPITALISMUS AUF DER BALKANINSEL BIS Z UM ENDE DES 18. JAHRHUNDERTS / Milic, Danila -- TRAITS GÉNÉRAUX DES FORTUNES BOURGEOISES A GENÈVE AU 17e SIÈCLE / Piuz, Anne-Marie -- ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS IN THE FLORENTINE TEXTILE INDUSTRIES DURING THE 15th CENTURY / Roover, Florence Edler de -- LE PRÉCAPITALISME ET LA RENAISSANCE / Rutenburg, V. -- OBERDEUTSCHE UNTERNEHMER IM KARPATENRAUM 1335-1435 / Stromer, Wolfgang von -- LES FACTEURS DE LA RÉGRESSION DU DÉVELOPPEMENT CAPITALISTE EN POLOGNE DU 16e AU 18e SIÈCLE / Topolski, J. -- LIMITED LIABILITY AND INDUSTRIALIZATION IN SPAIN, 1829-1869 / Tortella, Gabriel -- MERCHANT'S ARCHIVES IN EUROPE / Kellenbenz, Hermann -- II. INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE IN THE 20th CENTURY -- INTRODUCTORY NOTE -- ECONOMIES NOT CENTRALLY PLANNED / Mathias, Peter -- COEXISTENCE OF TWO SYSTEMS AND TRANSFORMATION OF SOCIAL STRUCTURES / Mileykovsky, Abram -- L'INTERVENTION DE L'ÉTAT ET LE CHANGEMENT DE STRUCTURE DU CAPITALISME / Vuco, Nikola -- SUMMARIES OF COMMUNICATIONS NATIONAL CASE STUDIES -- HUNGARY / Berend, Ivan T. -- GERMANY / Fischer, Wolfram / Czada, Peter -- JAPAN / Nakagawa, Keiichiro -- CZECHOSLOVAKIA / Teichovâ, Alice -- III. TECHNOLOGY AND ECONOMIC GROWTH -- INTRODUCTORY NOTE / L., F. C. -- PROGRÈS SCIENTIFIQUE, PROGRÈS TECHNIQUE ET PROGRÈS ÉCONOMIQUE / Gille, Bertrand -- PART I: TECHNOLOGY AND PROGRESS -- INNOVATION AND DIFFUSION OF TECHNOLOGY / North, Douglass C. -- SUPPLEMENT TO PART I: COMMUNICATIONS ON TECHNOLOGY AND PROGRESS -- CONTRIBUTION TO THE THEORY OF INNOVATION AND OF DIFFUSION OF NEW TECHNIQUES / Makkai, Läszlö -- IMPACT OF WAR ON SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY / Nef, John U. -- SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN THE 20th CENTURY / Teich, Mikulas -- PART II: EDUCATION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH -- HUMAN CAPITAL AND ECONOMIC MODERNIZATION IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / Bowman, Mary Jean / Anderson, C . Arnold -- SUPPLEMENT TO PART II: COMMUNICATIONS ON EDUCATION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH -- INSTRUCTION ET DÉVELOPPEMENT ÉCONOMIQUE EN FRANCE AU 19e SIÈCLE / Fohlen, Claude -- THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN THE FORMING OF SKILLED WORKERS IN BOHEMIA OF THE 18th CENTURY / Klima, Arnost -- ZUM BILDUNGSWESEN IN DEUTSCHLAND IM ZEITRAUM VON 1800-1850 / Troitzsch, Ulrich -- EDUCATION AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN JAPAN / Taira, Koji -- IV. TECHNOLOGY, ECONOMY AND ECONOMIC THOUGHT IN THE ANCIENT WORLD -- INTRODUCTORY NOTE / L., F.C. -- PART I: TECHNOLOGY AND THE FOUNDATION OF CIVILIZATION -- SOME PROBLEMS OF THE NEOLITHIC AND URBAN REVOLUTION / Mason, V. M. -- EARLY MESOPOTAMIAN IRRIGATION / Adams, Robert Mac C -- PART II: TECHNOLOGY IN THE GRECO-ROMAN WORLD -- GENERAL REPORT / Pleket, Harry W. -- TECHNICAL PROGRESS IN THE MAIN PERIOD OF ANCIENT SLAVERY / Kiechle, Franz K. -- DIE SOZIALE STRUKTUR ROMS UND DIE MÖGLICHKEITEN ÖKONOMISCHER UND TECHNOLOGISCHER ENTWICKLUNG / Staerman, E. -- PART III: ÖKONOMISCHES DENKEN IM ANTIKEN GRIECHENLAND -- SEINE ENTWICKLUNG IN DER BEZIEHUNG ZUR REALITÄT DER KLASSISCHEN »POLIS« / Welskopf, Elizabeth Charlotte -- L'OPINION QUE LES ANCIENS AVAIENT DU TRAVAIL SERVILE / Malowist, Iza Biezunska -- V. CONSUMPTION AND DISTRIBUTION OF INCOME -- INTRODUCTORY NOTE / L., F.C. -- PART I: TRANSITIONS FROM SUBSISTENCE ECONOMY -- THE TIMING OF THE TRANSITION IN WESTERN EUROPE AND ITS SETTLEMENTS OVERSEAS / Deane, Phyllis -- LES FERMES PAYSANNES EN POLOGNE AU 18e SIÈCLE AVAIENT-ELLES UN CARACTÈRE DE FERMES AUTARCIQUES? / Kula, Withold -- SUPPLEMENT TO PART I: COMMUNICATIONS ON SUBSISTENCE ECONOMIES -- THE IMPACT OF GROWING RURAL CAPITALISM ON SUBSISTENCE PEASANT ECONOMIES / Kotovsky, G. G. -- AU PORTUGAL: CONDITIONS , PROPORTIONS ET STABILITÉ DE L'AUTOCON SOMMATION / Silva, J. G. Da -- CANADA'S SUBSISTENCE ECONOMY BEFORE 1860 / Firestone, O. J. -- PART II: REAL INCOME -- SUR QUELQUES TYPES DE REVENUS RÉELS ( 16e-18e SIÈCLES) / Ladurie, E. Le Roy -- THE SHARE OF SAVINGS AND INVESTMENT IN GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT DURING THE 19th CENTURY IN THE U.S.A. / Davis, Lance E. / Gallman, Robert E. -- SUPPLEMENT TO PART II: COMMUNICATIONS ON REAL INCOME -- REAL WAGE INCOME DURING THE ANCIEN RÉGIME IN THE LIGHT OF ECONOMIC GROWTH / Wee, Herman van der -- LES ASPECTS SOCIAUX DE LA RECHERCHE SUR LA CONSOMMATION ALIMENTAIRE À L'ÉPOQUE PRÉSTATISTIQUE / Wyczanski, Andrej -- AN INTERCOUNTRY COMPARISON OF THE CONSUMPTION LEVELS OF INDUSTRIAL WORKERS' FAMILIES Russia 1913 - U.S.A. 1901 / Toda, Yasushi -- PERSONAL CONSUMPTION IN DEVELOPED CAPITALIST COUNTRIES / Lybimova, V. -- VI. LAND OCCUPATION, SETTLEMENT AND "FRONTIERS" -- INTRODUCTORY NOTE / L., F.C. -- OCCUPATION DU SOL, PEUPLEMENT ET FRONTIÈRE: DÉFINITION DU THÈME / Jara, Alvaro -- GEOGRAPHIC VIEWS -- AMÉRIQUE / Verlinden, Charles -- CYCLE DE L'OR ET CYCLE DU CAFÉ AU BRÉSIL / Mauro, Frédéric -- LAND SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE IN NEW ZEALAND / Gould, J. D. -- THE FRONTIER IN THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF CENTRAL EUROPE / Polisensky, J.V. -- SLOVENIA FROM THE 16th TO THE BEGINNING OF THE 20th CENTURY -- HUNGARY UNDER TURKISH RULE / Makkai, Lâszlô -- UNGARN NACH DER TÜRKEN ZEIT / Vàrkony, Agnes R. -- PROBLÈMES ÉCONOMIQUES DANS L'EMPIRE OTTOMAN / Mantran, M. R.

As Israel waits for Iran and Hezbollah to retaliate after it assassinated Hamas' political chief in Tehran, and the U.S. presidential race dominates domestic attention spans, a crucial issue risks fading from view: American hostages are still held by Hamas in Gaza. Just yesterday, Hamas' military wing claimed that an Israeli hostage was killed and two others injured in an Israeli airstrike.While the U.S. has shown its resolve in securing the release of Americans unjustly detained abroad — most recently in high-profile prisoner swaps with Russia — six Americans remain captive in Gaza. The Biden administration is making a final push to prevent regional war and secure the release of hostages, while Hamas refuses to attend talks and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government is more intransigent than ever.However, it's Netanyahu's government that Washington has the most leverage over, making it critical for President Biden to prioritize the hostage issue.A White House readout of President Biden's call with Netanyahu two weeks ago mentioned support for Israel against threats from Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran but made no mention of the hostages. While readouts are often vague and hostage negotiations typically occur behind the scenes — and there can be reasons to keep them out of the spotlight — one cannot help but wonder if the hostages' fate has become an afterthought in Washington. It is certainly an afterthought for Netanyahu, who has shown little concern for the hostages, whether they are Israeli or from the other two dozen nations where Hamas' captives hail from. On October 7, Hamas took 10 Americans hostage. Three of them — Itay Chen, Gadi Haggai, and Judith Weinstein Haggai — were killed that same day. Two others, a mother and daughter from Illinois, Judith and Natalie Raanan, were visiting family in Israel when they were abducted by Hamas. They were later released after negotiations between the U.S., Israel, Qatar, and Hamas. During this early phase of the war, before most of Gaza was destroyed and before the death toll soared to nearly 40,000, there was hope that this release would be the start of more diplomacy and possibly a ceasefire. That didn't happen.It is believed that six U.S. hostages remain in Gaza. Israel also has a responsibility to these hostages, who either lived in Israel or held dual Israeli citizenship. However, an American is an American, regardless of their second passport or where they choose to live. These hostages have been abandoned by two countries at once. In November, President Biden vowed, "I will not stop until they are all released." In December, after learning of Gad Haggai's death and again on the 100th day of captivity in mid-January, he renewed this pledge. During the State of the Union in March, he promised the hostages' families, "We will not rest until we bring their loved ones home." In May, Biden proposed a three-phase ceasefire plan, with the release of hostages as a key part of the first phase lasting six weeks, stating, "There are American hostages who would be released at this stage, and we want them home." Over 10 weeks have passed since that proposal, and Israel is further from a ceasefire than ever. Netanyahu has repeatedly ignored U.S. red lines, rejected calls for less deadly "surgical operations," and resisted allowing aid into Gaza or pursuing a ceasefire in good faith. He and his far right-wing cabinet members remain committed to "total victory" against Hamas, which even his own military deems unrealistic. The recent Israeli assassination of Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Iran has made diplomacy between Israel and Hamas even more distant. Achieving a ceasefire in Gaza remains the best chance to begin bringing all the hostages, including Americans, home. But Netanyahu has shown little interest in ending the war, and the release of the hostages is clearly not a priority for him. In fact, he may view it as counterproductive, as it could undermine his goal of prolonging the war. Hamas and its supporters also have agency. They chose to take hostages and commit murder, which ignited the conflict, and they hold the power to release the hostages. However, they are unlikely to do so without receiving something substantial in return. Securing the release of U.S. hostages is always a fraught task. Russia detained journalists, a world-class athlete, and private citizens, demanding the release of arms dealers, fraudsters, and assassins in exchange. Despite this stark moral disparity, it is the president's duty to ensure that Americans held hostage are brought home. In the case of Gaza, a ceasefire — a step toward peace — would not only secure the hostages' release but also save many more Palestinian and Israeli lives.President Biden must recognize that the current strategy toward Netanyahu's government is failing. He should hold Netanyahu accountable for jeopardizing the stability of the region and U.S. citizens' lives. With his remaining months in office, Biden should press the Israeli government to negotiate a ceasefire and initiate, if not already in place, direct negotiations with Hamas to secure the release of American hostages. They have been held long enough.

UPDATE, 5/17: As of early Friday, the U.S. military said the first shipments of aid have been delivered onto the Gaza beach via the new pier project. The initial delivery included food bars for 11,000 people, therapeutic food for 7,200 malnourished children, and hygiene kits for 30,000 people, according to the U.S. Agency for International Development. The British government said it had sent 8,400 temporary shelters made up of plastic sheeting. Officials did not say how or when it would be delivered by World Food Program and aid partners into the strip.The fact that the U.S. military pier project off the coast of Gaza was temporarily stalled last week due to high swells and winds is symbolic of the challenges it now faces as it is reportedly opening for business within the next 24 hours.So what do we know? A trident pier the length of five football fields is being anchored to the Gaza coast. Humanitarian aid will be dropped off there via ships from the floating pier, also built by the U.S. military, two miles off the coast. According to the Pentagon, two Navy warships will be protecting the floating pier and the sea bound transfer of the aid. Some 1,000 U.S. service members are engaged in the project, which is costing an estimated $320 million for the first three months. U.S. personnel are not supposed to be going "on the ground" in Gaza at any time. The military will be working with the World Food Program to deliver the aid into Gaza once it hits the beach. DOD officials say they hope to surge some 90 trucks of assistance into Gaza at first, ramping up to 150 trucks a day.It's what we don't know that should have DOD officials and other interested parties — including military families and the American people — quite concerned.— The DOD is still not clear as to who will be providing security for this massive operation on the beach. When asked at the daily Pentagon briefing Tuesday, this is what Air Force Gen. Pat Ryder, spokesman, had to say: "So as you know, U.S. Central Command has been working very closely with USAID, Israelis, other partners in the region on putting together a comprehensive security plan for this temporary pier and the aid distribution routes.And so a lot of work has gone into that, and of course as we've said all along, force protection is going to continue to be of paramount concern. All that to say we do believe that we have the — the pieces and parts in place so that when we do begin operations, we're confident that — that we'll have the security in place that we need."Two weeks ago, in a exchange with Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) in a House hearing, Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin admitted there is a "possibility" that U.S. military on the trident pier could be attacked. In fact, U.N. representatives on the beach came under mortar fire earlier in May. "Hamas is already reconstituting cells in the north and elsewhere in Gaza. There are intelligence gaps on the ground that could allow for a surprise attack," Michael DiMino, a former CIA military analyst and counterterrorism officer now serving as public policy manager and fellow at the Defense Priorities, tells RS."As the pier prepares to begin operations, maintaining security both around the pier itself and at the point where aid is transferred to civilians ashore remains a top concern," DiMino added.— We don't know if aid can safely get into Gaza. The Israelis say they are on board with the project, but their track record includes backed-up trucks at every crossing, and continued attacks on aid workers (including a U.N. representative, who came under tank fire this week). Israel just took over the Rafah crossing and shut down all aid from coming in, and anyone who was scheduled for critical medical attention, from getting out. Even if the Israelis were to let the World Food Program workers through to deliver the assistance they would be traveling into a war zone in which the chances they would come under direct fire or crossfire are pretty great.— We don't know where the trident pier is. Earlier reports have pegged it somewhere north of the "humanitarian zone" at Al-Mawasi on the beach and south of the Israeli controlled corridor splitting the Gaza strip in two. As experts have said, the trident pier must be aggressively maintained with military engineers. It is not clear how that is going to happen, or whether the Pentagon is hiring contractors do do that work. — Finally, how long will this pier be in operation? When asked, the DOD won't say. To ask "why" wouldn't hurt either. Ryder said yesterday, "as, you know, we continue to see challenges in terms of getting aid in via ground, we're going to continue to employ this method to work with the international community to get aid in to the people of Gaza." Wouldn't using U.S. leverage to ensure land routes were opened, rather than spending millions in U.S. taxpayer dollars and putting U.S. service members at risk be a better option?

200 zusätzliche Bundesmilliarden für die Rente, aber nur eine Milliarde pro Jahr extra für die Bildung und keine mehr für den Kita-Ausbau? Es sieht so aus, als hätte Alt im Verteilungskampf gegen Jung den nächsten Punktsieg errungen. Ein Kommentar.






Bild: Charlotte Govaert /
Pixabay.






NEULICH KRITISIERTE Nikolaus Blome in seiner SPIEGEL-Kolumne, die Jungen ließen sich "ausnehmen wie Weihnachtsgänse" und bezog sich auf das von ihm als "Rentenskandal" bezeichnete Rentenpaket II der
Ampel-Koalition. Ich empfand das in Vorwurf und Formulierung übertrieben. Obgleich es in der Tat sehr einseitig anmutete, den schon bis zu 112 Milliarden Euro hohen jährlichen
Steuerzuschuss zur Rente (den vor allem die Jungen tragen müssen) weiter massiv zu erhöhen, um den Anstieg der Rentenbeiträge zu drücken. Doch genau deshalb gefiel mir der
ebenfalls im Paket enthaltene Plan, bis 2035 kreditfinanziert einen Kapitalstock von 200 Milliarden Euro aufzubauen und in Aktien und Anlagen zu investieren. Jedenfalls kam er
deutlich schlauer daher als das schlichte Beharren auf einem Umlagesystem, das in seiner reinen Form längst von der Demografie überholt wurde. 



 



Jetzt muss ich mein Urteil revidieren. Denn die teuren Renten-Pläne, auch die vergleichsweise sinnvollen, muss man im Kontext sehen zu der jetzt ebenfalls bekannt gewordenen Entscheidung der
Bundesregierung, kein weiteres Investitionsprogramm für den Ausbau von Kitaplätzen aufzulegen. Obwohl der Koalitionsvertrag genau das angekündigt hatte. Dies ergab die am vergangenen
Mittwoch veröffentliche Antwort auf eine parlamentarische Anfrage der Unionsfraktion im Bundestag, die zur Begründung auf die aktuelle Haushaltslage und die grundsätzliche
Zuständigkeit der Länder verwies. Die Bundeselternvertretung der Kinder in Kindertageseinrichtungen und Kindertagespflege sprach von "einer Absage an die Zukunft unserer Gesellschaft".



 



Irrationale Furcht vor
der Gegenwehr der Älteren



 



Man könnte auch sagen: Alt erzielt den nächsten Punktsieg gegen Jung in einem ungleichen gesellschaftlichen Verteilungskampf, der die Interessen des Heute stets über die Interessen des
Morgen stellt. Was deshalb möglich ist, weil die Politik, gleich welcher Couleur, sich nicht traut, Prioritäten gegen die wachsende Überzahl der Älteren durchzusetzen.



 



Eine Seitenbemerkung: Mir erscheint die politische Furcht vor der Gegenwehr der Älteren oft irrational, denn viele der Älteren sind sehr wohl Großeltern, Großonkel, Großtanten, Nachbarn und
Freunde von jungen Familien mit (kleinen) Kindern und haben das entsprechende Problembewusstsein. Fest steht aber: Die Jungen haben keine Zeit für Gegenwehr, dafür sind sie viel zu sehr mit der
Bewältigung ihres Alltags zwischen Arbeit, Kinderbetreuung und der Eigenvorsorge für ihre Zukunft beschäftigt.



 



Aber war da nicht etwas? Sagte nicht neulich erst Bundesgesundheitsminister Karl Lauterbach (SPD) zum wiederholten Male, der größte Fehler sei gewesen, "dass wir bei den Kindern zum
Teil zu streng gewesen sind und mit den Lockerungsmaßnahmen wahrscheinlich etwas zu spät angefangen haben"? Woraufhin Tagesspiegel-Koluministin Sabine Rennefanz zu Recht anmerkte: "Wir? Er spielte in erster Reihe im Panikorchester, warnte vor Kindern als Virenschleudern,
als Kinderärzte, Psychologen und Sozialarbeiter von weiteren Einschränkungen für die Jüngeren abrieten."



 



Tatsächlich wurde an vielen Stellen, auch hier im Blog, fast die gesamte Corona-Zeit über die Einseitigkeit
der Lastenverteilung zulasten der Jungen kritisiert und vor den Folgen gewarnt. Das kollektive "Wir" eignet sich also nicht dazu, von der Politik getroffene Entscheidungen im Nachhinein als
zwar falsch, aber nach Abwägen des damaligen Kenntnisstands als unvermeidbar zu rechtfertigen.



 



Statt Wiedergutmachung weitere
Weichenstellungen zu Ungunsten der Jungen



 



Und überhaupt: Was haben die Kinder und jungen Menschen davon, wenn es im Nachhinein heißt, sie seien in der Pandemie über Gebühr in Freiheit und Entwicklung eingeschränkt worden – wenn bei
den großen politischen Weichenstellungen, die sich seit Corona zur Wiedergutmachung geboten hätten, wieder zu Ungunsten der Jungen entschieden, ja die Schieflage zwischen den Generationen
noch verschärft wird? 



 



In Zahlen ausgedrückt: In den West-Bundesländern fehlen nach Berechnungen der Bertelsmann-Stiftung rund 385.900 Kita-Plätze, im Osten weitere 44.700. Wir reden von fast 431.000 Startplätzen für hoffentlich
erfolgreiche Bildungskarrieren in einem Land, das schon vor Corona die Bildungschancen extrem ungleich verteilte und durch die politischen Entscheidungen in der Pandemie einen weiteren
kräftigen Schubs in Richtung sozialer Schieflage erhalten hat. Die ebenfalls im Koalitionsvertrag versprochene Fortführung des Sprachkita-Programms hatte das Familienministerium von Lisa Paus
(Grüne) bereits lange vor der jetzigen Absage kassiert.



 



Und nach der Kita geht es so weiter: Voraussichtlich etwa eine Milliarde Euro pro Jahr würde die Fortsetzung des Digitalpakts Schule kosten, ein Hundertstel des
aktuellen Rentenzuschusses, doch Bund und Länder belauern sich in den laufenden Verhandlungen. Erst vergangene Woche schien die Komplett-Absage bevorzustehen. Und für die eine Milliarde frisches Geld, die der Bund künftig pro Jahr
für das "Startchancen"-Programm für Brennpunktschulen ausgeben will, feiert sich vor allem die FDP von Bundesfinanzminister Christian Lindner, als wären in den Koalitionsverhandlungen 2021
nicht ganz andere Investitionen für die Bildung diskutiert worden, die Lindner (ohne nachhaltigen Widerstand der Koalitionspartner) erst zur jetzigen Größe geschrumpft hat. 



 



Die Zukunft soll selbst
für die Zukunft zahlen



 



Vielsagend auch, dass etwa SPD und Grüne zusätzliche Investitionen in Bildung durchaus diskutieren, aber statt der Umpriorisierung von Staatsausgaben meist
die kaum mehrheitsfähige Option von Steuererhöhungen zur Voraussetzung erklären – oder gar eine Reform der Schuldenbremse. Wobei letztere auf das Motto hinausliefe: Die Zukunft
soll selbst für die Zukunft bezahlen – und für die Gegenwart gleich mit.



 



Denn auch im Zusammenhang mit dem geplanten Rentenpaket II redete kaum einer in der Ampel davon, dass allein die (sozial alles Andere als treffsichere) Rente mit 63 jeden Monat mit Milliarden zu
Buche schlägt. Laut Presseberichten etwa im
Juli 2023 mit 3,4 Milliarden Euro. Was drei Digitalpakten pro Monat entspricht und hochgerechnet aufs Jahr ziemlich genau der für 2024 geplanten Netto-Neuverschuldung des Bundes (39
Milliarden Euro). Dabei sind die über 400 Milliarden Euro neuen Krisen-Schulden, die der Gesamtstaat zwischen 2019 und 2022 gemacht hat, noch gar nicht berücksichtigt. 



 



Das Mindeste, nachdem man der Jugend in solchen Ausmaßen an der Finanzierung der Gegenwart beteiligt hat, wäre, sie durch vernünftig ausgestattete Kitas, Schulen und Hochschulen in
die Lage zu versetzen, mit diesem Erbe umzugehen. Sonst reden wir nicht mehr nur von mangelnder Fairness, sondern von volkswirtschaftlicher Dummheit. Etwas, über das das "Wir" der Ampel
dringend nochmal nachdenken sollte. 



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Major League Baseball's 30 clubs recently reported for spring training, signaling that the start of the 2024 season is right around the corner. Half of these teams' pre-season sites are based in the "Grapefruit League" in Florida, a state which at its southernmost point is just 90 miles away from one of baseball's most passionate and talent-laden countries in the world.Last season, after 62 years as a franchise, the Texas Rangers clinched their very first World Series title. Their championship run was surprising after losing 94 games the year before. But perhaps more shocking was the rise of a man known as "El Bombi." The Rangers' most valuable player in the playoffs, Cuban outfielder Adolis García, was largely unheralded prior to the 2023 season. Despite Cuba's geographical proximity to the United States and García's robust talent, García's journey stateside was not a simple one. "El Bombi" journeyed everywhere from Tokyo to Paris to Santo Domingo before eventually landing in North Texas.García's roundabout path to the big leagues is far from uncommon, however. Because of the long-standing friction between the United States and Cuba, any Cuban player wishing to compete in the Major Leagues had to defect through another country. García's whirlwind journey en route to becoming a World Series champion illustrates the importance of normalizing relations between the United States and Cuba, and how baseball can play a central role.Although they are regional neighbors, the United States has enforced an economic embargo against Cuba since 1962 in response to its Communist government. Under this policy, American businesses cannot conduct commerce with Cuba. And although the embargo has endured decades, the policy persists much to the chagrin of the international community. In fact, in every single year since 1992, the United Nations General Assembly has passed a resolution asserting that the United States should terminate its embargo on Cuba. This economic policy has tremendous adverse effects. In a report to the United Nations in 2020, Cuba suggested the embargo has resulted in a $144 billion loss.Cuban-American relations improved temporarily during the Obama administration. In 2009, Cuban-Americans were allowed to return home to Cuba. A couple years later, Americans were allowed to visit the island for group and individual people-to-people visits. In 2016, a delegation including President Obama traveled to Cuba to watch an exhibition baseball game between the Tampa Bay Rays and the Cuban national team. Baseball is considered America's "national pastime," but it may be even more popular in Cuba. For as different as the countries are ideologically, baseball is something that unites both the United States and Cuba, and this was certainly on display in 2016.Despite the significant progress the Obama administration made in Cuba, the Trump administration reinstated many of the prior restrictions. Suddenly, once again, Americans were no longer free to travel to Cuba unless for a specific reason. After Trump lost his reelection bid in 2020, President Biden's tenure has been marked by foreign policy decisions in Gaza, Ukraine, and Afghanistan, Cuba has been less of a priority for the administration.That said, the Biden administration has taken some minor steps towards progress in Cuba. Flights have resumed to Cuba from the United States with some regularity, and certain educational trips as well as professional research and meetings are once again permitted. Additionally, the administration has eased restrictions on remittances back to Cuba and has opened an application for Cuban families to visit the U.S. without waiting on migrant visas.The two sides should re-engage diplomatically, and there are a couple of simple ways to accomplish that with baseball at the crux of it. First, the Biden administration should work with Major League Baseball to bring back exhibition games in Cuba. The 2016 exhibition game was seen by many as a resounding success. It had a profound impact on players, fans, and politicians alike. Revitalizing this game promotes goodwill between the countries with little political risk.Major League Baseball could also contest some of its preseason spring training games there. There's actually precedent for this — the Los Angeles Dodgers once previously called Havana their offseason home. MLB has played several games abroad in recent years to increase its international footprint, including in South Korea and the UK; nearby Cuba seems like another logical destination.Finally, the two governments should work together to create a safe path for Cuban players to play in the United States, and vice versa. Doing so would allow players to compete at the highest level, travel back and forth, bring valuable remittances home, and to represent their country on the global stage. An agreement was struck between MLB and the Cuban Baseball Federation to allow players to play in the United States without defecting before the Trump administration struck it down. Biden's administration should resurrect it.Adolis García's emergence last season delighted millions of Americans and Cubans alike and is emblematic of how the United States and Cuba can connect through baseball. It would be nearly impossible for the Biden administration to erase decades of tensions with Cuba, but initiating public diplomacy programs through baseball could be a home run.

Cabo Verde hasn't had a case of malaria in three years. It once had the deadly disease on all ten of its islands.We live in a time when there is a lot of tough news related to our struggle against poverty and poverty-enhanced disease. By some estimates, nearly 7 million people have died from COVID-19, and the virus's economic costs have been catastrophic for families, communities, and countries the world over.However, there is renewed hope for progress in tackling one of the world's greatest killers: malaria. Caused by more than 100 types of parasites, malaria enters the body through the bite of the female Anopheles mosquito and contaminates the bloodstream. While the US successfully eliminated the disease as a public health threat in 1951, half the world remains at risk of infection according to Malaria No More, a global organization that mobilizes political commitments and funding for malaria eradication.This January, Cabo Verde joined the ranks of 43 nations and one territory certified as malaria-free by the World Health Organization (WHO)—a remarkable achievement highlighted by Secretary of State Antony Blinken during his recent trip to the country's capital of Praia. Cabo Verde's malaria-free status is especially important in a country where tourism accounts for nearly a quarter of its GDP. Thanks to the US President's Malaria Initiative, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria, and dedicated health leadership in participating countries over the last two decades, the world has made substantial progress in reducing the disease's spread and associated deaths. However, the COVID-19 pandemic saw momentum against the disease reduced (and in some places even reversed) for a variety of reasons. Cabo Verde's success story serves as a reminder of what can be achieved if global health leaders refocus their efforts on eradicating malaria once again. Taking on the malaria scourge requires a multi-pronged approach: carefully investigating, diagnosing, and counting malaria cases; providing ill individuals with free, effective, and early treatment; and preventing new cases by administering medicines, controlling mosquito breeding areas, and providing insecticide-treated mosquito nets. To be sure, Cabo Verde's path to eliminating malaria had its difficult moments. In 2017, the country reported 184 cases, marking its worst outbreak in more than 20 years. But Cabo Verde made the right investments. When it achieved independence less than 50 years ago, it had only 13 doctors. Today, 80% of its citizens live within 30 minutes of a healthcare facility.So why is any of this newsworthy and important? Despite great strides, malaria continues to claim approximately 600,000 lives each year—and 95% of these deaths occur in Africa. The 2023 World malaria report found that just four countries make up nearly half of the world's malaria cases: Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda, and Mozambique. And even more tragically, the WHO reports that 80% of malaria deaths in the region are children under the age of five. Even for those who survive their bout with the disease, malaria has severe long-term costs and consequences. Sick children are unable to attend school and fall behind on their lessons. In fact, malaria keeps kids out of school more than any other disease. Sick adults are unable to work, straining family incomes and limiting national economic growth. While Malaria No More estimates that $12 billion is lost as a direct result of malaria infections, the true cost of lost growth potential is immeasurable. Measures to prevent malaria's spread have saved many millions of lives, and new vaccine developments offer renewed hope for a malaria-free future. Cameroon is currently rolling out the world's first malaria vaccine—RTS,S, or Mosquirix—following successful trials in Ghana, Kenya, and Malawi. As of November 2023, more than 2 million children had received a vaccination, leading to a 13% decrease in early childhood deaths across the three countries. Another 17 nations are waiting in the wings for their own vaccine rollout. And a second vaccine to help keep up with demand, R21/Matrix-M, is undergoing clinical trials.Cabo Verde may soon have company with its malaria-free status. Sao Tome and Principe, as well as the Comoros, reported no malaria deaths for the first time in 2022. Botswana, Eritrea, and Eswatini have each reported less than 10 malaria deaths. And while it is difficult to know the true impact of malaria treatments and preventative measures, the WHO calculates that 2.1 billion cases of malaria were averted globally between 2000 to 2022. It's true that Cabo Verde is a small archipelago—and São Tomé and Principe, along with the Comoros, are also small nations. Their makeup and geography offer advantages in taking on diseases like malaria. Importantly, they also offer proof of concept. They show that with focus, leadership, tools, and discipline, we can defeat diseases that have stolen lives as far back as we can measure—and they offer hope.This blog was researched and drafted with the assistance of Katherine Schauer.

Cabo Verde hasn't had a case of malaria in three years. It once had the deadly disease on all ten of its islands.We live in a time when there is a lot of tough news related to our struggle against poverty and poverty-enhanced disease. By some estimates, nearly 7 million people have died from COVID-19, and the virus's economic costs have been catastrophic for families, communities, and countries the world over.However, there is renewed hope for progress in tackling one of the world's greatest killers: malaria. Caused by more than 100 types of parasites, malaria enters the body through the bite of the female Anopheles mosquito and contaminates the bloodstream. While the US successfully eliminated the disease as a public health threat in 1951, half the world remains at risk of infection according to Malaria No More, a global organization that mobilizes political commitments and funding for malaria eradication.This January, Cabo Verde joined the ranks of 43 nations and one territory certified as malaria-free by the World Health Organization (WHO)—a remarkable achievement highlighted by Secretary of State Antony Blinken during his recent trip to the country's capital of Praia. Cabo Verde's malaria-free status is especially important in a country where tourism accounts for nearly a quarter of its GDP. Thanks to the US President's Malaria Initiative, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria, and dedicated health leadership in participating countries over the last two decades, the world has made substantial progress in reducing the disease's spread and associated deaths. However, the COVID-19 pandemic saw momentum against the disease reduced (and in some places even reversed) for a variety of reasons. Cabo Verde's success story serves as a reminder of what can be achieved if global health leaders refocus their efforts on eradicating malaria once again. Taking on the malaria scourge requires a multi-pronged approach: carefully investigating, diagnosing, and counting malaria cases; providing ill individuals with free, effective, and early treatment; and preventing new cases by administering medicines, controlling mosquito breeding areas, and providing insecticide-treated mosquito nets. To be sure, Cabo Verde's path to eliminating malaria had its difficult moments. In 2017, the country reported 184 cases, marking its worst outbreak in more than 20 years. But Cabo Verde made the right investments. When it achieved independence less than 50 years ago, it had only 13 doctors. Today, 80% of its citizens live within 30 minutes of a healthcare facility.So why is any of this newsworthy and important? Despite great strides, malaria continues to claim approximately 600,000 lives each year—and 95% of these deaths occur in Africa. The 2023 World malaria report found that just four countries make up nearly half of the world's malaria cases: Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda, and Mozambique. And even more tragically, the WHO reports that 80% of malaria deaths in the region are children under the age of five. Even for those who survive their bout with the disease, malaria has severe long-term costs and consequences. Sick children are unable to attend school and fall behind on their lessons. In fact, malaria keeps kids out of school more than any other disease. Sick adults are unable to work, straining family incomes and limiting national economic growth. While Malaria No More estimates that $12 billion is lost as a direct result of malaria infections, the true cost of lost growth potential is immeasurable. Measures to prevent malaria's spread have saved many millions of lives, and new vaccine developments offer renewed hope for a malaria-free future. Cameroon is currently rolling out the world's first malaria vaccine—RTS,S, or Mosquirix—following successful trials in Ghana, Kenya, and Malawi. As of November 2023, more than 2 million children had received a vaccination, leading to a 13% decrease in early childhood deaths across the three countries. Another 17 nations are waiting in the wings for their own vaccine rollout. And a second vaccine to help keep up with demand, R21/Matrix-M, is undergoing clinical trials.Cabo Verde may soon have company with its malaria-free status. Sao Tome and Principe, as well as the Comoros, reported no malaria deaths for the first time in 2022. Botswana, Eritrea, and Eswatini have each reported less than 10 malaria deaths. And while it is difficult to know the true impact of malaria treatments and preventative measures, the WHO calculates that 2.1 billion cases of malaria were averted globally between 2000 to 2022. It's true that Cabo Verde is a small archipelago—and São Tomé and Principe, along with the Comoros, are also small nations. Their makeup and geography offer advantages in taking on diseases like malaria. Importantly, they also offer proof of concept. They show that with focus, leadership, tools, and discipline, we can defeat diseases that have stolen lives as far back as we can measure—and they offer hope.This blog was researched and drafted with the assistance of Katherine Schauer.

However, patriarchy is not unique to Afghanistan; it is a common thread that connects women's oppression all over the world."The most common way people give up their power is by thinking they don't have any." - Alice WalkerIn Afghanistan, patriarchy is a brutal force that crushes women's spirits. It is a constant presence, like a dark cloud that casts a shadow over everything. It is erasing their very existence and their voices, dreams, and hopes. However, patriarchy is not unique to Afghanistan; it is a common thread that connects women's oppression all over the world. In other countries, patriarchy is more sneaky and deceptive.Personal reflectionsAs a young girl in Afghanistan, I was haunted by questions that pierced my heart. Why did my country treat women as if they were worthless and inferior to men? Why did I witness women who were intelligent and talented but still regarded as second-class citizens? Why did I question my abilities whenever I encountered a difficulty in my studies?I was a child of eight when I witnessed a scene that baffled me. The year was 2004, and my mother and I had gone to a tailor in our town to buy some clothes for my father and brother. The shopkeeper was struggling with his calculator, and my mother offered to help. She took a piece of paper and a pen and wrote down the prices of the fabrics. Then, she added them up with ease. She had gone to school and learned how to do arithmetic without a machine. But the people in the shop gasped and stared. How could a woman write? That was not something women were supposed to do. I wondered why.As I entered my teenage years, I was bombarded with messages from religious authorities and society that women were inferior, irrational, and sinful. Women needed to be dominated and guarded by men. Women had no right to go out alone, make their own choices, or pursue their dreams. Women were like children, or even worse. I still remember the Imam's sermon one Friday when I was 14. He said that women had a tendency to dishonor themselves and their families and that they should not be trusted with their own well-being. I felt a surge of shock and anger. I thought of myself, my mother, and other women I knew who were not like that. I thought of a male relative who was clearly less intelligent than me but who had more freedom and respect. I started to question the validity of what I had been told.Growing up in Afghanistan, I always wondered why I had to wear a burqa. Why did I have to cover myself from head to toe while men could walk freely? Why did I have to obey their rules when they could do whatever they wanted? I thought this question was only reserved for me, but I was wrong. This was a question that connected women across the world, across cultures and religions. A question that challenged the entire system of patriarchy.It took me years of hard work and self-reflection to overcome the doubts and fears that had been planted in my mind. I had to prove to myself, over and over again, that I was not stupid, that I was not inferior, that I was not worthless. I had to fight against the voice in my head that told me I could not do something because I was a woman. I had to learn to trust my own abilities and judgment. I had to realize that the problem was not with me but with the patriarchal system that oppressed my thoughts.Patriarchy as a global phenomenonPatriarchy is not natural. It is not inevitable. It is not something we are born with. It is something we are taught, something we inherit. It is a system that has been created and maintained by historical events, such as the rise of states, the development of agriculture, the influence of religion, and the impact of colonialism. It is a system that has been justified and normalized by biological or psychological differences between men and women. It is a system that has oppressed and exploited women for centuries.Patriarchy is a problem that blinds us all. It blinds women from seeing their own worth and potential. It blinds society from seeing the diversity and richness of its people. It blinds humanity from seeing the truth and beauty of the world in its full actuality. We are living in a half-blind world where only one eye is open, and the other is shut. We need to ask ourselves: how are we contributing to this blindness? How are we resisting it? How are we opening our eyes and helping others to do the same? Only then can we see the world with both eyes, clearly and freely.But patriarchy is also an accident. An accident that can be corrected. An accident that should not define our future. Our societies can be formed in so many ways, and this patriarchal way is one of them. It can change. We can change it. We can imagine a world of equality. We can work for it. We can make it happen.The views expressed in these articles are those of the author and do not reflect an official position of the Wilson Center.

However, patriarchy is not unique to Afghanistan; it is a common thread that connects women's oppression all over the world."The most common way people give up their power is by thinking they don't have any." - Alice WalkerIn Afghanistan, patriarchy is a brutal force that crushes women's spirits. It is a constant presence, like a dark cloud that casts a shadow over everything. It is erasing their very existence and their voices, dreams, and hopes. However, patriarchy is not unique to Afghanistan; it is a common thread that connects women's oppression all over the world. In other countries, patriarchy is more sneaky and deceptive.Personal reflectionsAs a young girl in Afghanistan, I was haunted by questions that pierced my heart. Why did my country treat women as if they were worthless and inferior to men? Why did I witness women who were intelligent and talented but still regarded as second-class citizens? Why did I question my abilities whenever I encountered a difficulty in my studies?I was a child of eight when I witnessed a scene that baffled me. The year was 2004, and my mother and I had gone to a tailor in our town to buy some clothes for my father and brother. The shopkeeper was struggling with his calculator, and my mother offered to help. She took a piece of paper and a pen and wrote down the prices of the fabrics. Then, she added them up with ease. She had gone to school and learned how to do arithmetic without a machine. But the people in the shop gasped and stared. How could a woman write? That was not something women were supposed to do. I wondered why.As I entered my teenage years, I was bombarded with messages from religious authorities and society that women were inferior, irrational, and sinful. Women needed to be dominated and guarded by men. Women had no right to go out alone, make their own choices, or pursue their dreams. Women were like children, or even worse. I still remember the Imam's sermon one Friday when I was 14. He said that women had a tendency to dishonor themselves and their families and that they should not be trusted with their own well-being. I felt a surge of shock and anger. I thought of myself, my mother, and other women I knew who were not like that. I thought of a male relative who was clearly less intelligent than me but who had more freedom and respect. I started to question the validity of what I had been told.Growing up in Afghanistan, I always wondered why I had to wear a burqa. Why did I have to cover myself from head to toe while men could walk freely? Why did I have to obey their rules when they could do whatever they wanted? I thought this question was only reserved for me, but I was wrong. This was a question that connected women across the world, across cultures and religions. A question that challenged the entire system of patriarchy.It took me years of hard work and self-reflection to overcome the doubts and fears that had been planted in my mind. I had to prove to myself, over and over again, that I was not stupid, that I was not inferior, that I was not worthless. I had to fight against the voice in my head that told me I could not do something because I was a woman. I had to learn to trust my own abilities and judgment. I had to realize that the problem was not with me but with the patriarchal system that oppressed my thoughts.Patriarchy as a global phenomenonPatriarchy is not natural. It is not inevitable. It is not something we are born with. It is something we are taught, something we inherit. It is a system that has been created and maintained by historical events, such as the rise of states, the development of agriculture, the influence of religion, and the impact of colonialism. It is a system that has been justified and normalized by biological or psychological differences between men and women. It is a system that has oppressed and exploited women for centuries.Patriarchy is a problem that blinds us all. It blinds women from seeing their own worth and potential. It blinds society from seeing the diversity and richness of its people. It blinds humanity from seeing the truth and beauty of the world in its full actuality. We are living in a half-blind world where only one eye is open, and the other is shut. We need to ask ourselves: how are we contributing to this blindness? How are we resisting it? How are we opening our eyes and helping others to do the same? Only then can we see the world with both eyes, clearly and freely.But patriarchy is also an accident. An accident that can be corrected. An accident that should not define our future. Our societies can be formed in so many ways, and this patriarchal way is one of them. It can change. We can change it. We can imagine a world of equality. We can work for it. We can make it happen.The views expressed in these articles are those of the author and do not reflect an official position of the Wilson Center.