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The Biden White House is reportedly trying to rein in the U.S. ambassador to Japan, Rahm Emanuel, whose social media trolling of the Chinese government in recent weeks has become increasingly combative. According to NBC News, Biden aides have asked Emanuel to stop mocking Xi Jinping online over China's economic woes and the removal of several high-profile officials. As one anonymous White House official drily put it, the tweets were "not in keeping with the message coming out of this building." Emanuel's sarcastic criticism of the Chinese government and Xi has predictably irritated Beijing, and that has been undermining the administration's efforts to stabilize the deteriorating U.S.-Chinese relationship. As one administration official said, "It just fights what we are doing there in the region." A former administration official quoted in the report was blunter: "They're trying to calm things down and to have the ambassador to Japan attack the Chinese? It's stupid."Emanuel was always a curious choice for a prominent diplomatic post, given his record as a crude, knife-fighting political operative, but in recent weeks he outdid himself with his trolling comments about China. When the then-defense minister, Li Shangfu, had not been seen in public for several weeks, Emanuel tweeted a mocking reference to Agatha Christie's "And Then There Were None" as he called attention to the growing list of top Chinese officials removed from their positions over the last few months. This briefly earned the ambassador some favorable coverage back home, including a report in The Wall Street Journal last week that billed him as a "warrior diplomat," but like the so-called wolf warrior tactics that Emanuel has been imitating it ended up backfiring on him.The ambassador's social media antics have done nothing to advance U.S. interests, and it is hard to see how it benefits Japan or the U.S.-Japanese relationship to have our ambassador in Tokyo flinging insults at a neighboring country. As the NBC News report said, a "second administration official said for Emanuel to make these comments makes no sense and does not advance U.S. strategic goals with China or with the Asia-Pacific region." The U.S. doesn't send its ambassadors abroad so that they can play at being the ugly American for online clout, but lately that seems to be what Emanuel thinks his job is. It was a mistake to appoint Emanuel as an ambassador, and it was even worse to send him to a region where tensions are already high enough without having a top U.S. official throwing rhetorical bombs every week. Diplomats don't have to be quiet or boring, but they do need to be professional and responsible in what they say because they aren't just speaking for themselves. The White House is right to get Emanuel back in line. It remains to be seen if he will stay there. Emanuel's public attacks on China illustrate the limited utility of aggressive, hawkish posturing. Mocking Xi and the Chinese government over their current difficulties is juvenile at best, and to the extent that it contributes to further mistrust and hostility it can have real consequences for the bilateral relationship that can undercut U.S. policies and cause damage to U.S. and allied interests. While Emanuel may not take his responsibility seriously, representing the U.S. overseas is not a game. Especially when it concerns powerful rival states, diplomats need to take extra care in what they say, how they say it, and where they say it. They certainly shouldn't be freelancing with pointed public attacks on the rival's leadership because it amuses them.Making playground taunts of foreign leaders may seem harmless enough, but such slights help to erode goodwill between governments and provide fodder to hardliners in the other country that thrive on contempt and anger. Emanuel may imagine that he is boldly "calling out" the Chinese government for its failures, but it doesn't hurt their government to have an obnoxious foreign diplomat attacking them in public. If anything, it is useful to their propagandists to have someone like Emanuel as a foil. All that it does it make the work of real U.S. diplomats that much harder, and ultimately that means that the U.S. ends up absorbing higher costs down the road.When U.S. diplomacy is successful, it secures U.S. interests in other parts of the world at the lowest possible cost. It can be challenging and sometimes dangerous work, and it is almost never glamorous, but when it is done right it can achieve far more through negotiation and compromise than can be achieved by force, threats, and denunciations. Emanuel is the product of a political culture that prizes the latter and hates the former, and so it isn't surprising that he is not suited at all to the task of being a diplomat. One of the weaknesses of U.S. diplomacy is the selection of unqualified political appointees for ambassadorial roles. No other major government hands out ambassadorial posts on the basis of political cronyism and donations. As a result, they typically avoid the embarrassments and scandals that come from being represented by people that have no training or aptitude for diplomatic work. There may sometimes be some value in having political allies of the president in a foreign capital, but most of the time it does little to help advance U.S. interests. In some cases, it can work against them. It is good that the Biden administration is trying to get one of its loose cannons under control, but it would be much better if we had a system in which only career diplomats served as our ambassadors in every country.There is a legitimate role for criticism of other governments in the practice of U.S. diplomacy, but it has to be part of a coordinated policy aimed at securing real benefits for the American people. Trolling the Chinese leadership over their internal problems just antagonizes their government and achieves nothing of value. Before sounding off in public, an ambassador or any other U.S. official needs to ask what purpose is being served by the criticism and whether that is the smartest way to respond. Does a public attack bring the U.S. closer to advancing its interests, or does it create an additional obstacle that makes that more difficult? Obviously, Emanuel didn't bother to ask those questions.
Studies show that our ideas of gender and sexuality are closely linked with the language that is used to define and describe these two notions. It has been further proven that there is a very close relationship between issues related to sexuality and concepts such as gender, (political) power, exploitation, supremacy and mobbing, to name but a few. Social, cultural, political, historical and other discussions regarding questions such as what sexuality is and what is permissible, acceptable and even "normal", are inevitably part of linguistic discourse. In this MA thesis I thus research and analyze the complexity and multifacetedness of the relationship between language, discourse, gender and sexuality in the translations of English texts. I focus on the translations of texts which could be considered ambiguous in regards to expressing gender. This refers to the co-dependence between the source text, male or female translator and culture, as well as the broader circumstances that influence the translation or target text. In the first part of the thesis I focus on the theoretical background and critical insights into the relationships between language, gender and sexuality. The next stage comprises a comparison of English texts from various media sources (classical and electronic) on both linguistic and discursive levels, with the translations of these texts into Slovene, Croatian and German provided by future translators. The second part of the thesis, the research, comprises two parts: first, I am interested in how these texts and their translations are dealt with by the students – future translators – from four faculties in Maribor, Graz, Zagreb and Split. I am further interested in the level of the respondents' awareness regarding the appropriate use of politically correct expressions, which I assume they are able to use accordingly in their translations. The second part of the research presents data collected based on the questionnaire, which was answered by future translators immediately after completion of the survey. Since the students come from different backgrounds, I am mostly interested in the reasons and possible factors that have influenced their translation choices (of individual words, expressions (terms), phrases, etc.). There are two general assumptions based on the literature review and the analysis of the translations and answers to the questionnaires provided by the future translators. The first one refers to the target text – translation – which, in most cases, depends on the current culture, social environment and time period. The emphasis is placed on the co-dependence between the source text, translator (male or female) as well as culture and other broader background circumstances which influence the translation or the target text. This assumption emphasizes the importance of translators possessing a high level of knowledge and intercultural awareness. The latter was noticable in the translations under research, yet we are still, as regards politically correct expressions, in the process of introducing norms and guidelines on a higher, state level, which might be later generally applied. The second general assumption refers to cultural, social, political, historical and ideological paradigms which annul the ideal of a translation as embodying or reflecting neutral, impartial linguistic and discursive text fidelity. From the translations into three languages, I was able to establish that there are no ideal translations. Furthermore, it was extremely difficult to find gender neutral translations, because of the differences between the three languages analyzed in the study, which would fulfill expectations in the three culturally and politically different cultures according to their individual ideological guidelines. We also have to be aware of the rapid degree of globalization, progress and change which create differences and shape new rules, rendering the old ones obsolete. ; Raziskave kažejo, da so naše ideje o spolu in seksualnosti vezane na jezik, ki ga uporabljamo pri njihovem definiranju in opisovanju. Nadalje je potrjeno, da so vprašanja seksualnosti zelo povezana s pojmi, kot so spol, (politična) moč, izkoriščanje, prevlada, mobing in podobno. Družbene, kulturne, politične, zgodovinske in še kakšne razprave o tem, kaj je seksualnost, kaj je dovoljeno, sprejemljivo, celo »normalno«, so neizogibno del jezikovnega diskurza. V magistrski nalogi raziskujem in analiziram kompleksnost in večplastnost odnosa med jezikom, diskurzom, spolom in seksualnostjo pri prevajanju angleških besedil. Osredotočam se na prevode besedil, ki bi lahko glede na izražanje spola veljali za nejasne oziroma dvoumne. Gre za soodvisnost med izvirnim besedilom, prevajalcem ali prevajalko in kulturo oziroma širšimi okoliščinami, ki iz ozadja vplivajo na prevod oziroma ciljno besedilo. V prvem delu magistrske naloge podam pregled literature in kritični vpogled v odnos med jezikom, spolom in seksualnostjo. Nato angleška besedila iz različnih medijev (klasičnih in elektronskih) na jezikovni in diskurzivni ravni primerjam s prevodi teh besedil v slovenščino, hrvaščino in nemščino, ki so jih prispevali študenti prevajalstva. Drugi del naloge, raziskava, zajema dva dela: najprej me zanima, kako se teh besedil in njihovih prevodov lotevajo študenti prevajalstva, in sicer na štirih fakultetah: mariborski, graški, zagrebški in splitski. Nadalje me zanima raven zavedanja anketiranih študentov prevajalstva o pravilnosti in primernosti rabe t.i. politično korektnih izrazov, za katere menim, da jih znajo ustrezno uporabljati v svojih prevodih. Drugi del raziskave poteka s pomočjo anket, na katere neposredno po prevajanju besedil odgovarjajo študenti prevajalci. Ker izhajajo iz različnih okolij, nas pri tem zanimajo predvsem vzroki in morebitni drugi dejavniki, ki vplivajo na njihovo izbiro besed, izrazov, fraz itd. Pri proučevanju literature in pri analizi prevodov ter odgovorov na anketna vprašanja, podanih s strani študentov prevajalstva, izpostavim dve splošni predpostavki. Prva se nanaša na ciljno besedilo, torej prevod, ki je v večini primerov odvisen od kulture, družbenega okolja ter časa, v katerem živi prevajalec. Pomemben je torej odnos med izvirnim besedilom, prevajalcem/prevajalko ter ostalimi širšimi okoliščinami, ki na prevod oziroma ciljno besedilo vplivajo iz ozadja. Predpostavka poudarja pomembnost visoke stopnje znanja in medkulturne ozaveščenosti prevajalcev. Slednjo je bilo sicer mogoče zaslediti v prevodih, vendar smo v tem oziru (predvsem glede politično korektnega izražanja) šele v procesu uvajanja določenih norm in pravil na višji, državni ravni, ki bi jim potem lahko sledili. Druga splošna predpostavka se nanaša na kulturne, družbene, politične, zgodovinske ali ideološke paradigme, ki razveljavljajo ideal prevajanja kot neke nevtralne, nepristranske jezikovne in diskurzivne besedilne zvestobe. Iz prevodov v tri jezike, ki sicer geografsko mejijo drug na drugega, je bilo mogoče ugotoviti, da idealnih prevodov ni. Prav tako je zaradi razlik med jeziki, ki so bili vključeni v raziskavo, zelo težko najti nevtralne prevode, ki bi zadostili pričakovanjem v treh kulturno in politično različnih družbah, ki sledijo svojim ideološkim smernicam. Hkrati se je treba zavedati visoke stopnje globalizacije, napredka in sprememb, ki ustvarjajo razlike in krojijo nova pravila, stara pa dokaj pogosto utemeljijo kot zastarela.
Recent development in agricultural und industrial production leads to increasing pollution of the water sources in the Mekong Delta of Vietnam. According to the "Vietnam Environment Monitor 2003 - Water", no safe drinking water is provided to approximately 40 % of the total population. Thus, environmental institutions and governments became aware of the looming fresh water crisis. As a result, the "National Rural Clean Water Supply and Sanitation Strategy" (NRWSS) was elaborated as part of the national "Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper" to take responsibility for the Millennium Development Goals. The reuse of waste/wastewater for agriculture may be a low cost solution in water treatment and at the same time a significant contribution to food production. The presented socio-economic study was conducted during the course of the interdisciplinary SANSED-Project in 2003/04, aiming to identify criteria for a sustainable wastewater treatment system. Therefore, User- and Non-User-operating farm households' (OFH) attitudes towards and acceptance behavior of biogas plants (BGP), modern latrines (ML) and biogas sludge (BGS) as principal components of an ecological wastewater management system were analyzed and evaluated. Referring to the latter, the use of human feces in the biogas technology was a major point of interest. By means of a detailed questionnaire, the survey aimed to achieve information about the OFHs' environment and interactions. LANGENHEDER'S decision-making-theory together with KOLLMANN'S use-acceptance-model on the OFH defined by DOPPLER as socio-economic system constitutes the basis of this research approach. Within the sample 218 OFHs in three selected communities of the Mekong Delta as well as representatives of the local government, universities and other institutions were interviewed. The study leads to the following results and recommendations: 80 % of the surveyed OFHs have no ML, 10 % have no latrine at all. Generally, the population is aware of the hygienic and environmental threats, but real commitments to solve the problem are still missing. The User OFHs dispose of a higher living standard and educational level. Apart from their farming activity, they hold down a non-farm job and thus, dispose of more steady income and have easier creditworthiness. The principal OFHs' problems are lack of capital and professional knowledge as well as shortcomings in the access to further training. Most of the households know about the governmental intentions to substitute fishpond-latrines and to promote the use of organic fertilizer instead of untreated feces. In general the OFHs perceive BGP, ML and BGS-use as progressive, but restraining factors for their investment and sustainable utilization do exist. The principal restricting determinants are: BGP : Lack of capital and therefore of a customized microfinance system, the dependency on piggery as substrate input source and its market instability as well as the lack of monitored construction quality standards and difficult emptying procedure of the system. ML : Lack of economic inducement, ML-inappropriateness i.e. luxury good that doesn't fit to the living standard (average dwelling) on the countryside. BGS : Lack of information, specifically nescience about BGS-use and earthworm breeding, difficult, space intensive and time-consuming handling, small produced quantity, relatively low market value. The acceptance of these components suffer shortcomings in communication including reliable technical assistance and professional training using demonstration units for capacity building as well as choices of models for adaptability. The Health Care Centre, the Agricultural Extension Service and research institutions should work closer together on the standardization and general widespread introduction of BGP with connected ML as it would provide an efficient solution with synergy effects reducing the installation and fix costs, superseding the emptying procedure, enabling the safe reuse of night soil and alleviating the strong dependency of BGP-utilization on piggery. The Agricultural Extension Service already tries to offer and transmit information accordingly, but the institutional structure and efficiency referring on its internal organization, available quantity of field service staff and its capacity are insufficient. Further recommendations to improve the acceptance and dissemination rates include the establishment of user-societies/groups, demand-oriented offers of custom-to-fit-system, economic inducement and service network for microfinance at the grassroots level. The second phase of SANSED-Project offers the opportunity to consider the recommendations and to tackle the need for acceptance and dissemination research. ; Akzeptanzanalyse Neuer Technologien für ein Nachhaltiges Wasser- und Sanitärmanagement - Eine Fallstudie Landwirtschaftlicher Betriebshaushalte im Mekong Delta, Vietnam Die Entwicklung im landwirtschaftlichen und industriellen Produktionssektor führt zu zunehmender Verunreinigung der Wasserressourcen im Mekong Delta Vietnams. Dem "Vietnam Umwelt Monitor 2003 - Wasser" zur Folge verfügt etwa 40 % der Gesamtbevölkerung über kein sauberes Trinkwasser. Regierung und Umweltorganisationen wurden sich dieser zunehmenden Süßwasserkrise bewusst. Um den Millenium-Entwicklungszielen gerecht zu werden, wurde die "Nationale Strategie für ländliche Wasserversorgung und Sanitärwesen" (NRWSS) als Teil der nationalen "Strategie zur Armutsbekämpfung" erarbeitet. Die Wiederverwendung von Abfall/Abwasser in der Landwirtschaft kann eine effiziente Form der Wasserbehandlung und gleichzeitig ein bedeutender Beitrag zur Steigerung der Nahrungsmittelproduktion sein. Die vorliegende sozioökonomische Studie wurde im Rahmen des interdisziplinären SANSED-Projektes in den Jahren 2003/04 mit dem Ziel durchgeführt, Kriterien für ein nachhaltiges Abwasserbehandlungssystem zu definieren. Es sollte die Einstellung und das Akzeptanzverhalten von landwirtschaftlichen Betriebshaushalten (LBH, Nichtbenutzer und Benutzer) bezüglich der Nutzung von Biogasanlagen (BGA), modernen Latrinen (ML) und Biogasschlamm (BGS) als Hauptbestandteile eines ökologischen Abwassermanagementsystems analysiert und bewertet werden. Dabei war die Wiederverwertung von menschlichen Exkrementen mittels der Biogas-Technologie von besonderem Interesse. Anhand eines detaillierten Fragebogens zielte die Erhebung darauf ab, Informationen über die Rahmenbedingungen der LBH und deren Interaktionen zu erhalten. LANGENHEDER'S Theorie zur Entscheidungshandlung, KOLLMANN'S Akzeptanzmodell und DOPPLER'S Definition des landwirtschaftlichen Betriebshaushaltes bildeten die Grundlage für den Forschungsansatz. Insgesamt wurden 218 LBHs in drei ausgewählten Dorfgemeinschaften des Mekong Deltas sowie Repräsentanten der lokalen Regierung, von Universitäten und anderen Institutionen befragt. Die Studie führt zu die folgenden Ergebnissen und Empfehlungen: 80 % der LBHs haben keine moderne Latrine, 10 % besitzen überhaupt keine Latrine. Im Allgemeinen ist sich die Bevölkerung der hygienischen und ökologischen Probleme bewusst, aber tatsächliche Ansätze zur Problemlösung sind unzureichend. Die Benutzer-LBHs verfügen generell über einen höheren Lebensstandard und ein höheres Bildungsniveau. Abgesehen von ihrer landwirtschaftlichen Tätigkeit gehen sie einer außerlandwirtschaftlichen Arbeit nach, haben folglich ein stetigeres Einkommen und sind eher kreditwürdig. Kernprobleme der LBHs sind Kapitalmangel, unzureichendes Fachwissen und begrenzte Möglichkeiten der Weiterbildung. Die meisten Haushalte kennen die Regierungsabsichten, "Fischteich-Latrinen" zu ersetzen und den Gebrauch des organischen Düngers anstelle von unbehandelten Exkrementen zu fördern. Grundsätzlich sehen die LBHs die Nutzung von BGA, ML und BGS als fortschrittlich an. Trotzdem bestehen Hindernisse für ihre nachhaltige Übernahme und Verbreitung. Die wesentlichen Determinanten sind: BGA : Kapitalmangel und kein ausreichend kundenorientiertes Kleinkreditsystem; singuläre Abhängigkeit von der Schweinehaltung als Stoffeintragsquelle und dessen Preisschwankungen sowie Mangel an überwachten Qualitätsstandards der Installationen, schwierige Entleerung der Anlage. ML : Kein ökonomischer Anreiz, ML-Unangemessenheit (Luxusgut, das nicht zum bisherigen Lebensstandard/ Hausqualität auf dem Lande passt). BGS : Informationsmangel, dies betrifft speziell die BGS-Anwendung und Regenwurmzucht; unkomfortable, raum- und zeitintensive Behandlung, geringe Produktionsmenge, verhältnismäßig niedriger ökonomischer Wert. Die Erhöhung der Akzeptanzrate der o.g. Komponenten des Abwassermanagementsystems benötigt eine bessere Kommunikationsstrategie, eine zuverlässige technische Unterstützung und professionelles Training anhand von Demonstrationseinheiten zur Entwicklung der Kapazitäten sowie eine Auswahl an adäquaten Modellen. Die Poliklinik, der landwirtschaftliche Beratungsservice und die Forschungsinstitutionen sollten gemeinsam Qualitätsstandards festlegen und eine weiträumige Einführung von BGA mit ML-Anschluss initiieren. Dies wäre ein effizienter Ansatz mit Synergieeffekten in den Anschaffungskosten, der Installation, der Entleerung der BGA, der sicheren Wiederverwertung menschlicher Exkremente sowie der Verringerung der Abhängigkeit der BGA-Nutzung von der Schweinehaltung. Der landwirtschaftliche Beratungsservice versucht bereits entsprechende Informationen anzubieten und zu vermitteln, aber die Organisationsstruktur und Leistungsfähigkeit sind unzulänglich, da es an Personal und Ausbildung fehlt. Weitere Empfehlungen zur Verbesserung der Annahme- und Diffusionsrate schließen die Einrichtung von Benutzergemeinschaften, nachfrageorientierte Angebote von Custom-to-fit-Systemen, ökonomische Stimuli und ein Basisnetzwerk für Kleinkredite mit ein. Das Folgeprojekt SANSED II bietet die Möglichkeit, die Empfehlungen umzusetzen und den weiteren Forschungsbedarf in den Bereichen Akzeptanz- und Diffusionsforschung anzugehen.
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Picture of me practicing aikido in a mask (seemed appropriate)As we look at another surge, another variant, and another school year of Covid, it might be worth thinking about the conditions that made this situation possible. The conditions are, as is so often the case, multiple, including the nature of the virus itself, technological, and economic conditions. What I would like to focus on briefly are the ideological conditions, or the way in which the virus took advantage of social contradictions as much biological weakness. 1) Exceptions. Some of the first news that came out about COVID stressed that some percentage, as high as about 60% would be completely asymptomatic. This news was sometimes meant to spread caution, to let people know that they could feel fine and still infect others, but for many this meant that there was a good chance that the disease would not affect them at all (I realize that asymptomatic and not being infected are not the same thing). The odds for many people seemed good. I think that this is particularly true for a country like the US were the ruling ideology is often about seeing oneself as an exception to a general rule. We are told that most will not make it rich, but believe that we will, or, a little closer to home, that most entering graduate school will not find tenure track jobs, but we believe ourselves to be the exception (or, in the words of The Wire, a "smart ass pawn."). COVID just become another general pattern that we see ourselves as exceptions to, something that happens to other people. 2) Essential Workers. The early year or so was in part defined by an increased awareness of how our lives were made possible by all sorts of workers, in food service, trucking, retail, logistics, all of whom produce distribute, and sell the goods we rely on. There was also an awareness of how we are dependent on teachers, nurses, and hospital staff in more ways than we imagined. It suddenly became clear that schools were not just for people who had children, but also for people who needed people who have children to show up to work; one thread in an otherwise invisible web of dependency and connection. There was a brief recognition of this fact; some of it was symbolic, banging on pots pans and impromptu airshows, but some of it was material as well, increased wages for essential workers. However, this fundamental fact of life became increasingly awkward as time went by, and there was a concerted effort to return to the normal state of not thinking about how the food got to the table or who the person behind the counter was as a person. First, there was the ghoulish demand that lives would have to sacrificed to start the economy. Then, there was just the mute compulsion of everyday life, the gravitational pull of normal. Our entire way of life is predicated on not thinking about other people, on seeing ourselves as kingdoms within a kingdom, separate from nature and from our dependency on others. 3) The Mediasphere. I am no conspiracy theorist, and do not really care if COVID came from a lab leak or not (unless the lab also has an antidote, then I do not see how this changes anything), but I cannot imagine a virus more capable of taking advantage of the current economy and ecology of attention than COVID. Part of this goes back to the first point. There are radically different experiences with COVID from a person who is affected so slightly that they do not even know they have it to someone suffering from a set of chronic life altering conditions that have come to be known as long COVID. Combine this with a predominantly anecdotal way of thinking about the world, a focus on individual stories, situations, and perspectives and you have competing stories, which, thanks to social media, become competing realities, different worlds. Any attempt to create a dominate narrative, a collective consensus about what was at stake was hindered from the get go, first by a general distrust in government by some, which saw every precaution as a conspiracy of control, and then eventually by others, as the CDC and government gave in to the open conspiracy of capitalism, which needed us to return to work and consumption as soon as possible. The final situation of all this is almost one in which there is no consensus, no dominant view, but only competing divergent views with their own standards and sources of information. I do not want to sound like Plato, but it seems to me that one of the benefits of living in a society is that we should not have to "do our own research," to learn a little about virology, vaccines, epidemiology, airflow, etc., just to go about our lives in a pandemic, we should, at least on some level expect that scientists and other experts to do that for us. 4) The future. I do not claim to know or understand everything about this virus, but if at least some of what I have read about its long term effects are true then we are all looking at a bleaker future, of getting sick more often, and with that decline in the quality of life there is a decline in quantity as well, post COVID heart attacks and strokes cut lives short. I do not know what people will make of this, but my fear is that it will become accepted just as we have accepted longer working hours, worsening pay, and a general decline in the quality of life. Add to this the impending climate collapse and it seems like we have two options, either come to accept that things are going to be a lot worse or choose to start making things better. It is clear to me that COVID was a "civilization or barbarism" moment, and for a brief second it seemed like we were choosing the former, choosing to support each other collectively. That moment was short lived, and we went back to barbarism, even doubled down on it, but I have some hope, even now, that the cost of that choice will still help us choose differently in the future. The other thing I learned from COVID is that events, even crises, have limited efficacy on their own. They change things, but how they do so is not determined. They make the conditions for history, but what happens in those conditions is up to us.
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Last weekend the American Medical Association House of Delegates passed a resolution tacitly claiming that the National Residency Matching Program (NRMP) is likely anti‐competitive and a violation of the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890. The resolution concluded: RESOLVED, That our American Medical Association study alternatives to the current residency and fellowship Match process which would be less restrictive on free market competition for applicants. (Directive to Take Action)
This is quite surprising, given that the AMA was a co‐defendant, along with the Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC), the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education (ACGME), the American Hospital Association (AHA), and several teaching hospitals in a 2002 antitrust class action lawsuit brought by Dr. Paul Jung (Jung v. AAMC) on behalf of current and former residents. As Eastern Virginia Medical School Professor Bryan Carmody explains in his blog and this very well‐produced video, the NRMP system established in the 1950s has since been the only way that medical school graduates may seek positions in residency programs. The program was established by the AAMC and National Student Internship Committee and supported by the AMA. It provides a centralized application process that matches applicants with residency programs using a mathematical algorithm designed to maximize the preferences of both parties. The NRMP eliminated and replaced the process where medical school graduates negotiated residency positions and salaries at various institutions. The NRMP ended any negotiation process. Each residency program participating in the NRMP pays all its residents in all specialties the same salary. Medical school graduates have no other options for seeking residency positions outside the NRMP. Dr. Jung and co‐plaintiffs argued that all this violates antitrust law. Many legal scholars believed the plaintiffs had a strong case as their lawsuit moved forward. As the defendants' prospects of acquittal began to fade, the AMA and the NRMP engaged in a public relations campaign to "save the match." Eventually, the AAMC, AHS, and the AMA lobbied successfully to get Congress to attach a last‐minute rider–without debate–to the 2004 Pension Funding Equity Act, co‐sponsored by Senators Edward Kennedy (D‑MA) and Judd Gregg (R‑NH). The rider, entitled "Confirmation of Antitrust Status of Graduate Medical Resident Matching Programs," exempted the NRMP from the Sherman Antitrust Act: It is the purpose of this section to— (A) confirm that the antitrust laws do not prohibit sponsoring, conducting, or participating in a graduate medical education residency matching program, or agreeing to do so; and (B) ensure that those who sponsor, conduct or participate in such matching programs are not subjected to the burden and expense of defending against litigation that challenges such matching programs under the antitrust laws.
Every state and the District of Columbia require medical school graduates to complete at least one year of a residency program (residency programs range from 3 to 7 years) and pass Step 3 of the standardized national licensing exam (USMLE for MDs and COMLEX for DOs) to get a license to practice as a general practitioner. As Cato Research Associate Spencer Pratt and I detail in our recent policy brief: Since the early 1950s, hospitals and medical centers that offer postgraduate training (residency) programs have been participating in the National Resident Matching Program (NRMP), which matches graduating medical students with available residency programs. Many medical school graduates do not match with positions in accredited programs because the number of residency slots available has not increased at the same rate as the number of medical students. The graduates are stuck in limbo, unable to apply the knowledge and clinical skills acquired with their doctorate degrees to care for patients while also being unable to further hone and develop those clinical skills with postgraduate training. According to the American Medical Association, in 2021, roughly 7 percent of doctor of medicine graduates and 10 percent of doctor of osteopathy graduates found themselves in that state of limbo.
Our brief discusses how Missouri lawmakers addressed this problem by licensing a new category of health care practitioner called Assistant Physician (AP). Already having received their doctorates in medicine, these graduates are essentially apprentice physicians. They work under the supervision of collaborating licensed medical doctors. Missouri launched this innovation in 2017. Missouri allows APs to annually renew their licenses without limits. Since then, several other states have followed Missouri's lead by enabling APs to render primary care services to patients. Unfortunately, unlike Missouri, under intense lobbying from state chapters of the American Academy of Family Physicians (AAFP) and the American Medical Association, lawmakers in those states have limited the number of times an AP may renew a license. In some cases the AP license is only good for one year. The AAFP and AMA have convinced many state lawmakers that an AP should only serve as a "bridge year" to allow medical school graduates an opportunity to gain experience and income while waiting to enter the next year's match. Idaho, for example, only grants a one‐year, non‐renewable license to APs. The recent AMA resolution calls for the organization to study alternatives to the current matching system that "would be less restrictive on free market competition for applicants." We agree. In the "Recommendations" section of our policy brief, Spencer Pratt and I state: State lawmakers should enable medical school graduates to use their experience as APs as an alternative pathway to unrestricted licensure as GPs. If one or two years of residency plus passing Step 3 of the USMLE qualifies physicians in most states to practice medicine as GPs, then three or more years of experience as an AP and passing the same exam should suffice as well. The AP to GP alternative pathway could lead to innovations in how specialty boards certify clinicians. For example, GPs who wish to specialize nowadays apply to specialty residency training programs. When they complete residency training, they take standardized specialty examinations and seek certification from specialty boards such as the American Board of Internal Medicine, the American Board of Family Medicine, the American Board of Pediatrics, and the American Board of Obstetrics and Gynecology. Thus, increasing the number of GPs might incentivize some certifying organizations to develop alternative pathways to certification that place greater emphasis on real‐world experience. Certifying organizations might even develop various levels of certification based on applicants' backgrounds and experience. Increasing the supply of APs and, in turn, GPs, while promoting innovation in specialty certification would increase primary health care access and choice.
If the AMA seriously seeks redemption from its past anti‐competitive transgressions, supporting this alternative pathway would be a good place to start.
The study of the triplet of digital practices, skills and motivation, essential for an effective integration of ICTs in the classroom, is central to the subject programs, through the competency-based approach, which has been in place in Cameroon secondary schools for more than seven years ago. This pedagogical revolution is taking place more than ten years later after technological innovations in schools, and currently with the implementation of several initiatives for the use of digital tools for in-service training and professional development of teachers (Mian B. S., 2013) this includes the training of many civil servant teachers and those who audit, trained in ICT or in basic computing, in the seven higher teacher training colleges in Cameroon. However, gaps remain between the will of digital education policies and the actual use of digital tools in the classroom, as observed in the field. It therefore seemed necessary to us to conduct an investigation, in the Cameroonian context, multicultural and bilingual, which will allow us to come out with a more perfect overview of the factors that provoke the triplet of pedagogical practices, skills and motivation of digital tools. The research question is therefore to know what are the educational uses of digital tools that might influence ICT competence and academic motivation among students in secondary education in Cameroon. The objective is to identify the pedagogical uses of digital tools of students inspired by the models of (Touré, Mbangwana, & Sène, 2009; Mian B. A., 2010) the types of technological skills according to Desjardins (2005)the types and profiles of school motivation according to the self-determination theory of Deci and Ryan (2002) and then to analyse and better understand the similarities and differences that exist according to the institutional dimensions of the schools, the sociological and the ethno-cultural dimensions of the students. This analysis is carried out from the perspective of the students themselves and should by itself be a way of corroborating (or not) the findings of the teachers (Coen, Rey, Monnard, & Jauquier, 2013)This inductive research, which we can describe as a "learning by doing" approach, is a good example of a "learning by doing" approach. This inductive research, which we can describe as exploratory, involved three non-probability samples consisting of 18 secondary schools, 71 teachers and 1525 pupils for the two school years 2017 - 2018 and 2018 - 2019 respectively. The methodological choice is a multi-case study inspired by (Yin, 1994; in (Tchameni Ngamo, 2007, p. 78)). Data was collected for each of the populations concerned by means of three questionnaires, informal, semi-structured and group interviews, observations of field situations and analysis of various documents. This work seems to highlight three families of overlapping factors: the social background, the social origin of the students, and the studies followed or pedagogical factor. This has enabled us to develop some conclusive hypotheses. Firstly, students from a more affluent social background have a greater familiarity with ICT, a stronger sense of ICT competence, and also have a stronger self-determined motivation towards digital education at school. Secondly, the studies followed play a discriminating role between high school students, in the context of the three phenomena measured (educational uses of digital tools, technological skills and motivation). Thirdly, the social origin as well as the personal factors of the student play a discriminating role between the students, in the context of the three measured phenomena. ; L'étude du triplet, pratiques numériques, compétences et motivation, inhérente à une intégration efficace des TIC en classe, est centrale dans les programmes de discipline, via l'approche par compétence, mise en place au lycée au Cameroun depuis plus de 7 ans. Cette révolution pédagogique intervient plus de dix ans plus tard après des innovations technologiques, dans les établissements scolaires, et actuellement avec la mise en œuvre de plusieurs initiatives d'usage des outils numériques pour la formation continue et le développement professionnel des enseignants (Mian B. S., 2013), notamment la formation de nombreux enseignants fonctionnaires et auditeurs libres, formés en TIC ou en informatique fondamentale, dans les sept écoles normales supérieures , que compte le Cameroun. Cependant, des écarts demeurent entre les volontés des politiques numériques éducatives et la situation réelle d'utilisation des outils numériques en classe, observées sur le terrain. Cette étude, menée dans le contexte camerounais pluriculturel et bilingue, permet d'obtenir un éclairage plus parfait sur des facteurs qui stimulent le triplet pratiques pédagogiques, compétences et motivation des outils numériques. La question de recherche est donc de savoir quelles sont les usages éducatifs des outils numériques qui influenceraient la compétence en TIC et la motivation scolaire chez les élèves dans l'enseignement secondaire au Cameroun. L'objectif est d'identifier les usages pédagogiques des outils numériques des élèves inspirés des modèles de (Mian B. A., 2010; Touré, Mbangwana, & Sène, 2009), les types de compétences technologiques selon Desjardins (2005), les types et les profils de motivation scolaire selon la théorie d'auto-détermination de Deci et Ryan (2002) ; et ensuite analyser et mieux comprendre les similitudes et les différences qui existeraient entre les dimensions institutionnelles des établissements scolaires, les dimensions sociologiques ainsi que ethnoculturelles des élèves. Cette analyse est effectuée à partir du regard des élèves eux-mêmes et devrait constituer en soi un moyen de corroborer (ou non) les constats faits auprès des enseignants (Coen, Rey, Monnard, & Jauquier, 2013), d'une part, et des directions d'écoles, d'autre part. C'est une recherche inductive à caractère exploratoire, qui porte sur trois échantillons non probabilistes constitués respectivement de 18 écoles secondaires, 71 enseignants et 1525 élèves au titre des deux années scolaires, 2017 – 2018 et 2018 – 2019. Le choix méthodologique porte sur une étude multi-cas inspirée de (Yin, 1994 ; in (Tchameni Ngamo S. , 2007, p. 78)). La collecte des données s'est effectuée par le canal de trois questionnaires, des entretiens informels, semi-dirigés et de groupes, des observations des situations de terrain, et des analyses de documents divers. Les principaux résultats de cette présente étude, semblent mettre en valeur trois familles de facteurs qui se recoupent : le milieu social, l'origine sociale des élèves, et les études suivies ou facteur pédagogique. Ce qui nous a permis d'élaborer des hypothèses conclusives. Primo, les élèves de milieu social plus aisé, ont plus de familiarité avec les TICE en classe, un plus fort sentiment de compétence en TIC, et ont également une plus forte motivation autodéterminée à l'égard du numérique éducatif à l'école. Secundo, les études suivies jouent un rôle discriminant entre les lycéens, dans le contexte des trois phénomènes mesurés (usages éducatifs des outils numériques, compétences technologiques et motivation). Tertio, l'origine sociale telle que les facteurs personnels de l'élève jouent un rôle discriminant entre les lycéens, dans le contexte des trois phénomènes mesurés.
The article is devoted to the present stage of evolution of the national legal system in the context of its ability to perform certain tasks, to recreate the functions necessary in the given spatial-temporal dimensions, to ensure the necessary requirements of effective legal regulation. It is clear that a democratic legal system must effectively protect human rights and freedoms, reproduce and implement the rule of law, and ensure the "quality" of the law in national law. The legal system must implement the provision that a person has the highest social value. The quality of the European legal system is to protect universal values and cultural heritage. In particular, it should be remarkable that under the conditions of a democratic rule of law, the "person-state" relations would undergo significant changes. These relations are not intended to provide for one part of society a greater degree of freedom than for another; in this case, it is necessary to speak about state power, which ensures conditions of freedom for all members of society, all citizens of the state. Freedom is provide to the people only when the people really organize, without any interference, unions, assemblies, legislates; elect at their own will all officials of the state, who are entrust with the implementation of laws and democratic governance based on these laws. Moreover, the sovereignty of the people is form in a democratic legal system, which, in turn, normalizes the functioning of state bodies that ensure the rights and freedoms of people, in particular, their European vector of development. Additionally, today the task of optimizing the legal system, and therefore - adjusting its functions, are of great importance. In particular: the main task of the legal system is to create a well-defined, normative, stable basis for the whole complex of social relations, including for their dynamics.In a democratic, social, legal state, which defined European choice, the sphere of legal regulation is realize, the totality of social relations, which can and must be arrange with the help of law and legal means. The main direction of legal regulation in these conditions is:a) Consolidation and protection of new social relations;b) Provision of favorable conditions and means of existence of individuals;c) Realization and legal protection of vital needs, interests of people and society;d) The prohibition of certain social relations and behavior (the establishment of commercial banks by officials, law enforcement officers by their relatives (activating NABU's activity, NACC, creating the Supreme Anti-corruption Court),e) Stimulating the development of appropriate social relations, etc. ; Представленная статья посвящена современному этапу развития национальной правовой системы в контексте ее способности к выполнению определенных задач, воспроизведение необходимых в данных пространственно-временных измерениях функций, обеспечения необходимых требований эффективного правового регулирования. Понятно, что демократическая правовая система должна действенно защищать права и свободы человека, воспроизводить и внедрять принцип верховенства права, обеспечивать «качество» правового закона в национальном законодательстве. Именно правовая система должна реализовать положение о том, что человек является высшей социальной ценностью. Качество европейской правовой системы заключается в защите общечеловеческих ценностей, культурных достижений, вообще и в частности правокультурних. В частности, следует отметить, что в условиях демократического правового государства отношения «лицо-государство» претерпевают существенные изменения. Эти отношения не имеют целью обеспечить для одной части общества большую степень свободы, чем для другой; в этом случае необходимо говорить о государственной власти, что обеспечивает условия свободы для всех членов общества, всех граждан государства. Свобода народа обеспечена лишь тогда, когда народ действительно организует без какого-либо вмешательства союзы, собрания, издает законы, избирает по собственному волеизъявлению всех должностных лиц государства, которым поручается проведение в жизнь законов и демократическое управление на основе этих законов. Как известно, полновластие народа состоит в условиях демократической правовой системы, в свою очередь, нормализует функционирование органов государства, обеспечивающих права и свободы людей, в частности, их европейский вектор развития. Кроме того, большое значение приобретают сегодня задачи по оптимизации правовой системы, а следовательно - корректировка ее функций. В частности: основная задача правовой системы - создавать четко определенную нормативную, стабильную основу для всего комплексу общественных отношений, в том числе и для их динамики.В условиях демократического, социального, правового государства, которое определило свой европейский выбор, реализуется сфера правового регулирования, совокупность общественных отношений, которую можно и нужно приводить в порядок с помощью права и правовых средств. Основным направлением правового регулирования в этих условиях являются: а) закрепление и охрана новых общественных отношений; б) обеспечение благоприятных условий и средств существования индивидов; в) реализация и правовая защита жизненно важных потребностей, интересов людей и социальных обществ; г) запрет определенных общественных отношений и поведения (учреждение коммерческих банков должностными лицами, работниками правоохранительных органов, их родственниками (активизация деятельности НАБУ, создание Высшего антикоррупционного суда); д) стимулирование развития определенных общественных отношений и т. п. ; Представлена стаття присвячена сучасному етапу розвитку національної правової системи в контексті її здатності до виконання певних завдань, відтворення необхідних у даних просторово-часових вимірах функцій, забезпечення необхідних вимог ефективного правового регулювання. Зрозуміло, що демократична правова система повинна дієво захищати права і свободи людини, відтворювати і впроваджувати принцип верховенства права, забезпечувати «якість» правового закону в національному законодавстві. Саме правова система повинна реалізувати положення про те, що людина є найвищою соціальною цінністю. Якість європейської правової системи полягає у захисті загальнолюдських цінностей, культурних надбань, взагалі і, зокрема, правокультурних. Так, слід зазначити, що в умовах демократичної, правової держави відносини «особа-держава» зазнають суттєвих змін. Ці відносини не мають на меті забезпечити для однієї частини суспільства більший ступінь свободи, ніж для іншої; в цьому випадку необхідно вести мову про державну владу, що забезпечує умови свободи для всіх членів суспільства, всіх громадян держави. Свобода народу забезпечена лише тоді, коли народ дійсно організує без будь-якого втручання союзи, збори, видає закони, обирає за власним волевиявленням всіх посадових осіб держави, яким доручається проведення в життя законів і демократичне управління на основі цих законів. Як відомо, повновладдя народу складається в умовах демократичної, правової системи, яка в свою чергу, нормалізує функціонування органів держави, що забезпечують права і свободи людей, зокрема, їх європейський вектор розвитку. Крім того, великого значення набувають сьогодні завдання по оптимізації правової системи, а отже - коригування її функцій. Зокрема: основне завдання правової системи — створювати чітко визначену, нормативну, стабільну основу для всього комплексу суспільних відносин, у тому числі і для їх динаміки.В умовах демократичної, соціальної, правової держави, яка визначила свій європейський вибір, реалізується сфера правового регулювання, сукупність суспільних відносин, яку можливо і необхідно упорядковувати за допомогою права і правових засобів. Основним напрямом правового регулювання в цих умовах є: а) закріплення і охорона нових суспільних відносин; б) забезпечення сприятливих умов і засобів існування індивідів; в) реалізація і правовий захист життєво важливих потреб, інтересів людей і соціальних спільностей; г) заборона певних суспільних відносин і поведінки (заснування комерційних банків посадовими особами, працівниками правоохоронних органів, їх родичами (активізація діяльності НАБУ, НАЗК, створення Вищого антикорупційного суду); д) стимулювання розвитку певних суспільних відносин тощо
The article is devoted to the present stage of evolution of the national legal system in the context of its ability to perform certain tasks, to recreate the functions necessary in the given spatial-temporal dimensions, to ensure the necessary requirements of effective legal regulation. It is clear that a democratic legal system must effectively protect human rights and freedoms, reproduce and implement the rule of law, and ensure the "quality" of the law in national law. The legal system must implement the provision that a person has the highest social value. The quality of the European legal system is to protect universal values and cultural heritage. In particular, it should be remarkable that under the conditions of a democratic rule of law, the "person-state" relations would undergo significant changes. These relations are not intended to provide for one part of society a greater degree of freedom than for another; in this case, it is necessary to speak about state power, which ensures conditions of freedom for all members of society, all citizens of the state. Freedom is provide to the people only when the people really organize, without any interference, unions, assemblies, legislates; elect at their own will all officials of the state, who are entrust with the implementation of laws and democratic governance based on these laws. Moreover, the sovereignty of the people is form in a democratic legal system, which, in turn, normalizes the functioning of state bodies that ensure the rights and freedoms of people, in particular, their European vector of development. Additionally, today the task of optimizing the legal system, and therefore - adjusting its functions, are of great importance. In particular: the main task of the legal system is to create a well-defined, normative, stable basis for the whole complex of social relations, including for their dynamics.In a democratic, social, legal state, which defined European choice, the sphere of legal regulation is realize, the totality of social relations, which can and must be arrange with the help of law and legal means. The main direction of legal regulation in these conditions is:a) Consolidation and protection of new social relations;b) Provision of favorable conditions and means of existence of individuals;c) Realization and legal protection of vital needs, interests of people and society;d) The prohibition of certain social relations and behavior (the establishment of commercial banks by officials, law enforcement officers by their relatives (activating NABU's activity, NACC, creating the Supreme Anti-corruption Court),e) Stimulating the development of appropriate social relations, etc. ; Представленная статья посвящена современному этапу развития национальной правовой системы в контексте ее способности к выполнению определенных задач, воспроизведение необходимых в данных пространственно-временных измерениях функций, обеспечения необходимых требований эффективного правового регулирования. Понятно, что демократическая правовая система должна действенно защищать права и свободы человека, воспроизводить и внедрять принцип верховенства права, обеспечивать «качество» правового закона в национальном законодательстве. Именно правовая система должна реализовать положение о том, что человек является высшей социальной ценностью. Качество европейской правовой системы заключается в защите общечеловеческих ценностей, культурных достижений, вообще и в частности правокультурних. В частности, следует отметить, что в условиях демократического правового государства отношения «лицо-государство» претерпевают существенные изменения. Эти отношения не имеют целью обеспечить для одной части общества большую степень свободы, чем для другой; в этом случае необходимо говорить о государственной власти, что обеспечивает условия свободы для всех членов общества, всех граждан государства. Свобода народа обеспечена лишь тогда, когда народ действительно организует без какого-либо вмешательства союзы, собрания, издает законы, избирает по собственному волеизъявлению всех должностных лиц государства, которым поручается проведение в жизнь законов и демократическое управление на основе этих законов. Как известно, полновластие народа состоит в условиях демократической правовой системы, в свою очередь, нормализует функционирование органов государства, обеспечивающих права и свободы людей, в частности, их европейский вектор развития. Кроме того, большое значение приобретают сегодня задачи по оптимизации правовой системы, а следовательно - корректировка ее функций. В частности: основная задача правовой системы - создавать четко определенную нормативную, стабильную основу для всего комплексу общественных отношений, в том числе и для их динамики.В условиях демократического, социального, правового государства, которое определило свой европейский выбор, реализуется сфера правового регулирования, совокупность общественных отношений, которую можно и нужно приводить в порядок с помощью права и правовых средств. Основным направлением правового регулирования в этих условиях являются: а) закрепление и охрана новых общественных отношений; б) обеспечение благоприятных условий и средств существования индивидов; в) реализация и правовая защита жизненно важных потребностей, интересов людей и социальных обществ; г) запрет определенных общественных отношений и поведения (учреждение коммерческих банков должностными лицами, работниками правоохранительных органов, их родственниками (активизация деятельности НАБУ, создание Высшего антикоррупционного суда); д) стимулирование развития определенных общественных отношений и т. п. ; Представлена стаття присвячена сучасному етапу розвитку національної правової системи в контексті її здатності до виконання певних завдань, відтворення необхідних у даних просторово-часових вимірах функцій, забезпечення необхідних вимог ефективного правового регулювання. Зрозуміло, що демократична правова система повинна дієво захищати права і свободи людини, відтворювати і впроваджувати принцип верховенства права, забезпечувати «якість» правового закону в національному законодавстві. Саме правова система повинна реалізувати положення про те, що людина є найвищою соціальною цінністю. Якість європейської правової системи полягає у захисті загальнолюдських цінностей, культурних надбань, взагалі і, зокрема, правокультурних. Так, слід зазначити, що в умовах демократичної, правової держави відносини «особа-держава» зазнають суттєвих змін. Ці відносини не мають на меті забезпечити для однієї частини суспільства більший ступінь свободи, ніж для іншої; в цьому випадку необхідно вести мову про державну владу, що забезпечує умови свободи для всіх членів суспільства, всіх громадян держави. Свобода народу забезпечена лише тоді, коли народ дійсно організує без будь-якого втручання союзи, збори, видає закони, обирає за власним волевиявленням всіх посадових осіб держави, яким доручається проведення в життя законів і демократичне управління на основі цих законів. Як відомо, повновладдя народу складається в умовах демократичної, правової системи, яка в свою чергу, нормалізує функціонування органів держави, що забезпечують права і свободи людей, зокрема, їх європейський вектор розвитку. Крім того, великого значення набувають сьогодні завдання по оптимізації правової системи, а отже - коригування її функцій. Зокрема: основне завдання правової системи — створювати чітко визначену, нормативну, стабільну основу для всього комплексу суспільних відносин, у тому числі і для їх динаміки.В умовах демократичної, соціальної, правової держави, яка визначила свій європейський вибір, реалізується сфера правового регулювання, сукупність суспільних відносин, яку можливо і необхідно упорядковувати за допомогою права і правових засобів. Основним напрямом правового регулювання в цих умовах є: а) закріплення і охорона нових суспільних відносин; б) забезпечення сприятливих умов і засобів існування індивідів; в) реалізація і правовий захист життєво важливих потреб, інтересів людей і соціальних спільностей; г) заборона певних суспільних відносин і поведінки (заснування комерційних банків посадовими особами, працівниками правоохоронних органів, їх родичами (активізація діяльності НАБУ, НАЗК, створення Вищого антикорупційного суду); д) стимулювання розвитку певних суспільних відносин тощо
1. Objectif : étudier la participation protéiforme Le changement de discours qui accompagne les transformations actuelles des prises de décision dans les démocraties européennes passe par la valorisation assez systématique de certains thèmes tels que la discussion, le débat, la concertation, la consultation, le partenariat, la participation ou la gouvernance. Au niveau européen, comme ailleurs, les institutions proposent une série de dispositifs participatifs, consultatifs ou dialogiques. Cette thèse prend comme objet l'un d'entre eux, l'Initiative Citoyenne Européenne, mise en place par la Commission européenne en 2012. Une initiative citoyenne européenne est une invitation qui peut être faite à la Commission de présenter une proposition législative dans un domaine dans lequel l'UE est habilitée à légiférer. Partant du constat que le terme « participation » est utilisé très largement pour décrire des réalités diverses et que dans la définition de la participation, la dimension expressive et symbolique des comportements a été revalorisée, j'ai formulé l'hypothèse que l'émergence de formes nouvelles de participation politique bouscule les frontières entre expression, engagement, participation et mobilisation. L'objectif était donc d'étudier, par les pratiques des acteurs des initiatives, en quoi la participation citoyenne renvoie à des dispositifs et à des expériences variées qui sollicitent la participation des individus et des associations à un exercice qui, de façon plus ou moins intégrée, semble partager information, communication, expression, délibération – et parfois décision. Par de l'observation participante, j'ai identifié différents types de pratiques que les acteurs des initiatives reconnaissent comme relevant de la participation citoyenne. En effet, pour les acteurs des initiatives, « participer » se décline en différentes formes d'engagement et d'action : prendre part à un dispositif participatif institutionnel (l'ICE), débattre en interne des associations ou comité d'initiatives, organiser ou contribuer à des débats en externe, contribuer à l'espace public par la diffusion d'idées, partager des ressources entre acteurs, se mobiliser autour d'actions militantes très diversifiées, communiquer des messages au grand public, convaincre des individus de signer la proposition d'initiative, ou encore plaider auprès des élus politiques. Cette recherche met donc en lumière les pratiques composites, élargies, protéiformes de la participation citoyenne au travers des initiatives et des pratiques de leurs acteurs (et non du point de vue institutionnel). J'ai fait le choix de penser structuralement les actions autour de l'ICE, c'est-à-dire de ne pas étudier tel type d'engagement ou d'action indépendamment des autres moyens et instruments d'action utilisés par les acteurs des initiatives. 2. Cadrage théorique : une approche interactionniste de l'action des acteurs d'initiatives L'ancrage communicationnel vis-à-vis de l'objet et des objectifs de la recherche se justifient notamment en raison de l'enjeu communicationnel de la participation citoyenne dont la portée et les effets sur l'espace public permettent de comprendre que des processus d'information-communication, institués par les pouvoirs publics, et, dans le cas des initiatives par les associations, jouent un rôle majeur dans l'évolution des représentations et des pratiques socio-politiques collectives. Ce processus de médiation publique entraîne avec lui une série de repositionnements des modes organisationnels et de régulation des activités. Porter un regard communicationnel sur ce dispositif permet d'analyser plusieurs éléments qui restent souvent dans l'angle mort des recherches sur la participation : le cadrage interprétatif d'une proposition politique (ici d'une initiative), les formats et modes d'expression des acteurs, l'importance des processus d'intercompréhension, les stratégies de communication instrumentales qui infiltrent la participation (de la part des insti ; The composite participation : Extensions and variations of citizen participation through the lens of the European Citizens' Initiative practices 1. Objective: Studying multifaceted participation The change in discourses that accompanies the current transformations of decision making in European democracies through the fairly systematic valuation of certain themes such as discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, partnership, participation or governance. At European level, as elsewhere, the institutions offer a series of participatory, advisory or dialogical mechanisms. This thesis takes as its subject one of them, the European Citizens' Initiative, set up by the European Commission in 2012. European citizens' initiative is an invitation that can be made to the Commission to present a legislative proposal in area in which the EU can legislate. Noting that the term "participation" is used very broadly to describe different realities and that the definition of participation, expressive and symbolic behavior was upgraded, I hypothesized that the emergence of new forms of political participation pushes the boundaries of expression, engagement, participation and mobilization. The objective was to study the practices of initiatives actors, how citizen participation refers to devices and varied experiences that engage individuals and associations in an exercise that, more or less integrated, appears to share information, communication, expression, deliberation - and sometimes decision. By participant observation, I identified different types of practices that initiatives actors recognize as belonging to citizen participation. In fact, for the initiatives actors, "participate" comes in various forms of engagement and action: take part in a participatory institutional device (ECI), debating internally in associations or initiatives organizing committee or contribute to debates externally contribute to public space through the dissemination of ideas, sharing of resources among actors to mobilize around highly diversified militant actions, communicate messages to the general public, convince people to sign proposed initiative, or advocate to elected politicians. This research therefore highlights the composite practice expanded, multifaceted citizen participation through initiatives and practices of their players (and not from the institutional point of view). I made the choice to think structurally about the actions of ICE, that is to say not to study such kind of commitment or action independently of other means and policy instruments used by initiatives actors. 2. Theoretical framework: an interactionist approach to the action of the initiatives actors Anchoring communicative regarding the purpose and research objectives are justified in particular because of the communicative challenge of citizen participation, the scope and effects on the public space for understanding that process information-communication, established by the government, and, in the case of initiatives by associations, play a major role in the evolution of representations and collective socio-political practices. This public mediation process brings with it a series of repositioning the organizational modes and regulation of activities. Wear communicational look at this device can analyze several elements which often remain in the blind spot of research on participation: the interpretive framing of a policy proposal (here an initiative), formats and modes of expression of the actors, the importance of mutual understanding processes, instrumental communication strategies that infiltrate the participation (of the institutions but also of participants). This allows particularly communicative anchor to uncover how the communication comes to subsume the various practices. The communicative approach to participation allowed to specifically examine the interactions of different types of stakeholders in participatory practices, pay attention to trade, the process of mutua ; (Faculté de sciences économiques, sociales et politiques) -- FUSL, 2016
1. Objectif : étudier la participation protéiforme Le changement de discours qui accompagne les transformations actuelles des prises de décision dans les démocraties européennes passe par la valorisation assez systématique de certains thèmes tels que la discussion, le débat, la concertation, la consultation, le partenariat, la participation ou la gouvernance. Au niveau européen, comme ailleurs, les institutions proposent une série de dispositifs participatifs, consultatifs ou dialogiques. Cette thèse prend comme objet l'un d'entre eux, l'Initiative Citoyenne Européenne, mise en place par la Commission européenne en 2012. Une initiative citoyenne européenne est une invitation qui peut être faite à la Commission de présenter une proposition législative dans un domaine dans lequel l'UE est habilitée à légiférer. Partant du constat que le terme « participation » est utilisé très largement pour décrire des réalités diverses et que dans la définition de la participation, la dimension expressive et symbolique des comportements a été revalorisée, j'ai formulé l'hypothèse que l'émergence de formes nouvelles de participation politique bouscule les frontières entre expression, engagement, participation et mobilisation. L'objectif était donc d'étudier, par les pratiques des acteurs des initiatives, en quoi la participation citoyenne renvoie à des dispositifs et à des expériences variées qui sollicitent la participation des individus et des associations à un exercice qui, de façon plus ou moins intégrée, semble partager information, communication, expression, délibération – et parfois décision. Par de l'observation participante, j'ai identifié différents types de pratiques que les acteurs des initiatives reconnaissent comme relevant de la participation citoyenne. En effet, pour les acteurs des initiatives, « participer » se décline en différentes formes d'engagement et d'action : prendre part à un dispositif participatif institutionnel (l'ICE), débattre en interne des associations ou comité d'initiatives, organiser ou contribuer à des débats en externe, contribuer à l'espace public par la diffusion d'idées, partager des ressources entre acteurs, se mobiliser autour d'actions militantes très diversifiées, communiquer des messages au grand public, convaincre des individus de signer la proposition d'initiative, ou encore plaider auprès des élus politiques. Cette recherche met donc en lumière les pratiques composites, élargies, protéiformes de la participation citoyenne au travers des initiatives et des pratiques de leurs acteurs (et non du point de vue institutionnel). J'ai fait le choix de penser structuralement les actions autour de l'ICE, c'est-à-dire de ne pas étudier tel type d'engagement ou d'action indépendamment des autres moyens et instruments d'action utilisés par les acteurs des initiatives. 2. Cadrage théorique : une approche interactionniste de l'action des acteurs d'initiatives L'ancrage communicationnel vis-à-vis de l'objet et des objectifs de la recherche se justifient notamment en raison de l'enjeu communicationnel de la participation citoyenne dont la portée et les effets sur l'espace public permettent de comprendre que des processus d'information-communication, institués par les pouvoirs publics, et, dans le cas des initiatives par les associations, jouent un rôle majeur dans l'évolution des représentations et des pratiques socio-politiques collectives. Ce processus de médiation publique entraîne avec lui une série de repositionnements des modes organisationnels et de régulation des activités. Porter un regard communicationnel sur ce dispositif permet d'analyser plusieurs éléments qui restent souvent dans l'angle mort des recherches sur la participation : le cadrage interprétatif d'une proposition politique (ici d'une initiative), les formats et modes d'expression des acteurs, l'importance des processus d'intercompréhension, les stratégies de communication instrumentales qui infiltrent la participation (de la part des insti ; The composite participation : Extensions and variations of citizen participation through the lens of the European Citizens' Initiative practices 1. Objective: Studying multifaceted participation The change in discourses that accompanies the current transformations of decision making in European democracies through the fairly systematic valuation of certain themes such as discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, partnership, participation or governance. At European level, as elsewhere, the institutions offer a series of participatory, advisory or dialogical mechanisms. This thesis takes as its subject one of them, the European Citizens' Initiative, set up by the European Commission in 2012. European citizens' initiative is an invitation that can be made to the Commission to present a legislative proposal in area in which the EU can legislate. Noting that the term "participation" is used very broadly to describe different realities and that the definition of participation, expressive and symbolic behavior was upgraded, I hypothesized that the emergence of new forms of political participation pushes the boundaries of expression, engagement, participation and mobilization. The objective was to study the practices of initiatives actors, how citizen participation refers to devices and varied experiences that engage individuals and associations in an exercise that, more or less integrated, appears to share information, communication, expression, deliberation - and sometimes decision. By participant observation, I identified different types of practices that initiatives actors recognize as belonging to citizen participation. In fact, for the initiatives actors, "participate" comes in various forms of engagement and action: take part in a participatory institutional device (ECI), debating internally in associations or initiatives organizing committee or contribute to debates externally contribute to public space through the dissemination of ideas, sharing of resources among actors to mobilize around highly diversified militant actions, communicate messages to the general public, convince people to sign proposed initiative, or advocate to elected politicians. This research therefore highlights the composite practice expanded, multifaceted citizen participation through initiatives and practices of their players (and not from the institutional point of view). I made the choice to think structurally about the actions of ICE, that is to say not to study such kind of commitment or action independently of other means and policy instruments used by initiatives actors. 2. Theoretical framework: an interactionist approach to the action of the initiatives actors Anchoring communicative regarding the purpose and research objectives are justified in particular because of the communicative challenge of citizen participation, the scope and effects on the public space for understanding that process information-communication, established by the government, and, in the case of initiatives by associations, play a major role in the evolution of representations and collective socio-political practices. This public mediation process brings with it a series of repositioning the organizational modes and regulation of activities. Wear communicational look at this device can analyze several elements which often remain in the blind spot of research on participation: the interpretive framing of a policy proposal (here an initiative), formats and modes of expression of the actors, the importance of mutual understanding processes, instrumental communication strategies that infiltrate the participation (of the institutions but also of participants). This allows particularly communicative anchor to uncover how the communication comes to subsume the various practices. The communicative approach to participation allowed to specifically examine the interactions of different types of stakeholders in participatory practices, pay attention to trade, the process of mutua ; (Faculté de sciences économiques, sociales et politiques) -- FUSL, 2016
1. Objectif : étudier la participation protéiforme Le changement de discours qui accompagne les transformations actuelles des prises de décision dans les démocraties européennes passe par la valorisation assez systématique de certains thèmes tels que la discussion, le débat, la concertation, la consultation, le partenariat, la participation ou la gouvernance. Au niveau européen, comme ailleurs, les institutions proposent une série de dispositifs participatifs, consultatifs ou dialogiques. Cette thèse prend comme objet l'un d'entre eux, l'Initiative Citoyenne Européenne, mise en place par la Commission européenne en 2012. Une initiative citoyenne européenne est une invitation qui peut être faite à la Commission de présenter une proposition législative dans un domaine dans lequel l'UE est habilitée à légiférer. Partant du constat que le terme « participation » est utilisé très largement pour décrire des réalités diverses et que dans la définition de la participation, la dimension expressive et symbolique des comportements a été revalorisée, j'ai formulé l'hypothèse que l'émergence de formes nouvelles de participation politique bouscule les frontières entre expression, engagement, participation et mobilisation. L'objectif était donc d'étudier, par les pratiques des acteurs des initiatives, en quoi la participation citoyenne renvoie à des dispositifs et à des expériences variées qui sollicitent la participation des individus et des associations à un exercice qui, de façon plus ou moins intégrée, semble partager information, communication, expression, délibération – et parfois décision. Par de l'observation participante, j'ai identifié différents types de pratiques que les acteurs des initiatives reconnaissent comme relevant de la participation citoyenne. En effet, pour les acteurs des initiatives, « participer » se décline en différentes formes d'engagement et d'action : prendre part à un dispositif participatif institutionnel (l'ICE), débattre en interne des associations ou comité d'initiatives, organiser ou contribuer à des débats en externe, contribuer à l'espace public par la diffusion d'idées, partager des ressources entre acteurs, se mobiliser autour d'actions militantes très diversifiées, communiquer des messages au grand public, convaincre des individus de signer la proposition d'initiative, ou encore plaider auprès des élus politiques. Cette recherche met donc en lumière les pratiques composites, élargies, protéiformes de la participation citoyenne au travers des initiatives et des pratiques de leurs acteurs (et non du point de vue institutionnel). J'ai fait le choix de penser structuralement les actions autour de l'ICE, c'est-à-dire de ne pas étudier tel type d'engagement ou d'action indépendamment des autres moyens et instruments d'action utilisés par les acteurs des initiatives. 2. Cadrage théorique : une approche interactionniste de l'action des acteurs d'initiatives L'ancrage communicationnel vis-à-vis de l'objet et des objectifs de la recherche se justifient notamment en raison de l'enjeu communicationnel de la participation citoyenne dont la portée et les effets sur l'espace public permettent de comprendre que des processus d'information-communication, institués par les pouvoirs publics, et, dans le cas des initiatives par les associations, jouent un rôle majeur dans l'évolution des représentations et des pratiques socio-politiques collectives. Ce processus de médiation publique entraîne avec lui une série de repositionnements des modes organisationnels et de régulation des activités. Porter un regard communicationnel sur ce dispositif permet d'analyser plusieurs éléments qui restent souvent dans l'angle mort des recherches sur la participation : le cadrage interprétatif d'une proposition politique (ici d'une initiative), les formats et modes d'expression des acteurs, l'importance des processus d'intercompréhension, les stratégies de communication instrumentales qui infiltrent la participation (de la part des insti ; The composite participation : Extensions and variations of citizen participation through the lens of the European Citizens' Initiative practices 1. Objective: Studying multifaceted participation The change in discourses that accompanies the current transformations of decision making in European democracies through the fairly systematic valuation of certain themes such as discussion, debate, dialogue, consultation, partnership, participation or governance. At European level, as elsewhere, the institutions offer a series of participatory, advisory or dialogical mechanisms. This thesis takes as its subject one of them, the European Citizens' Initiative, set up by the European Commission in 2012. European citizens' initiative is an invitation that can be made to the Commission to present a legislative proposal in area in which the EU can legislate. Noting that the term "participation" is used very broadly to describe different realities and that the definition of participation, expressive and symbolic behavior was upgraded, I hypothesized that the emergence of new forms of political participation pushes the boundaries of expression, engagement, participation and mobilization. The objective was to study the practices of initiatives actors, how citizen participation refers to devices and varied experiences that engage individuals and associations in an exercise that, more or less integrated, appears to share information, communication, expression, deliberation - and sometimes decision. By participant observation, I identified different types of practices that initiatives actors recognize as belonging to citizen participation. In fact, for the initiatives actors, "participate" comes in various forms of engagement and action: take part in a participatory institutional device (ECI), debating internally in associations or initiatives organizing committee or contribute to debates externally contribute to public space through the dissemination of ideas, sharing of resources among actors to mobilize around highly diversified militant actions, communicate messages to the general public, convince people to sign proposed initiative, or advocate to elected politicians. This research therefore highlights the composite practice expanded, multifaceted citizen participation through initiatives and practices of their players (and not from the institutional point of view). I made the choice to think structurally about the actions of ICE, that is to say not to study such kind of commitment or action independently of other means and policy instruments used by initiatives actors. 2. Theoretical framework: an interactionist approach to the action of the initiatives actors Anchoring communicative regarding the purpose and research objectives are justified in particular because of the communicative challenge of citizen participation, the scope and effects on the public space for understanding that process information-communication, established by the government, and, in the case of initiatives by associations, play a major role in the evolution of representations and collective socio-political practices. This public mediation process brings with it a series of repositioning the organizational modes and regulation of activities. Wear communicational look at this device can analyze several elements which often remain in the blind spot of research on participation: the interpretive framing of a policy proposal (here an initiative), formats and modes of expression of the actors, the importance of mutual understanding processes, instrumental communication strategies that infiltrate the participation (of the institutions but also of participants). This allows particularly communicative anchor to uncover how the communication comes to subsume the various practices. The communicative approach to participation allowed to specifically examine the interactions of different types of stakeholders in participatory practices, pay attention to trade, the process of mutua ; (Faculté de sciences économiques, sociales et politiques) -- FUSL, 2016
Starting from 1948 the Palestinian society is destabilized by the war which saw the loss of historic Palestine. The vast majority of Palestinians are scattered in the countries of the region and beyond the Mediterranean. The old elite originating from religious, family or land ownership backgrounds lost also all its possessions and, consequently, all its influential positions. Helpless and disoriented, this elite will never return to the forefront of the Palestinian national scene. It is the men who lead the struggle for the recovery of Palestine of 1948, and then, from 1967 onwards, against the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (part of historic Palestine), first in an armed struggle then through diplomacy and political negotiations, who become the new figures of the Palestinian political scene under the umbrella of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the PLO. They come from outside the well-known religious families and the Palestinian bourgeoisie, but rather from the middle class of towns or from rural areas who will recruit in the refugee camps the future fighters. These are the new leaders. It is a process that began in the mid-1960s and was progressively consolidated through the creation of Palestinian parties and movements operating in various host countries in the region. This new elite adapts itself to the changes and vagaries of international diplomacy and to an imbalance of power against Israel throughout the years of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In order to understand the process of the forming of Palestinian elites it was necessary to adopt the approach of historical events and facts related to the Palestinian people since 1948 until the post-Oslo (1993). The last twenty years saw a Palestinian National Authority characterized by sovereignty limited to the main cities of the West Bank and Gaza strip, contrary to what had been stipulated in the Oslo Agreements of 1993 : these were to lead to a final settlement concerning the status of the Territories occupied in 1967. The focus of our research is therefore the society in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Starting from 1993, the leaders returning from exile and who formed the ruling members of the National Authority supported the initiatives of Palestinians, in particular, the prominent figures of the cities, in the creation and development of academic establishments and universities as a way not only to meet with the need of education of the young in a resiliency act to face occupation, but also to respond to the demands of building the future State institutions inside the 1967 lines. New skills, new competences were required in this new phase of the post-Oslo evolution where, along the political struggle, higher education became vital to the existence of the Palestinian society who ambitions to have a full-fledged position among the modern states of the world. Other new figures will arise from these universities to form a new, different elite in a context of democracy rules where power will not be exclusively in the hands of a few rulers. The PLO in 1990, had created a University for all, the al-Quds Open University (QOU), based on the mode of open and distance learning. This was a choice made urgent by the restrictions and the obstacles imposed by the occupying forces. QOU became particularly attractive as evidenced by the large numbers of its registered students and as the situation grew more tense. Later on and despite its limited offer of study disciplines it drew students needing to secure job, adults wanting to pursue unfinished studies, women who found it easy to access the University study centers. ; A partir de 1948 la société palestinienne est déstabilisée suite à la guerre qui voit la perte de la Palestine historique. La grande majorité des Palestiniens se retrouve dispersée dans les pays de la région et au-delà de la Méditerranée. Aussi l'élite ancienne construite à partir de fondements religieux, familiaux ou de richesses foncières se retrouve elle aussi expulsée de ses terres. Elle perd donc ses positions de privilèges, désemparée et désorientée, elle ne reviendra plus jamais au devant de la scène nationale palestinienne. Ce sont les hommes qui dirigeront la lutte pour la récupération de la Palestine de 1948, ensuite et à partir de 1967 contre l'occupation de la Cisjordanie et de la bande de Gaza (partie de la Palestine historique) d'abord sous forme de lutte armée ensuite par la diplomatie et la politique de négociations, qui deviennent les nouvelles figures sur la scène politique palestinienne. Ils sont originaires non de l'ancienne bourgeoisie religieuse et familiale mais de la classe moyenne des villes et des zones rurales qui vont recruter dans les camps de réfugiés les futurs combattants. Ce sont les nouveaux dirigeants. C'est un processus qui a commencé dès la moitié des années 1960 pour se consolider avec la création de partis et mouvements palestiniens opérant dans les divers pays d'accueil de la région. Cette nouvelle élite se conforme aux changements et aléas de la diplomatie internationale et d'un rapport de force inégal face à Israël tout au long du conflit israélo-palestinien. Pour comprendre l'évolution des élites palestiniennes il fallait donc adopter l'approche historique des événements et faits marquants touchant le peuple palestinien depuis 1948 jusqu'à l'après-Oslo (1993) ; vingt ans d'Autorité Nationale Palestinienne caractérisée par une souveraineté limitée aux principales villes de la Cisjordanie et de la bande de Gaza, au contraire de ce qu'avaient stipulé les Accords de 1993 : ceux-ci devaient progresser vers le statut définitif des Territoires occupés en 1967. C'est dans ces territoires occupés depuis 1967, en Cisjordanie et dans la bande de Gaza, que se situe donc notre terrain de recherche. À partir de 1993 les dirigeants rapatriés de l'exil formant les membres dirigeants de l'Autorité nationale, vont favoriser les initiatives de palestiniens, en particulier, les figures proéminentes des villes, dans la création d'établissements universitaires. Ceci est entrepris non seulement pour répondre aux besoins d'éducation d'une population jeune dans un acte de résilience face à l'occupation, mais aussi pour répondre aux exigences du projet de construction des institutions du futur Etat à l'intérieur des Territoires de 1967. De nouvelles compétences, de nouveaux savoir-faire devenaient nécessaires dans cette nouvelle situation du post-Oslo où, en parallèle à la lutte politique, l'enseignement supérieur devenait un enjeu vital pour l'existence de la société palestinienne dont l'ambition est d'avoir une place à part entière parmi les nations modernes du monde. D'autres figures émergeront à partir de ces universités pour former une nouvelle et différente élite qui gouvernera dans un contexte de règles démocratiques où le pouvoir ne sera pas exclusivement dans la main de quelques dirigeants. L'OLP, dès 1990, va créer une Université pour tous, l'Université Ouverte Al-Quds (l'UOQ), se basant sur le mode ouvert et à distance. C'était un choix devenu urgent pour surmonter les difficultés et les entraves qu'imposait l'occupation. L'UOQ connaîtra un grand succès comme en témoigne le nombre grossissant de ses inscrits dans un contexte de tension. Plus tard et malgré son offre limitée dans les disciplines d'études, elle va attirer les jeunes à la recherche d'un métier, les adultes pour poursuivre des études inachevées, les femmes pour la proximité de ses centres d'études.
Programa de Doctorado en Energía Eléctrica ; Durante la última década, diversos acontecimientos han hecho evolucionar los mercados mundiales de gas natural alterando los fundamentales de la oferta y la demanda. En el lado de la oferta, un amplio suministro debido a la explotación de fuentes de gas no convencionales ha atraído a nuevos productores al mercado junto con un aumento de la capacidad de licuefacción a nivel global. Además, un incremento del mercado de gas natural licuado (GNL) ha favorecido la globalización del mercado del gas natural. Por el lado de la demanda, esta ha seguido creciendo debido a shock de demanda como el accidente en Fukushima en 2011 y las políticas de aire limpio de China en 2017, y la continua expansión del mercado de GNL, que abre nuevos mercados emergentes. Estos cambios han puesto de relieve la necesidad de un mercado de gas natural más flexible, que se ha traducido en un incremento de las transacciones spot junto con una tendencia hacia contratos a largo plazo más flexibles y con nuevos mecanismos de fijación de precios indexados a mercados de gas (gas-on-gas). Esta tendencia se ha visto apuntalada por el contexto macroeconómico y por el contexto político/regulatorio. En Europa, los fundamentales del mercado del gas también han experimentado un cambio significativo, desencadenado por las dinámicas globales antes mencionadas y respaldado por el proceso de liberalización y creación del mercado único de gas natural y los ambiciosos objetivos de Europa de una economía neta con cero emisiones de carbono para 2050. En este contexto, la Unión Europea (UE) está construyendo su mercado único de gas natural bajo un esquema de entrada y salida, que comprende zonas de balance con hubs virtuales, donde la integración del mercado se basa en unos niveles adecuados de infraestructuras. Esta tesis desarrolla diferentes modelos de optimización para llevar a cabo estudios relevantes para la evaluación del mercado interno del gas en la UE, al tiempo que contribuye al campo de investigación de la modelización del mercado global del gas. Los modelos de optimización propuestos mejoran las herramientas actuales de medio plazo para la operación del mercado de gas natural mediante 1) una mejor consideración de los contratos de suministro a largo plazo de gas natural; 2) incluyendo una variedad de opciones de suministro (es decir, contratos de suministro a largo plazo, mercado spot y mercado secundario); y 3) modelar la coexistencia de un mecanismo indexado a precios de petróleo y otro indexado a los precios de los principales hubs de gas. Se desarrollan dos herramientas para este fin. Primero, desarrollamos cuatro modelos académicos de equilibrio para representar la implementación y evolución de los hubs virtuales de gas en Europa. En segundo lugar, avanzamos en el modelado de gas natural, al proponer un modelo global de gas (GasValem GoG) que captura en detalle todas las nuevas tendencias comerciales (es decir, el mercado spot frente a los contratos a largo plazo) considerando diferentes opciones de precios. Por último, esta tesis también aborda el problema de la inversión de capacidad, con el desarrollo del modelo GASMOPEC, mejorando las actuales herramientas de planificación de la inversión en infraestructuras gasistas, introduciendo en el problema de decisión la secuencialidad entre las decisiones de inversión y las decisiones de operación. Adicionalmente el modelo es un multi- objetivo, para así poder considerar los múltiples criterios que deben evaluarse simultáneamente en la toma de este tipo de decisiones. ; During the last decade, major transformations have shaped the evolution of global natural gas markets altering the supply/demand balance. In the supply side, an ample supply due to the exploration of unconventional gas sources has brought up new producers into the market and a surge in global liquefaction capacity. Additionally, an increase in the LNG trade has favored the globalization of the natural gas market. The demand side has kept growing due to demand shocks such as the accident at Fukushima in 2011 and China clean air policies in 2017, and the continued expansion of liquefied natural gas market opening new emerging markets. These changes have highlighted the necessity for a more flexible natural gas market, which has been reflected in an increased spot market together with a tendency towards more flexible long-term contracts and new pricing mechanisms involving gas-on-gas competition. Moreover, macroeconomics and political choices have shore up this trend. In Europe, gas market fundamentals have also undergone a significant shift. This has been triggered by the aforementioned global dynamics and supported by the natural gas market liberalization and Europe's ambitious targets of a net zero-carbon economy by 2050. In this context, the European Union is building its internal natural gas market under an entry-exit scheme, which comprises balancing zones with liquid virtual trading points, where market integration is served by appropriate levels of infrastructure. This thesis develops different optimization models in order to carry out relevant studies for the assessment of the EU internal gas market while contributing to the research field of global gas market modeling. The proposed optimization models improve current natural gas market mid-term operation tools by 1) a better consideration of natural gas long-term supply contracts; 2) including a variety of supply options (i.e. long-term supply contracts, spot market and secondary market representing wholesale markets); and 3) modeling the coexistence of oil-indexed and hub pricing mechanism. The following tools are developed for this aim: First, we develop four academic equilibrium models in order to represent the implementation and evolution of virtual natural gas hubs in Europe. Second, we advance in the natural gas modeling, by proposing a global gas model (GasValem GoG) which captures in detail all the new commercial trends (i.e. spot market vs. long-term contracts) considering different pricing options, providing insights of the mid-term natural gas market. Third, this thesis also tackles the capacity investment problem, improving the existing investment planning tools, considering sequentiality in the operation-expansion decision problem and the multiple criteria that need to be achieved simultaneously. For this aim, the GASMOPEC model is developed.
Les changements climatiques sont à présent une certitude au niveau mondial. Le 4 ème rapport du GIEC, publié en 2007, met en évidence l'origine et les responsabilités humaines liées à ce phénomène. Toutes les parties du globe sont susceptibles d'être affectées. Il n'y a pas un domaine ni un secteur d'activité qui n'en ressentira pas les effets d'où le besoin d'une nécessaire adaptation. Dès 2006, la Commission Européenne s'est engagée vers la problématique de l'adaptation au changement climatique. Tout d'abord au travers d'une consultation autour du livre vert « Adaptation au changement climatique en Europe : les possibilités d'action de l'Union Européenne » puis à l'aide d'un livre blanc « Adaptation au changement climatique: vers un cadre d'action européen ». Si la Commission Européenne y étudie la possibilité de rendre obligatoire les stratégies d'adaptation, plusieurs pays européens ont déjà réalisé la leur : la Finlande, le Royaume-Uni, la France… La Belgique via la Commission Nationale Climat a adopté sa « Stratégie Nationale Climat» fin 2010 avec l'objectif de pouvoir proposer un plan d'action opérationnel pour 2012. Ce plan d'action résultera de la fusion des plans d'actions des trois régions et du fédéral : la région flamande a réalisé une étude pour initier le processus de développement de son plan d'adaptation en 2010, la région Wallonne a emboité le pas par la présente étude et la région de Bruxelles Capitale ainsi que le Fédéral ont l'intention de suivre la même démarche en 2011. Cette étude a conduit à dresser un bilan exhaustif – caractérisation, vulnérabilités actuelles, vulnérabilités futures – de la région Wallonne suivant sept thématiques : l'agriculture, l'eau, les infrastructures/l'aménagement du territoire, la santé, l'énergie, la biodiversité et la forêt. Une consultation élargie d'experts de la région Wallonne a permis de dégager les principales mesures à mettre en œuvre afin d'adapter la région Wallonne au changement climatique. Le chapitre 1 « L'adaptation au changement climatique dans les régions européennes » dresse un état des lieux des stratégies d'adaptation aux changements climatiques mises en œuvre en Europe en vue d'en tirer des enseignements pour cette étude. Le chapitre 2 « Les avenirs climatiques de la région Wallonne » rend compte des projections climatiques spécifiquement mises en œuvre dans le cadre de cette étude et qui ont servi de support à la détermination des vulnérabilités futures de la région Wallonne. Le chapitre 3 « La vulnérabilité de la Wallonie aux changements climatiques » explore suivant sept thèmes – l'agriculture, l'eau, les infrastructures/l'aménagement du territoire, la santé, l'énergie, la biodiversité et la forêt – la région Wallonne dans le but de décrire ses vulnérabilités actuelles et futures mais aussi en mettant en avant une hiérarchisation temporelle et sectorielle des impacts. Le chapitre 4 « L'adaptation de la région Wallonne aux changements climatiques » définit les principes directeurs suivis pour les choix d'adaptation au changement climatique ainsi que les orientations proposées par thématiques. Le chapitre 5 « Vers un plan d'actions » présente les mesures par thématique avec les premiers éléments d'un dispositif de suivi évaluation. Enfin, les annexes rassemblent, d'une part, des documents opérationnels – les fiches thématiques complètes, le plan d'actions, la note d'orientation stratégique et l'analyse transversale – et des documents supports – cartes et base de données de projections climatiques, benchmark. ; Climate change is now globally accepted. The 4th IPCC report, published in 2007, clearly indicates that this phenomenon is mostly the result of human activity. All parts of the globe are potentially at risk. There are no activity sectors that will be left untouched. Adaptation is therefore necessary. Since 2006, the European Commission has been looking at the climate change adaptation issue. It first held a consultation on the European Commission Green Paper "adapting to climate change in Europe - options for EU action". This led to the publication of the White Paper « Adapting to climate change: towards a European framework for action ». In this document, the EC puts forward the idea of a compulsory Adaptation Strategy at Member State level. Several EU countries have already done so: Finland, United Kingdom and France. Belgium, through the National Climate Commission, adopted its « National Climate Strategy » in late 2010. The objective is to recommend an operational action plan by 2012. This action plan will be the result of a merger between the action plans of the three regions and the federal governments. The Flemish region launched a study to start the development process of their action plan in 2010; the Walloon region has followed with this study and the Brussels region and the Federal should launch their studies during this year (2011). This study enabled to draw a complete review – characteristics, current vulnerabilities, future vulnerabilities - of the Walloon region on seven topics: Agriculture, water, infrastructure/ spatial planning, health, energy, biodiversity and forests. An enlarged experts' consultation identified key measures to implement in order for Wallonia to adapt to climate change. Chapter 1, « climate change adaptation in European regions », is a stock-taking exercise of adaptation strategies found in Europe in order to draw relevant lessons for this study. Chapter 2: « the climate futures of Wallonia", is an analysis of the climate projection specifically carried out for this study. Those projections were used to identify Wallonia's vulnerabilities. Chapter 3 « Wallonia's vulnerabilities to Climate change" explores the seven themes Agriculture, water, infrastructure/ spatial planning, health, energy, biodiversity and forests to describe the current and future risks and to put forward a time-dependent and sectoral hierarchy of impacts. Chapter 4 « Wallonia's adaptation to climate change » states the core principles used to define the adaptation choices as well as the proposed guidelines for each theme. Chapter 5 « towards an action plan » presents the adaptation measures by theme along with the first elements of an evaluation procedure. Finally, the appendices contain the operational documents: the full thematic sheets, the action plan, the strategic guideline paper and the transversal analysis and the supporting documents: maps, climate projections database and the benchmarks.
