Suchergebnisse

La Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos proclamada por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas en París, el 10 de diciembre de 1948, establece por primera vez los derechos humanos fundamentales que deben protegerse en el mundo entero. Entre los precitados derechos, proclama en su artículo 15 lo siguiente: " 1. Toda persona tiene derecho a una nacionalidad. 2. A nadie se privará arbitrariamente de su nacionalidad ni del derecho a cambiar de nacionalidad". Sin embargo en la actualidad, a más de sesen- ta años de ese primer esfuerzo de la post guerra, en materia de derechos humanos, se habla de millones de personas apátridas; es decir, sin un vínculo jurídico que los enlace a un Estado. Esta condición conlleva mayores problemas y desencadena la privación de otros derechos inherentes a los seres humanos, ya que al adolecer de documentos que los certifiquen como nacional de un Estado, no pueden acceder fácilmente a los servicios públicos como, salud, educación, empleo; tampoco a circular libremente, y mucho menos a ejercer derechos políticos. En el derecho internacional existe mucho por hacer en esta materia, no obstante, ya se están evidenciando los primeros pasos hacia la erradicación de la condición de apatridia en el mundo, mediante instrumentos internacionales y la ad- hesión a ellos de, cada vez, más Estados. ; The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on December 10, 1948, establishes for the first time the fundamental human rights to be protected throughout the world. Among the rights mentioned above the article 15 proclaims the following:"1. Everyone has the right to a nationality. 2. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of its nationality nor denied the right to change its nationality. "However, today, more than sixty years after the first post-war effort on human rights, millions of stateless people are spoken of; that means, without a legal bond that links them to a State. This condition leads to greater problems and triggers the deprivation of other rights inherent to human beings, because of the lack of documents certifying them as a citizen of a State, they cannot easily access to public services such as health, education, employment; to free circulation, neither political rights. There is much to be done in international law in the matter of human rights. However, the first steps towards the eradication of the condition of statelessness people in the world, through international instruments and the adherence to them of more and more States, are already evident.

In her work, Arendt emphasizes one of today's most important problems: the existence of milliards of people who have been excluded from the world. The German philosopher reflects on the personal, historical and political-legal aspects of this phenomenon, which she herself saw as an unsolved inheritance. Regarding the first aspect, Arendt takes up the terminology of Weber and Lazare, and establishes a difference between pariahs and the stateless. Basing herself on historical and literary references, she writes microbiographies that permit her to show the different ways in which society establishes frontiers and barriers to those who are seen as different. In addition, she looks into how the condition of statelessness, as well as that of the refugee, creates a first-order problem: human beings who lack the most basic right of all, the right to have rights. From the historical point of view, her writings focus on the European situation between the wars and after World War II, but are equally applicable to the situations we are living today. From the political point of view, Arendt reflects on the meaning of this lack of the right to have a place in the world, the applicability and utility of solemn declarations of rights, the role of international organizations and of politics understood as appearance in the public space. ; Arendt destaca en su obra uno de los problemas más importantes de la actualidad: la existencia de millares de personas que han quedado excluidas del mundo. La alemana reflexiona sobre los aspectos personales, históricos y político-jurídicos de este fenómeno que ella misma vio como una herencia sin solución. Desde el primer ángulo, Arendt retoma la terminología de Weber y Lazare, y establece una diferencia entre parias y apátridas. Sirviéndose de referencias históricas y literarias, realiza microbiografías que le permiten desplegar los diferentes modos en los que la sociedad establece fronteras y trabas a los que son vistos como diferentes. Además, incide en cómo la condición de apátrida, así como la de refugiado, plantea un problema antropológico de primer orden: seres humanos carentes del derecho más básico, el derecho a tener derechos. Desde el punto de vista histórico, sus escritos se centran en la situación europea en el período de entreguerras y de la postguerra de la 2ª Mundial, pero son igualmente aplicables a situaciones que estamos viviendo hoy en día. Desde el punto de vista político, Arendt reflexiona sobre el significado de esa carencia del derecho a tener un lugar en el mundo, la vigencia y la utilidad de las declaraciones solemnes de derechos, el papel de las organizaciones internacionales, y de la política entendida como aparición en el espacio público.

В апреле 2013 г. была создана правовая база, позволяющая ЕС присоединиться к Европейской хартии по правам человека, что стало очередным подтверждением беспрецедентной победы демократии и концепции прав человека в Европе. Однако конфликт в Восточной Украине в 2014 г. также продемонстрировал, что победа демократии и прав человека в Европе не так однозначна. Конфликт подчеркнул столкновение концепций прав человека, принадлежащих двум основным политическим силам в Европе ЕС и России. Данная статья объединяет количественный подход к нарушению прав человека с дискурс-анализом концепции прав человека. Для иллюстрации выбран пример русскоязычного меньшинства в Латвии как один из наиболее спорных случаев. Анализ демонстрирует, что русскоязычное меньшинство в Латвии «потеряно в переводе»: оно оказалось заложником и латвийской концепции неграждан, оправдывающей отсутствие у группы жителей гражданских прав, и российской концепции соотечественников, жертв агрессивной западной экспансии. Ни латвийский, ни российский официальный дискурс не признает русскоязычное меньшинство в качестве особой категории. Обе стороны используют его в качестве инструмента внутренней и внешней политики. Таким образом, идентичность оказывается инструментализированной и секюритизированной. Компетенции Евросоюза в этой области ограничены. Отношения между соответствующими акторами поляризированы и антогоничны, и, как показывает и ситуация на Украине, это создает потенциал для насилия. Библиогр. 35 назв. Табл. 3. ; The legal documents drafted in April 2013 to enable EU's accession to the European Charter of Human Rights represented a further confirmation of the unprecedented victory of democracy and human rights in Europe. However, with the outbreak and evolution of the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine in 2014, the victory of democracy and human rights in Europe is less straightforward. Th e conflict highlights the clash over the understanding of human rights between the two major political powers on the European continent the EU and Russia. This article complements quantitative data on human rights violations with qualitative discourse analysis of human rights frames. The highly contentious case of the Russian speaking minority in Latvia is selected as a test case. Presented analysis shows that the Russian speaking minority in Latvia is lost in translation caught between the Latvian notion of non-citizen as a legally justified statelessness and the Russian notion of compatriots, victims of aggressive Western expansion. Neither the Latvian nor the Russian offi cial discourse recognized the Russian speaking minority as an autonomous entity; rather for both the minority issue is instrumentalized for domestic and foreign policy reasons identity is instrumentalized and securitized. The EU whose hands are tied is largely absent. The relationship between the actors is polarized and antagonistic, and as the situation of Ukraine shows, with further potential for violence. Refs 35. Tables 3.

Arendt destaca en su obra uno de los problemas más importantes de la actualidad: la existencia de millares de personas que han quedado excluidas del mundo. La alemana reflexiona sobre los aspectos personales, históricos y político-jurídicos de este fenómeno que ella misma vio como una herencia sin solución. Desde el primer ángulo, Arendt retoma la terminología de Weber y Lazare, y establece una diferencia entre parias y apátridas. Sirviéndose de referencias históricas y literarias, realiza microbiografías que le permiten desplegar los diferentes modos en los que la sociedad establece fronteras y trabas a los que son vistos como diferentes. Además, incide en cómo la condición de apátrida, así como la de refugiado, plantea un problema antropológico de primer orden: seres humanos carentes del derecho más básico, el derecho a tener derechos. Desde el punto de vista histórico, sus escritos se centran en la situación europea en el período de entreguerras y de la postguerra de la 2ª Mundial, pero son igualmente aplicables a situaciones que estamos viviendo hoy en día. Desde el punto de vista político, Arendt reflexiona sobre el significado de esa carencia del derecho a tener un lugar en el mundo, la vigencia y la utilidad de las declaraciones solemnes de derechos, el papel de las organizaciones internacionales, y de la política entendida como aparición en el espacio público. ; In her work, Arendt emphasizes one of today's most important problems: the existence of milliards of people who have been excluded from the world. The German philosopher reflects on the personal, historical and political-legal aspects of this phenomenon, which she herself saw as an unsolved inheritance. Regarding the first aspect, Arendt takes up the terminology of Weber and Lazare, and establishes a difference between pariahs and the stateless. Basing herself on historical and literary references, she writes microbiographies that permit her to show the different ways in which society establishes frontiers and barriers to those who are seen as different. In addition, she looks into how the condition of statelessness, as well as that of the refugee, creates a first-order problem: human beings who lack the most basic right of all, the right to have rights. From the historical point of view, her writings focus on the European situation between the wars and after World War II, but are equally applicable to the situations we are living today. From the political point of view, Arendt reflects on the meaning of this lack of the right to have a place in the world, the applicability and utility of solemn declarations of rights, the role of international organizations and of politics understood as appearance in the public space.

Part I The Genocidal Priming Phase of the Holocaust -- 1 Introduction -- Shades of Nietzsche and Heidegger in the Holocaust -- The Holocaust as One Way Hatred Grows -- Genocide is a Process -- 2 Antisemitism is a Vicious Racism -- Introduction -- Jews, Christians, and Antisemitism in Supersessionism -- Antisemitism is a Racism -- The Insidious Side of Institutionalized Racism -- Antisemitism as Hate -- Conclusion -- 3 Denial of Rights as a Prelude to Entitlement -- Introduction -- Personal Property Laws and Racism -- Genocide and Deprivation of Victim's Rights -- How Individuals Come to Be Bearers of Rights: A General Account -- A Conceptual Framework for the Expansion and Contraction of Rights -- Contraction of Rights: The Slippery Slope of Jews' Loss of Personal Property rights in German -- Ghettos and the Right to Personal Liberty -- Denial of Rights and Statelessness -- Conclusion -- 4 Propaganda for Genocide -- Introduction -- Who Were the Propagandists? -- Hitler as a Propagandist -- Gerhard Kittle -- Joseph Goebbels -- Walter Grundmann -- Julius Streicher -- Heinrich Himmler -- What Shadows of Propaganda were Cast? -- The German Propaganda Diet -- Effects Upon the Prisoners in the Cave of Ignorance -- Conclusions -- 5 Self-Entitlement for the Chosen Few -- Introduction -- A Protocol to Distinguish the Us and Them in the Holocaust -- When Rights become a Matter of Life and Death -- Anatomy of a Mass Murder -- Historical Convergences and Logical Intersections -- License to Kill -- Conclusion -- 6 The Case of the Aryan Jesus Dogma: Enlarging Entitlement through Propaganda -- Introduction -- The Religious Appeal of an Aryan Jesus -- The Theological Support of an Aryan Jesus -- An Aryan Jesus Creed Reconstructed -- The Efficacy and Logic of the Case for an Aryan Jesus -- Conclusion -- Part II The Peak Phase of Genocide in the Holocaust -- 7 The Holocaust and the Ideal of Purity -- Introduction -- The Definition of Genocide -- The Scale of Genocide -- The Failure of Purification as the Ideal of Genocide -- Crafting Moral and Practical Responses to Genocide -- Conclusion -- 8 Resistance and Neighborly Aid -- Introduction -- Becoming Targets of Genocidal Violence -- Resistance for Dignity's Sake -- Heroic Resistance that Dignifies Human Rights -- Assessing the Utility of Resistance -- The Practicality and Justice of Resistance -- Conclusion -- 9 The Case of the Muselmänner: A Study in the Loss and Reclamation of Dignity -- Introduction -- How the Dignified Should be Treated -- Who the Muselmänner Were -- Denial of Needs and Deprivation of Dignity -- Measured Satisfaction of Needs for the Reclamation of Dignity -- Conclusion -- 10 Ethical Gray Zones in Genocidal Killing Camps -- Introduction -- The Emergence of Ethical Gray Zones -- Entrapment in an Ethical Gray Zone -- Ethics in the Gray Zones -- Return from the Gray Zones -- Transformations -- Conclusion -- 11 Bystanders to Genocide -- Introduction -- Bystanders and Complicity -- Martin Niemöller 's Courage and Regrets -- A J. Topf & Sons: Manufacturing Hygiene -- Complicity of the Swastika Bedecked German Church -- Complicity of the Silent Neighboring Nations -- Conclusion -- 12 Cry Genocide! -- Introduction -- When and Why to Give the Cry: "Genocide!" -- The Choice to Give the Cry: "Genocide!" -- Some Risks in Raising the Cry of Genocide -- Conclusion -- 13 Postscript.

Preliminary Material /Ton Liefaard and Julia Sloth-Nielsen -- 25 Years CRC: Reflecting on Successes, Failures and the Future /Ton Liefaard and Julia Sloth-Nielsen -- The Convention on the Rights of the Child: 25 Years and Beyond /Vitit Muntarbhorn -- Protecting Children across Borders: The Interaction between the CRC and the Hague Children's Conventions /Hans van Loon -- Legal Challenges and Strategies for Combating Online Sexual Violence against Children: Making Children's Rights Future-Proof /Corinne Dettmeijer-Vermeulen -- Are 'Best Interests' a Pillar or a Problem for Implementing the Human Rights of Children? /Nigel Cantwell -- Child Rights in the United States: 25 Years Later and Counting /Yvonne Vissing -- CRC Dialogues: Does the Committee on the Rights of the Child 'Speak' to the National Courts? /Meda Couzens -- Access to Justice: A Fundamental Right for all Children /Laurene Graziani -- The Role of the Professions in Effective Implementation of the CRC /Jane Williams -- Closing the Gap between Social and Formal Accountability: Exploring the Role of Independent Human Rights Institutions for Children /Vanessa Sedletzki -- The Role of International Law in the Judicial Interpretation of New African Children's Laws: The Kenyan Example /Godfrey O. Odongo -- The Best Interests of the Child: A Guiding Principle in Administering Cross-Border Child-Related Matters? /Mirela Župan -- The European Court of Human Rights' Jurisprudence Regarding the Segregation of Roma Schoolchildren: A Children's Rights Perspective /Zsuzsanna Nyitray -- The Main Challenges of Implementing the Procedural Rights of the Child in the Family Justice Systems of Some Southeast European Countries /Slađana Aras Kramar and Ivana Milas Klarić -- (Why) Should Children Have Rights? A Philosophical Perspective /Marieke Janne Hopman -- The Voice of the Child in Juvenile Justice Procedures /Stephanie Rap -- Will New Zealand's Youth Justice System Take the Next Step? /Alison Cleland -- Children's Rights and Australian Migration Law: Are they Mutually Exclusive? /Anna Copeland -- Unaccompanied and Unprotected: The Systemic Vulnerability of Unaccompanied Migrant Children in South Africa /Kirsten Anderson , Kara Apland and Elizabeth Yarrow -- The Prevention of Child Statelessness at Birth: A Multilevel Perspective /Peter Rodrigues and Jill Stein -- Protection of Internally Displaced Children and the Guiding Principles of Internally Displaced Persons /Rita Nunes -- Protecting the Victims of Child Trafficking /Philip E. Veerman -- Child Rights Research for 2040: A European Commission Perspective /Margaret Tuite -- A Future of Mess, Confusion and Complexity? Linking Children's Rights and Knowledge Management in a Critical Research Agenda beyond 25 years of the Convention on the Rights of the Child /Sara Lembrechts -- Protecting the Locus of Vulnerability: Preliminary Ideas for Guidance on Protecting the Rights of the Child in International Commercial Surrogacy /Claire Achmad -- Taking Stock of Bullying and Cyberbullying Research and Introducing a Child Rights Perspective /Mona Paré , Tara Collins and Miad Ranjbar -- Child Rights as a Basis for the Regulation of Food Marketing: The Role of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child /Katharina Eva Ó Cathaoir.

Esiste un limite costituzionale alla privazione della cittadinanza? Il decreto legge n. 113/2018 ha recentemente introdotto un nuovo articolo 10-bis nella legge n. 91/1992 che disciplina la revoca della cittadinanza. Si tratta di una "sanzione" che può essere inflitta dal Presidente della Repubblica su proposta del Ministro dell'interno entro tre anni dalla condanna definitiva per gravi fatti di reato ed è applicabile soltanto ad alcune categorie di cittadini (non si può revocare la cittadinanza ai cittadini iure sanguinis, per beneficio di legge o per adozione). La revoca della cittadinanza è una assoluta novità nella legislazione italiana a far data dalle leggi fasciste del 1926 e sembra porsi in diretto conflitto con l'articolo 22 della Costituzione, che vieta la privazione della cittadinanza per motivi politici; con il principio costituzionale di ragionevolezza; con il diritto costituzionale di difesa e con altri diritti di rango costituzionale che possono essere aggrediti come effetto dell'atto di denazionalizzazione. Una breve analisi di analoghe forme di privazione della cittadinanza (la francese déchéance de nationalité), delle norme e della giurisprudenza UE sulla cittadinanza europea (il caso Rottmann) e di altre rilevanti norme internazionali in materia di contrasto dell'apolidia e di protezione di diritti fondamentali (come il diritto alla vita privata e familiare di cui all'articolo 8 CEDU), mostra, infine, che l'art. 10-bis l. n. 91/1992 si pone in diretto contrasto con il «diritto ad avere diritti». ; Is there any Constitutional limit to denationalization? Law-Decree n. 113/2018 introduced a new article 10-bis on the Revocation of Citizenship within l. n. 91/1992. This article regulates the deprivation of nationality. It is a "sanction" which can be inflicted by the President of the Republic under proposal of the Ministry of the interior within three year from a final condemnation for serious criminal offences. It applies only to certain category of citizens: it is not possible to revoke citizenship to citizens iure sanguinis or which are descendants of Italian citizens or which have been granted citizenship through adoption. Deprivation of citizenship is an absolute novelty in Italian legislation since the Fascist Laws of 1926 and it seems in direct conflict with article 22 of the Italian Constitution which prohibits deprivation of citizenship due to «political motivation» and with the constitutional principle of reasonablesness of law; the constitutional right to defence and other fundamental constitutional rights which can be afflicted as a counter-effect of denationalization. A short analysis of similar forms of denationalization (the French déchéance de nationalité); of norms and case law on EU Citizenship (Rottmann case) and of other relevant International provisions (on the contrast of Statelessness and protection of the Right to Privacy and Family life, art. 8 ECHR) shows that art. 10-bis l. n. 91/1992 seems in direct contrast with «the right to have rights».

Frente al tópico de que las normas sobre nacionalidad se han de interpretar siempre de forma restrictiva por ser materia de orden público que afecta al estado civil de las personas, en este estudio su autor, apoyado en la propia jurisprudencia y en el principio «favorabilia amplianda, odiosa restringenda», propone que dichas normas se han de interpretar extensiva o restrictivamente según se trate, respectivamente, de adquirir y tener la nacionalidad española o bien de perderla, y todo ello atendiendo, en su caso, también a la voluntad, y a la conducta, de la persona. La razón de dicho criterio es que para nuestro Derecho la españolidad es un favor (puesto que implica la plenitud de derechos), y que la extranjería es un «disfavor» (y la apatridia, el mayor de todos); lo que también justifica que las normas que se refieran al extranjero deban interpretarse extensivamente, para su equiparación con el español, y de modo restrictivo en caso contrario. Así lo exige nuestra propia Constitución (en su art. 13.1). También es exigencia de nuestra Constitución (de su art. 11.1), que en materia de nacionalidad apenas existan lagunas legales que colmar. De ahí que en la práctica apenas quede espacio para la analogía. El legislador ha querido un sistema sobre nacionalidad lo más completo y cerrado posible, previendo él mismo sus posibles válvulas de escape, y de cierre: por un lado, a través de la carta de nacionalidad para adquirirla (art. 21.1 del Código Civil), y, por otro lado, mediante la renuncia expresa del art. 24 del Código Civil. ; Opposite the topic of the rules on nationality must always be interpreted restrictively by be a matter of public policy affecting the civil status of persons, in this study the author, supported by jurisprudence itself and the principle «favorabilia amplianda, odiosa restringenda», proposes that these rules be interpreted extensively or narrowly depending on whether, respectively, to acquire and have the Spanish nationality or losing it, and all this basis, if necessary, also to the will, and behavior, of the person. The reason for this criterion is that our law Spanishness is a favor (since it involves the full rights), and that immigration is a «disfavor» (and statelessness, the greatest of all); which also justifies the rules concerning overseas to be interpreted extensively, for equality with Spanish and restrictively otherwise. This is required by our own Constitution. It is also a demand of our Constitution regarding nationality just fill loopholes that exist. The legislature sought a system on nationality as complete and closed possible, he foreseeing possible exhaust valves, and closing on the one hand, through the letter of nationality to acquire (Article 21.1 of the Civil Code), and, on the other hand, by express waiver of art. 24 of the Civil Code.

Legal pluralism in Africa : three levels and seven types of law / Raymond A. Atuguba -- Customary marriages and the South Africa constitution : the recent developments / Sipho Nkosi -- Gods at war : religion and law-making / Roseline K. Njogu -- Pluralism and the tenor of bankruptcy legislation in West African societies / Samuel Boadi Adarkwah -- Common law in Kenya / Duncan M. Okubasu -- The evolution of property rights to land in postcolonial Buganda / Olive Sabiiti -- One nation, multiple identities : ethnicity, inclusivity, and constitution-making / Muna Ndulo -- Democratic transitions in Africa : the issue of civil resistance and unconstitutional change of government / Lydia A. Nkansah -- Freedom of expression in Zambia revisited / Sangwani Patrick Ng'ambi -- Mapping the legal contours of presidential electoral law in Kenya : a case Review of Raila Odinga v. Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Presidential Election 1 of 2017 / Luis Franceschi and Emmah Wabuke -- The unconstitutional change of government normative framework in Africa : do elections matter? / O'Brien Kaaba -- Commissions of inquiry and the quest for a greater accountability in health care delivery in Africa : a Ghanaian perspective / Ernest Owusu-Dapaa -- The effectiveness and predictability of social security law : constitutional perspectives from the Republic of South Africa / Letlhokwa George Mpedi -- Rule of law with African characteristics / Salvatore Mancuso -- Law and the regulation of new technologies in Africa / Olufunmilayo B. Arewa and Ayodeji O. Fakolade -- The East African community's used clothing policy and international trade law / Chantal Thomas -- Technology, legal information, and access to justice in Africa / Femi Cadmus -- Show me the money : evaluating the significance of traditional knowledge and cultural expressions in the context of foreign direct investment outflows / Anthony C. K. Kakooza -- Labor law, labor market regulation, and social protection in sub-Saharan Africa : emerging trends in comparative perspective / Chanda Chungu and Evance Kalula -- The Pan-African investment code and its impact on investments and resource extraction in Africa / Dunia P. Zongwe -- The ECOWAS citizen in a dilemma : the role of the ECOWAS Court of Justice in the promotion of human rights in West Africa / George Asare-Afriyie -- When criminal law is not enough : toward a holistic approach to gender based violence prevention and response in Zambia and beyond / Elizabeth Brundige and Tinenenji Banda -- African law and the rights of sexual minorities : Western universalism and African resistance / Nicholas Kahn-Fogel -- Developing effective money-laundering laws in Africa : dealing with corrupt, politically exposed persons / John Hatchard -- Citizenship, rights, and political subjectivity in Eritrea / Kibron Teweldebirhan and Luwam Dirar -- Addressing serious crimes of global concern in Africa : dribbling around the problem / Chris Maina Peter -- South Africa's contribution to the international criminal justice / Ntombizozuko Dyani-Mhango -- Stateless and rightless? an appraisal of standards and practices on prevention of statelessness and protection of stateless persons in Africa / Juliana Masabo -- Abducted, inducted, and indicted : the case of Dominic Ongwen in the International Criminal Court / Simeon P. Sungi and George R. Kakoti -- From Brussels to Addis Ababa : a contextual and comparative analysis of access to justice under African private international law in Africa / Pontian Okoli -- An assessment of the right of individuals to access the Southern African development community tribunal / Onkemetse Tshosa -- Beyond formalism and uti possidetis : the International Court of Justice and boundary disputes in Africa / Cosmas Emeziem.

Introduction -- Asian borderlands in a global perspective / Martin Saxer, Alessandro Rippa and Alexander Horstmann -- Conceptual framing -- Violence in Asian borderlands / Reece Jones -- Asia's gendered borderlands / Malini Sur -- Intimate militarism : domesticating the border in rural Central Asia / Madeleine Reeves -- Borders and bordering in Asia / Karin Dean -- Zomia and beyond / Jean Michaud -- Livelihoods, commodities, mobilities -- Political livelihoods in northeast borderlands of Cambodia : legacy of the past, territorial incorporation and confrontation / Frédéric Bourdier -- Cross-border commodities : processual histories, commodity chains, and the Yak tail trade / Tina Harris -- Old routes, new roads : proximity across the China-Pakistan border / Alessandro Rippa -- Making place within a geopolitical frontier : Mae Aw (Ban Rak Thai) / Carl Grundy-Warr, Jessica Teo and Chin Wei Jun -- Making connectivity work : exploring cross-border livelihoods between Kazakhstan and China / Henryk Alff -- Ritual and issues of ethnic integration in the borderlands of the state of Rakhine/Arakan (Myanmar) / Alexandra de Mersan -- Asia's borderlands : physical land use and agrarian transformations -- Genesis of state space : frontier commodification in Malaysian borneo / Noboru Ishikawa -- Frontier constellations : agrarian expansion and sovereignty on the Indonesian-Malaysian border / Michael Eilenberg -- Beyond "natural" pressures : Chinese agriculture in the Russian Far East / Jiayi Zhou -- A failed market experiment and ignored livelihoods : Jatropha expansion in the Sino-Vietnamese borderlands / Jean-François Rousseau -- Border and boundaries of the state, governance and the production of statelessness -- Multiple borders and bordering processes in Kachin state / Karin Dean and Mart Viirand -- Turning your back to the border : federalism, territory and claims for autonomy in the Nepal-India borderland / Rune Bennike -- A proliferation of border interfaces : ordering insecurity for migrants in the Thai-Burmese borderlands / Adam Saltsman -- The decision to move : post-exchange experiences in the former Bangladesh-India border enclaves / Md. Azmeary Ferdoush and Reece Jones -- The backdoors of resistance : identities in the Malay peninsula's maritime borderlands / Maxime Boutry -- Ethnic reconstruction and Austronesian strategies at the borders : the moken social space in Burma / Jaques Ivanoff -- It's all about relations: re-conceptualizing trade and the economy in the borderlands -- Accumulating trust : uyghur traders in the Sino-Kyrgyz border trade after 1991 / Rune Steenberg -- The "leech plot" : discourses on alleged deception strategies among traders in the Sino-Vietnamese borderlands / Caroline Grillot -- Nobody stops and stays anymore : motor roads, uneven mobilities, and conceptualizing borderland modernity in highland Nepal / Galen Murton -- Cultivating consumer markets : ethnic minority traders and the refashioning of cultural commodities in the Sino-Vietnamese border uplands / Christine Bonnin -- Invisible trade : sovereign decisions on the Sino-Russian border / Natalia Ryzhova -- Humanitarians, religion and NGOs -- Humanitarian assistance and protestant proselytizing in the borderlands of Myanmar : the free Burma rangers / Alexander Horstmann -- The moral economy of the Myawaddy-Mae Sot border / Su-Ann Oh -- Biosocial body of ethno-religious boundaries in a Tibetan marriage / Dan Smyer Yü -- Development institutions and religious networks in the Pamirian borderlands / Till Mostowlansky -- Militarization of borderlands -- Border, checkpoint, bodies / Pradeep Jeganathan -- Musical crossings over the militarised borderland: a case study of the Ogasawara Islands / Masaya Shishikura -- Evaded states : security and control in the Sino-North Korean border region / Adam Cathcart -- Border and road regimes in Central Asia : ordering disorder at Uzbek-Kazakh checkpoint / Rano Turaeva -- Bordered spaces : spatial strategies in a "disputed border" / Wargajyoti Gohain

New wave of mass arrests in Belarus of opposition activists and their family membersMEPs strongly condemn the recent wave of mass arrests in Belarus and urge the illegitimate Lukashenka regime to cease its repression, reminding the regime of its international obligations. Parliament calls for the immediate, unconditional release and compensation of more than 1,400 political prisoners, as well as their families and other arbitrarily detained persons.Parliament urges the EU and the international community not to recognise the results of the parliamentary and local "elections" in Belarus because of their lack of transparency, freedom and fairness, MEPs want the EU Foreign Policy Chief Borrell and member states to impose stronger sanctions on the regime, and sanctions on the individuals responsible for serious human rights violations.MEPs say regime victims need support through special instruments, allowing them to obtain EU visas and residence permits, and with cases of statelessness. They want to turn the examination of the human rights situation in Belarus by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights into a fully independent investigative mechanism, and to uphold the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Belarus, while strengthening accountability through extraterritorial and universal jurisdiction.The text was adopted by 459 votes in favour, 14 against with 33 abstentions. The full resolution will be available here (08.02.2024).Increased number of executions in Iran, in particular the case of Mohammad GhobadlouParliament reiterates its continued support for the 'Woman, Life, Freedom' movement in Iran laureate of the 2023 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought, and strongly condemns the executions of peaceful demonstrators, including Mohammad Ghobadlou.MEPs urge Iran to commute all death sentences and completely abolish the death penalty, and fully support the abolition campaign launched by imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize winner Narges Mohammadi. Parliament wants the unconditional and immediate release of everyone arbitrarily on death row and of all prisoners of conscience, including EU nationals, including Ahmadreza Djalali and Johan Floderus.The resolution reiterates the call for a new EU strategy on Iran, which would include a focus on countering hostage diplomacy. The Council should impose more EU sanctions on officials and entities involved in serious human rights violations, including the Supreme Leader, the President and the Prosecutor-General, MEPs add, and should designate the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps a terrorist organisation.Member states should initiate criminal investigations into officials responsible for serious human rights violations, including under universal jurisdiction and support the renewal of the mandates of the UN Special Rapporteur on Iran and the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission at the upcoming UN Human Rights Council session. MEPs also call on member states to facilitate visas, asylum and emergency grants for people fleeing Iran.The text was adopted by a show of hands. The full resolution will be available here (08.02.2024).Recent attacks on Christmas Eve in Plateau State in NigeriaParliament strongly condemns the attack by gunmen on more than 160 villages in Nigeria's Plateau State, which resulted in the deaths of over 335 people, including at least 200 members of Christian communities, between 23 and 25 December 2023.

The article is based on the author's processing of the archives of Ukrainian emigration during his research internship in Great Britain. His task was to find out and clarify the means and ways used by the Ukrainian diaspora in its struggle against Moscow's information and propaganda offensive against the Western community's positive resolution of the "Ukrainian question" after World War II.That was the time when the Russian governmental machine intensified its counter-propaganda work in the Western direction. Under those conditions, the world continued to perceive Ukrainians as part of the "great Soviet people" who unanimously built communism, and Ukraine itself as only a formal state declaratively writing its name in UN documents as a country with a significant contribution to the victory over fascism.Under the conditions of statelessness, Ukrainian public institutions abroad replaced state embassies and official representations and took on the responsible task to constantly plant the Ukrainian information field.The Ukrainian diaspora used the following means in its struggle against Moscow's information and propaganda offensive against the Western community's positive solution of the "Ukrainian question".In particular, it was a matter of checking the presence of materials on Ukrainian studies in the main libraries of the countries where Ukrainian emigrants lived compactly. Foreign authors' interpretation of mentions was said about Ukraine and Ukrainians in those few texts was analyzed.Representatives of Ukrainian public organizations established personal contacts with directors of libraries in cities with a compact residence of Ukrainians. The goal was to create Ukrainian book and press departments there. In 1948, a centralized network was established in Munich to provide major foreign libraries with Ukrainian publications.The successful breakthrough of the Moscow information blockade on the issue of the Holodomor of 1933 happened due to publication of a series of English-language brochures on this issue at the expense of the Ukrainian Youth Association abroad. ; Стаття написана на основі опрацювання автором архівів української еміграції під час наукового стажування у Великій Британії. Її завданням є з'ясувати та увиразнити засоби і шляхи, які викориcтовувала українська діаспора у своїй боротьбі з інформаційно-пропагандистським наступом Москви проти позитивного розв'язання західною спільнотою «українського питання» після Другої світової війни. То був час, коли російська урядова машина посилила свою контрпропагандистську роботу на західному напрямку. За цих умов світ продовжував сприймати українців як частину «великого радянського народу», який одностайно будує комунізм, а саму Україну – лише формально державою за декларативним записом її назви в документі ООН як країни з вагомим внеском у перемогу над фашизмом. За умов бездержавності українські громадські інституції на чужині заступили державні посольства та офіційні представництва і взяли на себе відповідальну справу постійного засівання українського інформаційного поля. Українська діаспора у своїй боротьбі з інформаційно-пропагандистським наступом Москви проти позитивного розв'язання західною спільнотою «українського питання» використовувала такі засоби: йшлося, зокрема, про перевірку наявності україніки в головних бібліотеках країн, де компактно проживали українські емігранти; аналіз того, що інтерпретували автори-чужинці у нечисленних текстах про Україну і українців. Представники українських громадських організацій налагоджували особисті контакти із директорами бібліотек у містах із компактним проживанням українців. Мета – створення там відділів української книги і преси. 1948 року у Мюнхені створено централізовану мережу для забезпечення українськими виданнями головних чужинських бібліотек.Успішний прорив інформаційної блокади Москви питання про голодомор 1933 р. здійснено за допомогою серії видань англомовних брошур із цієї проблеми коштом Союзу Української Молоді на чужині.

The article is based on the author's processing of the archives of Ukrainian emigration during his research internship in Great Britain. His task was to find out and clarify the means and ways used by the Ukrainian diaspora in its struggle against Moscow's information and propaganda offensive against the Western community's positive resolution of the "Ukrainian question" after World War II.That was the time when the Russian governmental machine intensified its counter-propaganda work in the Western direction. Under those conditions, the world continued to perceive Ukrainians as part of the "great Soviet people" who unanimously built communism, and Ukraine itself as only a formal state declaratively writing its name in UN documents as a country with a significant contribution to the victory over fascism.Under the conditions of statelessness, Ukrainian public institutions abroad replaced state embassies and official representations and took on the responsible task to constantly plant the Ukrainian information field.The Ukrainian diaspora used the following means in its struggle against Moscow's information and propaganda offensive against the Western community's positive solution of the "Ukrainian question".In particular, it was a matter of checking the presence of materials on Ukrainian studies in the main libraries of the countries where Ukrainian emigrants lived compactly. Foreign authors' interpretation of mentions was said about Ukraine and Ukrainians in those few texts was analyzed.Representatives of Ukrainian public organizations established personal contacts with directors of libraries in cities with a compact residence of Ukrainians. The goal was to create Ukrainian book and press departments there. In 1948, a centralized network was established in Munich to provide major foreign libraries with Ukrainian publications.The successful breakthrough of the Moscow information blockade on the issue of the Holodomor of 1933 happened due to publication of a series of English-language brochures on this issue at the expense of the Ukrainian Youth Association abroad. ; Стаття написана на основі опрацювання автором архівів української еміграції під час наукового стажування у Великій Британії. Її завданням є з'ясувати та увиразнити засоби і шляхи, які викориcтовувала українська діаспора у своїй боротьбі з інформаційно-пропагандистським наступом Москви проти позитивного розв'язання західною спільнотою «українського питання» після Другої світової війни. То був час, коли російська урядова машина посилила свою контрпропагандистську роботу на західному напрямку. За цих умов світ продовжував сприймати українців як частину «великого радянського народу», який одностайно будує комунізм, а саму Україну – лише формально державою за декларативним записом її назви в документі ООН як країни з вагомим внеском у перемогу над фашизмом. За умов бездержавності українські громадські інституції на чужині заступили державні посольства та офіційні представництва і взяли на себе відповідальну справу постійного засівання українського інформаційного поля. Українська діаспора у своїй боротьбі з інформаційно-пропагандистським наступом Москви проти позитивного розв'язання західною спільнотою «українського питання» використовувала такі засоби: йшлося, зокрема, про перевірку наявності україніки в головних бібліотеках країн, де компактно проживали українські емігранти; аналіз того, що інтерпретували автори-чужинці у нечисленних текстах про Україну і українців. Представники українських громадських організацій налагоджували особисті контакти із директорами бібліотек у містах із компактним проживанням українців. Мета – створення там відділів української книги і преси. 1948 року у Мюнхені створено централізовану мережу для забезпечення українськими виданнями головних чужинських бібліотек.Успішний прорив інформаційної блокади Москви питання про голодомор 1933 р. здійснено за допомогою серії видань англомовних брошур із цієї проблеми коштом Союзу Української Молоді на чужині.

Based on archival documents, scientific literature and materials of theperiodical press, the author investigates and analyzes the position of the Roman Catholic church in the north of Zhytomyr region. Defined stages of the church, was directly associated with the beginning of mass Polish settlement in the area. It is established that the first Catholic centers in the north of Zhytomyr region were established in 1620-1640's. The founders of the church and the Monastery of the representatives of seven wealthy magnate and noble families Vitovskies, Pavshivs, Rapshtynskies, Pototskies, Yeletses, Nemyryches and Dubrovskies. Of particular importance to strengthen Catholicism in these areas had the activity of Jesuits. The sending of the order features, its contribution to the development of education of the local population by creating Ovruch College is a leading educational institution north of Zhytomyr region. It traces the emergence and activity of Catholic orders Dominicans, Carmelites and Augustinian.Armed conflicts of representatives of the Orthodox gentry marginal ofOvruch area with Catholic monks at the heart of which lay fanaticism, religious antagonism local gentry and material factors.Noted level of philanthropic support Catholic church Polish gentry and their estates donation Monastery. This examines the structure of Ovruch Deanery of Lutsk and Zhytomyr diocese of administrative-territorial division in the parish. Security personnel investigated deanery clergy and temple buildings, embracement of settlements by Deanery densely inhabited Roman Catholic population. Comparative statistics of the number of Catholics in the parishes of the deanery, noted that believers living mostly in rural areas. Emphasized the role of consolidating theinternal religious pilgrimage in Ovruch Deanery, which was reinforced by the presence of two miraculous image of St. Mary.Special attention is paid to "Ushomyr" period of life of the legendary figureof the priest M. Yandolovych that his contemporaries considered a prophet, miracle worker and saint. Emphasized the support of local Catholics struggle for the independence of Poland in terms of statelessness and domination of Russian absolutism. We consider the elimination of Roman Catholic monasteries royal administration after the November Uprising. ; Na podstawie archiwalnych dokumentów, literatury naukowej i materiałówprasy periodycznej, autor bada i analizuje stanowisko Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego w północnej części Żytomierszczyzny. Określono etapy stanowienia kościoła, co bezpośrednio było związane z początkiem masowego osadnictwa polskiego w kraju. Ustalono, że pierwsze ośrodki katolickie w północnej części regionu żytomierskiego powstały jeszcze w latach 1620-1640. Dostrzeżono powstanie i aktywność katolickich zakonów dominikanów, jezuitów, karmelitów i augustianów. Wyświetlono konflikty zbrojne przedstawicieli prawosławnej szlachty zaściankowejOwruczczyzny z zakonnikami katolickimi. Rozważono strukturę dekanatuowruckiego diecezji łucko-żytomierskiej z podziałem administracyjno-terytorialnym w parafii. Zbadano zapewnienie dekanatu duchowieństwem i świątyniami, zasięg terytorialny dekanatem miejscowości, gdzie zamieszkiwała kompaktowo ludność rzymskokatolicka. ; Спираючись на архівні документи, наукову літературу та матеріалиперіодичної преси, автор досліджує і аналізує становище римо-католицької церкви на півночі Житомирщини. Визначено етапи становлення церкви, що було безпосередньо пов'язано з початком масового польського осадництва краю. Встановлено, що перші католицькі осередки на півночі Житомирського регіону було засновано ще в 1620–1640-х рр. Простежено появу та активність католицьких орденів домініканців, єзуїтів, кармелітів та августинців. Висвітлено збройні конфлікти представників православної околичної шляхти Овруччини з католицькими монахами. Розглянуто структуру Овруцького деканату Луцько-Житомирської дієцезії з адміністративно-територіальним поділом на парафії. Досліджено забезпеченість деканату кадрами духовенства і храмовими будівлями, охоплюваність деканатом населених пунктів, де компактно проживало римо-католицьке населення.

Fundamental principles of the institution of citizenship: jus soli and jus sanguinis. The international legal principles of citizenship in the national systems of law of different countries are researched. Considered the content of the appropriate principles of the institution of citizenship and their importance in the context of globalization are also considered. The provisions of the constitutional law of foreign countries, as well as the current legislation of Ukraine are analyzed. The attention is focused on the existing international legal principles of the institution of citizenship, their impact on the domestic legal system; The proposals on adaptation of the legislation of Ukraine in accordance with the requirements of the European Union were further developed. The author of the article agrees with those scientists who point out In the present constitutional law of foreign countries two principles prevail. "Jus soli" is a principle that is common in Latin America, Asia, some oceanic countries and North America. According to him, citizenship is acquired in the territorial jurisdiction of the country. The Jus Soli principle is not always absolute. Sometimes countries with "soil rights" laws require legal residence in the country before the authorities will enforce this right, such as in Cambodia or Thailand. Sometimes jus sol laws only apply to one generation, for example, in some countries in the Middle East where a child born in that territory is granted citizenship only if the child's father (regardless of nationality) was born in the same territory, and sometimes "jus salt" will be limited by age. The "right of blood" (jus sanguinis) is a principle based on the fact that citizenship is acquired from their parents regardless of their place of birth. This is usually the case in most parts of Asia and Europe and parts of Africa. This form of citizenship is more ethnocentric, solves the problem of statelessness, but in most cases leads to the emergence of dual citizenship. It should be noted that more countries are adopting citizenship laws that combine both of these principles. Although countries have often adopted the rules of "jus salt" or "jus sanguinis" at first, many countries have recently changed their policies to move to a different approach. As for Ukraine, the author concludes that the legislator has combined the above two principles. Keywords: jus soli; jus sanguinis; international legal principles; citizenship institute; principles of law; principles of the institution of citizenship; citizenship of Ukraine; right to citizenship ; Основополагающие принципы института гражданства: jus soli и jus sanguinis Исследованы международно-правовые принципы гражданства в национальных системах права разных стран. Рассмотрено содержание соответствующих принципов института гражданства и их значение в условиях глобализации. Проанализированы положения конституционного права зарубежных стран, а также действующего законодательства Украины. Акцентировано внимание на существующих международно-правовых принципах института гражданства, их влияние на отечественную правовую систему; получили дальнейшее развитие предложения по адаптации законодательства Украины в соответствии с требованиями Европейского Союза. Ключевые слова: jus soli; jus sanguinis; международно-правовые принципы; институт гражданства; принципы права; принципы института гражданства; гражданство Украины; право на гражданство. ; Досліджено міжнародно-правові принципи громадянства в національних системах права різних країн. Розглянуто зміст відповідних принципів інституту громадянства та їх значення в умовах глобалізації. Проаналізовано положення конституційного права зарубіжних країн, а також чинного законодавства України. Акцентовано увагу на існуючих міжнародно-правових принципах інституту громадянства, їх вплив на вітчизняну правову систему; отримали подальший розвиток пропозиції щодо адаптації законодавства України відповідно до вимог Європейського Союзу. Ключові слова: jus soli; jus sanguinis; міжнародно-правові принципи, інститут громадянства; принципи права; принципи інституту громадянства; громадянство України; право на громадянство. Макаров М. В., аспирант кафедры конституционного права Украины, Национальный юридический университет имени Ярослава Мудрого, г. Харьков, Украина, makarov_m_v@vladi.com.ua ORCID 0000-0001-9524-9092