Suchergebnisse

Based on an audio-visual geographical research conducted in the Fogo Caldera, in Cape Verde, this thesis analyses the power games between and within the groups of stakeholders around the territory of Chã das Caldeiras before, during and after the disaster linked with the 2014-2015 volcanic eruption.Within an international institutional context advocating "resilience" as a Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) strategy for local populations, yet controversial in the scientific sphere, the aim is to rethink the individual and collective resistances of the populations. These are often interpreted as unfounded or impulsive reactions, enhancing their exposure to hazards. Rather, these coping strategies facing governmental measures of territorial exclusion and restriction of access to resources appear as a frequent essential condition for reducing vulnerability (multifactorial and differential within the population) but also for rehabilitating social economic and material livelihoods.The challenge is, through the case study of the Fogo caldera in Cape Verde, to understand the genesis of rivalries, influences and oppositions around the control of the territory. These invalidate the classic opposition of "the" population to "the" government. These two entities, far from being monolithic, prove to be crossed by internal contradictions, alliances of convenience, expressing the collective difficulties encountered in trying to reconcile disaster risk reduction, preservation of a common "natural" and cultural heritage, and ethical issues related to socio-economic development, themselves complex when they comes to respect local populations in their diversity.This diversity is part of a territorialized construction of vulnerability and capacity inequalities in a long-term (trajectories) and daily pattern, and is showed at rupture times, during crisis and post-crisis periods. It is woven after the pioneer settlement of the caldera, until the 2014-2015 eruption. The understanding of this social, spatial and temporal complexity would allow to avoid conflicts of interest between the populations and the State, which should legitimately support the local dynamics, instead of yielding to the pressures of resistance, in a large and collective process of resilience, accepting the duality "resources vs threats" of the territories.The PHD is articulated around several films, made as full-fledged scientific productions. Three documentary films and two participative films appear as devices, material supports and privileged places to explore the different types of relations, power games and inequalities around the management of this territory. ; A partir de una investigación geográfica audiovisual realizada en la caldera de Fogo, Cabo-Verde, esta tesis analiza los juegos de poder entre y dentro de los grupos de actores que intervienen en el territorio de Chã das Caldeiras antes, durante y después del desastre provocado por la erupción volcánica de 2014-2015.En un contexto institucional internacional preconizando la "resiliencia" como estrategia de reducción de los riesgos para las poblaciones locales, una idea polémica en el ámbito científico, se trata de repensar las resistencias individuales y colectivas de las poblaciones, con frecuencia interpretadas como reacciones infundadas o impulsivas, que agravan su exposición a los peligros. Por el contrario, estas estrategias de adaptación a las medidas gubernamentales de exclusión territorial y restricción de acceso a los recursos, a menudo aparecen como una condición ineludible para la reducción de la vulnerabilidad (multifactorial y diferencial en lo que se refiere a la población) y la reconstrucción social, económica y material de los medios de subsistencia.El objetivo es, a través del caso de estudio de la caldera de Fogo en Cabo-Verde, comprender la génesis de las rivalidades, las influencias y las oposiciones en torno al control del territorio. Estas dejan obsoleta la oposición clásica de "la" población contra "el" gobierno. Dos entidades que, lejos de ser monolíticas, están atravesadas por contradicciones, por alianzas circunstanciales, que expresan las dificultades colectivas a la hora de conciliar la reducción de los riesgos de desastre, la preservación de un patrimonio "natural" y cultural común, y las implicaciones éticas del desarrollo socioeconómico, en sí mismas complejas, si tienen que respetar a "las" poblaciones locales en su diversidad.Esta diversidad se inscribe en una construcción territorializada de las desigualdades de vulnerabilidad y de las capacidades a largo plazo de las trayectorias personales y de la vida cotidiana, la cual se revela en los momentos de ruptura, como por ejemplo en períodos de crisis y postcrisis. Se teje a partir del primer asentamiento de la caldera y hasta la erupción de 2014-2015. La comprensión de esta complejidad social, espacial y temporal permitiría evitar los conflictos de intereses entre las poblaciones y el Estado, y este último a la cabeza, de forma legítima, debería acompañar las dinámicas locales en lugar de ceder a las presiones de las resistencias, en un proceso de resiliencia colectiva que acepta la dualidad "recursos/amenazas" de los territorios.La tesis se articula en torno a varias películas realizadas como producciones científicas de pleno derecho (DVD adjunto). Las tres películas documentales y las dos películas colaborativas constituyen dispositivos, soportes materiales y lugares privilegiados para explorar los diferentes tipos de relaciones, juegos de poder y desigualdades en torno a la gestión de este territorio. ; À partir d'une enquête géographique audiovisuelle réalisée dans la caldera de Fogo, au Cap-Vert, cette thèse analyse les jeux de pouvoir entre et au sein des groupes d'acteurs autour du territoire de Chã das Caldeiras avant, pendant et après la catastrophe d'origine volcanique de 2014-2015.Dans un contexte institutionnel international prônant la « résilience » comme stratégie de réduction des risques pour les populations locales, pourtant controversée dans la sphère scientifique, il s'agit de repenser les résistances individuelles et collectives des populations, fréquemment interprétées comme des réactions infondées ou impulsives, aggravant leur exposition face aux aléas. Au contraire, ces stratégies d'adaptation face aux mesures gouvernementales d'exclusion territoriale et de restriction d'accès aux ressources apparaissent comme une condition souvent incontournable de réduction de la vulnérabilité (multifactorielle et différentielle au sein de la population) et de reconstruction sociale, économique et matérielle des moyens d'existence.L'enjeu est de comprendre, à travers le cas d'étude de la caldera de Fogo au Cap-Vert, la genèse des rivalités, influences et oppositions autour du contrôle du territoire. Celles-ci rendent caduque la classique opposition de « la » population face « au » gouvernement. Ces deux entités, loin d'être monolithiques, s'avèrent être traversées de contradictions internes, d'alliances de circonstance, traduisant les difficultés collectives à concilier réduction des risques de catastrophe, préservation d'un patrimoine « naturel » et culturel commun, et enjeux éthiques de développement socio-économique, eux-mêmes complexes s'ils doivent respecter « les » populations locales dans leur diversité.Cette diversité s'inscrit dans une construction territorialisée des inégalités de vulnérabilité et des capacités dans le temps long des trajectoires et du quotidien, et se révèle dans les moments de rupture, que constituent les temps de la crise et de l'après-crise. Elle se tisse donc depuis le peuplement pionnier de la caldera, jusqu'à l'éruption de 2014-2015. La compréhension de cette complexité sociale, spatiale et temporelle, permettrait d'éviter les conflits d'intérêts entre populations et État, celui-ci devant, en toute légitimité, accompagner les dynamiques locales au lieu de céder aux pressions des résistances, dans un processus de résilience collective acceptant la dualité « ressources/menaces » des territoires.La thèse s'articule autour de plusieurs films, réalisés comme productions scientifiques à part entière (DVD joint). Trois films documentaires et deux films participatifs constituent des dispositifs, supports matériels et lieux privilégiés pour explorer les différents types de relations, jeux de pouvoir et inégalités autour de la gestion de ce territoire.

Based on an audio-visual geographical research conducted in the Fogo Caldera, in Cape Verde, this thesis analyses the power games between and within the groups of stakeholders around the territory of Chã das Caldeiras before, during and after the disaster linked with the 2014-2015 volcanic eruption.Within an international institutional context advocating "resilience" as a Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) strategy for local populations, yet controversial in the scientific sphere, the aim is to rethink the individual and collective resistances of the populations. These are often interpreted as unfounded or impulsive reactions, enhancing their exposure to hazards. Rather, these coping strategies facing governmental measures of territorial exclusion and restriction of access to resources appear as a frequent essential condition for reducing vulnerability (multifactorial and differential within the population) but also for rehabilitating social economic and material livelihoods.The challenge is, through the case study of the Fogo caldera in Cape Verde, to understand the genesis of rivalries, influences and oppositions around the control of the territory. These invalidate the classic opposition of "the" population to "the" government. These two entities, far from being monolithic, prove to be crossed by internal contradictions, alliances of convenience, expressing the collective difficulties encountered in trying to reconcile disaster risk reduction, preservation of a common "natural" and cultural heritage, and ethical issues related to socio-economic development, themselves complex when they comes to respect local populations in their diversity.This diversity is part of a territorialized construction of vulnerability and capacity inequalities in a long-term (trajectories) and daily pattern, and is showed at rupture times, during crisis and post-crisis periods. It is woven after the pioneer settlement of the caldera, until the 2014-2015 eruption. The understanding of this social, spatial and temporal complexity would allow to avoid conflicts of interest between the populations and the State, which should legitimately support the local dynamics, instead of yielding to the pressures of resistance, in a large and collective process of resilience, accepting the duality "resources vs threats" of the territories.The PHD is articulated around several films, made as full-fledged scientific productions. Three documentary films and two participative films appear as devices, material supports and privileged places to explore the different types of relations, power games and inequalities around the management of this territory. ; A partir de una investigación geográfica audiovisual realizada en la caldera de Fogo, Cabo-Verde, esta tesis analiza los juegos de poder entre y dentro de los grupos de actores que intervienen en el territorio de Chã das Caldeiras antes, durante y después del desastre provocado por la erupción volcánica de 2014-2015.En un contexto institucional internacional preconizando la "resiliencia" como estrategia de reducción de los riesgos para las poblaciones locales, una idea polémica en el ámbito científico, se trata de repensar las resistencias individuales y colectivas de las poblaciones, con frecuencia interpretadas como reacciones infundadas o impulsivas, que agravan su exposición a los peligros. Por el contrario, estas estrategias de adaptación a las medidas gubernamentales de exclusión territorial y restricción de acceso a los recursos, a menudo aparecen como una condición ineludible para la reducción de la vulnerabilidad (multifactorial y diferencial en lo que se refiere a la población) y la reconstrucción social, económica y material de los medios de subsistencia.El objetivo es, a través del caso de estudio de la caldera de Fogo en Cabo-Verde, comprender la génesis de las rivalidades, las influencias y las oposiciones en torno al control del territorio. Estas dejan obsoleta la oposición clásica de "la" población contra "el" gobierno. Dos entidades que, lejos de ser monolíticas, están atravesadas por contradicciones, por alianzas circunstanciales, que expresan las dificultades colectivas a la hora de conciliar la reducción de los riesgos de desastre, la preservación de un patrimonio "natural" y cultural común, y las implicaciones éticas del desarrollo socioeconómico, en sí mismas complejas, si tienen que respetar a "las" poblaciones locales en su diversidad.Esta diversidad se inscribe en una construcción territorializada de las desigualdades de vulnerabilidad y de las capacidades a largo plazo de las trayectorias personales y de la vida cotidiana, la cual se revela en los momentos de ruptura, como por ejemplo en períodos de crisis y postcrisis. Se teje a partir del primer asentamiento de la caldera y hasta la erupción de 2014-2015. La comprensión de esta complejidad social, espacial y temporal permitiría evitar los conflictos de intereses entre las poblaciones y el Estado, y este último a la cabeza, de forma legítima, debería acompañar las dinámicas locales en lugar de ceder a las presiones de las resistencias, en un proceso de resiliencia colectiva que acepta la dualidad "recursos/amenazas" de los territorios.La tesis se articula en torno a varias películas realizadas como producciones científicas de pleno derecho (DVD adjunto). Las tres películas documentales y las dos películas colaborativas constituyen dispositivos, soportes materiales y lugares privilegiados para explorar los diferentes tipos de relaciones, juegos de poder y desigualdades en torno a la gestión de este territorio. ; À partir d'une enquête géographique audiovisuelle réalisée dans la caldera de Fogo, au Cap-Vert, cette thèse analyse les jeux de pouvoir entre et au sein des groupes d'acteurs autour du territoire de Chã das Caldeiras avant, pendant et après la catastrophe d'origine volcanique de 2014-2015.Dans un contexte institutionnel international prônant la « résilience » comme stratégie de réduction des risques pour les populations locales, pourtant controversée dans la sphère scientifique, il s'agit de repenser les résistances individuelles et collectives des populations, fréquemment interprétées comme des réactions infondées ou impulsives, aggravant leur exposition face aux aléas. Au contraire, ces stratégies d'adaptation face aux mesures gouvernementales d'exclusion territoriale et de restriction d'accès aux ressources apparaissent comme une condition souvent incontournable de réduction de la vulnérabilité (multifactorielle et différentielle au sein de la population) et de reconstruction sociale, économique et matérielle des moyens d'existence.L'enjeu est de comprendre, à travers le cas d'étude de la caldera de Fogo au Cap-Vert, la genèse des rivalités, influences et oppositions autour du contrôle du territoire. Celles-ci rendent caduque la classique opposition de « la » population face « au » gouvernement. Ces deux entités, loin d'être monolithiques, s'avèrent être traversées de contradictions internes, d'alliances de circonstance, traduisant les difficultés collectives à concilier réduction des risques de catastrophe, préservation d'un patrimoine « naturel » et culturel commun, et enjeux éthiques de développement socio-économique, eux-mêmes complexes s'ils doivent respecter « les » populations locales dans leur diversité.Cette diversité s'inscrit dans une construction territorialisée des inégalités de vulnérabilité et des capacités dans le temps long des trajectoires et du quotidien, et se révèle dans les moments de rupture, que constituent les temps de la crise et de l'après-crise. Elle se tisse donc depuis le peuplement pionnier de la caldera, jusqu'à l'éruption de 2014-2015. La compréhension de cette complexité sociale, spatiale et temporelle, permettrait d'éviter les conflits d'intérêts entre populations et État, celui-ci devant, en toute légitimité, accompagner les dynamiques locales au lieu de céder aux pressions des résistances, dans un processus de résilience collective acceptant la dualité « ressources/menaces » des territoires.La thèse s'articule autour de plusieurs films, réalisés comme productions scientifiques à part entière (DVD joint). Trois films documentaires et deux films participatifs constituent des dispositifs, supports matériels et lieux privilégiés pour explorer les différents types de relations, jeux de pouvoir et inégalités autour de la gestion de ce territoire.

Executive summary The aim of this report was to investigate the factors which effect poverty in rural education. The research was commissioned by the regional educational consortia ERW and GwE in February 2016 and was an 18 month study which completed in October 2017. Data presented in this research report was collected during the 2016-2017 academic year and data from 32,831 pupils, teachers, school managers and local authority officers are presented in five separate phases of the mixed method research. Phase 1 was an explorative qualitative study to gather perceptions of school managers with particular regard to rurality, poverty and educational attainment. Phase 2 of the research was based on the Phase 1 findings, being comprised of a quantitative investigation which adopted a multi-level framework to examine predictors of educational attainment in Key Stages 2 and 4. Phase 3 of the research was a stakeholder consultation with children and young people, where the 'Plickers' rapid response classroom polling app was used to collect and collate data about perceptions of poverty; this involved a total sample of 140 children and young people at Key Stages 2 and 4 in mostly rural schools. Phase 4 of the research involved a stakeholder consultation with local authorities. Twelve local authorities servicing the counties and schools where ERW and GwE are responsible for School Effectiveness and Improvement Service, were invited to participate in the research to answer a focused questionnaire on a range of issues relating to anti-poverty themes, education planning and evaluations within their local authority. This penultimate phase informed us further, particularly on the research objectives of extending knowledge on needs emanating from poverty, and the aspirations and perceptions of children in education in Wales. Phase 5 was an extended consultation with school managers using Hwb Cymru to host an on-line survey as a method for gathering the views of 107 school managers from mixed primary and secondary schools across 12 Welsh counties. In Phase 1, 12 qualitative emergent themes stemmed from the face-to-face semi-structured interview data and these are discussed in the summary of Phase 1. In Phase 2, national and local government databases were analysed in a multi-level framework and emergent relationships between pupil level and school level predictors and their effect on primary educational outcomes at Key Stages 2 and 4 are described in two models. In Phase 3, children and young people were consulted about their views on poverty and educational attainment. There was also clear evidence of a need to ensure that children are nourished well enough to concentrate in school and beyond. It was found that poverty diminishes the enjoyment of school experiences, especially through participation with peers, and that there seems to be a need to provide support for mental well-being, enjoyment and more beneficial social environments, suggesting a need for anti-stigma initiatives and counselling options. Not only will this assist with tackling worries from home, and any low aspirations, it may assist with barriers commonly experienced by pupils, e.g. with the pressures of attainment targets. It is also clear that a blaming culture causes difficulties for those in poverty, throughout the education system, from the top down. In Phase 4, the evidence suggests that local authorities were unclear about their role in tackling poverty as anti-poverty leads/champions were hard to reach. The research suggests that there appears to be a lack of a single point of accountability for tackling poverty within local authorities. In Phase 5, more school managers were asked about their opinions in via a Hwb Cymru on-line survey with an opportunity to provide written comments at the end. Most of the comments presented by the school managers echoed what was found in Phase 1 of the research, but with hidden deprivation highlighted. A clear theme arising from these responses was the inadequacy of FSMs as a measure of poverty, for either the schools or the individuals involved. Although most proffered their desire to meet unmet pupil needs, it was perceived that the potential to find creative solutions to the difficulties created, such as anti-stigma initiatives, was restricted; difficulties identified, such as low aspirations, the engagement of both parents and children with children's learning, and wider issues of community pride and well-being, were severely compromised by a lack of resources and the exigencies of external judgments, regulations and processes. In conclusion, the research found that there are multiple factors which affect educational attainment and poverty is only one of these factors. In Phase 1, school managers discussed what schools are doing to tackle disadvantage and poverty within rural school settings in Wales to reduce the inequalities in education between those who are living in deprivation and those who have more means. One of the main findings for Phase 1 was that effort and pragmatic initiatives from teachers aid the engagement of disadvantaged pupils. However, school managers were concerned that teacher initiatives were being supressed by heavy workloads. Phase 2 showed that rurality does not confound the effects of poverty and issues such as additional learning needs, attendance and poverty are substantial predictors of educational attainment. Phase 3 findings added to the evidence that poverty impacts on children and young peoples' experience and enjoyment of education in school. Phase 4 provided evidence that there seems to be a disparity between national policy directive on tackling poverty and how this is facilitated locally through local authorities. Dialogue and synergy between research based policy and policy implementation should have a pragmatic application but limited evidence of this was found. Phase 5 provided further evidence to reinforce the themes found in Phase 1. School managers from across 12 local authorities in Wales provided comments illustrating tackling poverty is a complex issue, and should include engagement with: cultural issues, the aspirations of parents, the culture of benefits and the need to recognise and understand that many parents work long hours in low paid jobs in Wales and have limited time to spend with their children. In turn, this places considerable restrictions on their capacity to undertake educational type activities outside of the classroom setting. Summary of recommendations 1. It is recommended that tackling poverty is a partnership between the school and the home. School managers should continue to work closely with engaging with parents to encourage them to believe that education begins at home. Current government initiatives to promote this idea should continue. 2. It is recommended that further quantitative longitudinal analysis from the end of the foundation phase would be invaluable in disentangling effects of some of the key factors on attainment. Funding to conduct this type of longitudinal research is needed. 3. It is recommended that consideration should be given to how poverty diminishes the enjoyment of school experiences, especially through participation with peers, that more resources should be available to provide support for mental well-being, anti-stigma initiatives and counselling options. Not only will this assist in reducing worries from home, and any low aspirations, it may assist with barriers commonly experienced by students, e.g. pressures of attainment targets. 4. It is recommended that local authorities should employ poverty champions rather than many employees in different departments working on different aspects of anti-poverty as an 'add-on' to their existing posts with no real certainty regarding how to tackle the issue on a strategic level. 5. It is recommended that social services are still needed to cooperate with families in need of support. Funding to tackle poverty should focus on empowering children and young people to value the long-term benefit of education.

The concern about food insecurity in rural populations needs to be rethought and adapted to the overall living conditions of households by shifting to a concentrated spatial scale and a long-term analysis. This change will allow identifying territories on a finer scale than the national level in order to allocate development objectives and to link them to areas with high development potential. The finer level of analysis will also allow regrouping the actions carried out on a smaller scale in order to structure all the activities carried out on the targeted area and population. The general comment that the development and emergency aid has been focused in circumscribed areas and that the level of analysis is based on two scales, one "macro" (national, regional, departmental) and the other "micro" (village, community, household, individual and community) reinforces the need to create an intermediate level of analysis. The latter will serve to improve the structure other actions carried out at different levels and the articulation of the activities to be carried out and the targeted population. From a state of the art analysis of subject such as development, targeting, territory, food security, resilience, etc; different finding have led to the definition of a major question and an objective which form the core structure of the present dissertation. The research question is defined as "how to structure the targeting and identification of areas with high potential to articulate all the emergency and development actions carried out on several scales of analysis?". At the end of these observations, the objective of this research is "the establishment of a tool to support spatial and temporal decision making in structuring the emergency and development actions and targeting of populations subjected to food insecurity ". Three considerations emerge from this objective and research question: spatiotemporal analysis and targeting, development potentials, rural production systems. The various productions are also studied over a long series in order to consider the yield variations over time. Finally, these two analyzes, spatial (systems) and temporal (yields) are crossed in order to demonstrate the contribution of this decision-supporting tool in the articulation and structuring of the other two levels of targeting populations to food insecurity. The decision-supporting tool has been tested on the case study of the Nigerian population. The main outcomes are: the characterization of the opportunities and constraints of the Nigerian rural production systems; the identification of the products to be developed by production system; the identification of the most promising pathways by means of the distribution of the yields by systems. Finally, an essential point must be made about the increase of conservation methods and transformations for increasing the added value obtained by Nigerian households. At the end of this dissertation, the tool demonstrated its importance in structuring and articulating the targeting of food insecurity in the field of emergency aid and development: The territorial zones in the production systems identify the problems to which one or several solutions must be found. Production systems allow a concentration of actions according to the definition of the general and specific objectives of the agricultural development assistance programs. Potential outputs to be developed in production systems allow diversification of agriculture and structuring of development from a national point of view. The actions defined by the Technical and Financial Partners at the level of a village, a community and / or a commune can be more easily integrated into this scale of analysis and can be structured later in national development policies Agricultural policy. The increase in productivity in Niger depends on the development of products within the most favorable zones and not on the whole territory. However, this tool is complementary to the other targeting tools already in place. It should also be complemented by the same type of analysis at the level of West Africa and an analysis of the flows and prices condition to favor the flow of production. ; Le ciblage des potentialités de développement agricole en milieu rural doit être repensé et adapté à l'ensemble des conditions de vie des ménages d'un point de vue d'une échelle spatiale concentrée et d'une analyse sur une longue période. Ce ciblage identifie des territoires sur une échelle plus fine que le niveau national afin de répartir les objectifs de développement agricole et de les articuler sur des zones ayant un haut potentiel. Ce niveau d'analyse permettra aussi de regrouper les actions menées à une échelle plus « micro » afin de structurer l'ensemble des activités menées sur la zone. En effet, le constat que l'aide au développement et d'urgence se concentre dans des zones circonscrites et que le niveau d'analyse repose sur deux échelles, l'une « macro » (national, régional, départemental) et l'autre « micro » (village, collectivité, ménage, individu et communauté) renforce le besoin de créer un niveau d'analyse intermédiaire afin d'assurer une meilleure structuration des actions menées à différents niveaux et une meilleure articulation entre un territoire considéré (zone d'actions), les activités à mener et la population cible. A partir d'un état de l'art sur les sujets connexes à notre réflexion (développement, ciblage, territoire, sécurité alimentaire, résilience), différents constats ont permis d'aboutir à la définition d'une question majeure et d'un objectif structurant la présente dissertation. La question de recherche est définie comme suit : « comment structurer le ciblage et l'identification des zones à fortes potentialités permettant d'articuler l'ensemble des actions d'urgence et de développement menées sur plusieurs échelles d'analyse ? ». A l'issue de ces constats et réflexions, l'objectif de la présente recherche est « la mise en place d'un outil d'aide à la décision spatiotemporelle articulant et structurant le ciblage des potentialités de développement agricole en matière d'aide d'urgence et de développement ». Trois considérations ressortent de cet objectif et question de recherche : l'analyse et le ciblage spatiotemporels, les potentialités de développement, les systèmes de production ruraux. L'analyse spatiale est caractérisée par l'étude des systèmes de production ruraux. Ceux-ci sont définis selon des paramètres biophysiques et socioéconomiques. Ils reflètent une vision systémique identifiant des systèmes agraires. Les différentes productions sont aussi étudiées sur une série longue afin de montrer la tendance des produits à considérer (analyse temporelle). Enfin, ces deux analyses, spatiales (systèmes) et temporelles (produits) sont croisées afin de démontrer l'apport de ce type d'outil en matière d'articulation et de structuration des deux autres niveaux de ciblage (« macro et micro »). Les principaux résultats reposent sur l'identification des produits à développer par système de production, la caractérisation des opportunités et contraintes des systèmes de production ruraux nigériens. De plus, cette analyse spatiotemporelle permet une meilleure identification des potentialités grâce à la distribution des rendements par système et leur comparaison. A l'issue de cette dissertation, l'outil a démontré son importance en matière de structuration et d'articulation du ciblage structurant à l'insécurité alimentaire dans le domaine de l'aide d'urgence et du développement agricole. Les zones territoriales définies en systèmes de production permettent une concentration des actions en fonction de la définition des objectifs généraux et spécifiques des programmes d'aide de développement agricole. Les potentiels produits ont été répartis dans les systèmes de production et permettent de diversifier l'agriculture tout en structurant le développement d'un point de vue national. A l'inverse, les zones à faible potentiel de développement agricole ont été analysées. Elles représentent les zones les plus vulnérables en matière de développement agricole. En outre, les actions définies par les Partenaires Techniques et Financiers (PTF) à l'échelle d'un village, d'une communauté et/ou d'une commune peuvent s'insérer plus facilement dans cette échelle d'analyse et se structurer par après dans les politiques nationales de développement agricole. Il est à noter que l'accroissement de la productivité au Niger passe par le développement de produits au sein des zones les plus propices et non sur l'ensemble du territoire. Le présent outil permet d'acquérir une vision en réseau voire maillage de l'ensemble des potentialités agricoles et d'élevage en fonction des systèmes de production. Toutefois, il serait souhaitable d'insérer le présent outil et de le transposer à une échelle sous-régionale afin de caractériser les échanges au sein de la sous-région et d'orienter les excédents vers des zones consommatrices.

The Manuscript Legacy of Miroslav Krleža, filed in the Manuscripts and Old Books Collection of the National and University Library in Zagreb under a unique shelf number R 7970, includes two letters which Ivan Supek addressed to Krleža in 1954. The first letter was sent on 1 March, accompanied by an "Open Letter to the Assembly of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts (JAZU)," which the Council of the Ruđer Bošković Institute of Physics dated 26 February 1954. The second letter Supek addressed to Krleža on 13 May 1954, and as far as we know, it marked the end of their correspondence in 1954. The Legacy of Ivan Supek, in family possession, contains an official letter dated 5 May 1954, by which Miroslav Krleža, acting as vice-president of the Academy at the time, informs Ivan Supek about two decisions passed at the informal session of the Assembly of the Yugoslav Academy on 29 April 1954; in his intellectual autobiography entitled Krivovjernik na ljevici [Heretic on the Left], Supek cites but a single characteristic fragment of that letter. For the first time a full text of these four documents is published here in my transcription which most faithfully follows the original without any interventions in terms of either punctuation or devices used for emphasis. The Open Letter of the Council of the Ruđer Bošković Institute to the Assembly of the Yugoslav Academy includes a host of hitherto unknown data on the Institute's first four years of development, as it closely documents the chronology of the conflict between the Institute's Council and the Presidency of the Yugoslav Academy from 1950 till 1953, at the root of which was the decision making on the development of the Institute. As Council president, Ivan Supek made huge efforts to reconcile "two different tendencies of development," first by drawing up a Temporary Statute of the Institute in 1952, and later, in the spring of 1953, by making a proposition to the University Senate and the Presidency of the Yugoslav Academy by which "the Academy and University should collaborate at the Ruđer Bošković Institute on common goals." Since the draft of the Institute's Statute at the turn of 1953 to 1954 had stood at a standstill for three months, the Institute's Council decided to send an Open Letter to the Assembly of the Yugoslav Academy with a counter-proposition by which "the Academy Statute should be changed in accordance with scientific development in our country." From the perspective of Ivan Supek, that is, "us physicists," the Institute's successful development was to rest on its self-governance and organic connection with the University, but the Academy's administration was not willing to consider such a formally-based legal framework of the Institute's operation within its system. The Open Letter emerged during a heated debate on the organisation of scientific work in Croatia and Yugoslavia. Academic circles could not reconcile with the fact that, according to the Soviet model, the research work would be organised exclusively at the academies. From this standpoint, the topics of the Open Letter reverberate two strong voices: the addresses of the Nobel Prize winner Lavoslav Ružička during his visits to Yugoslavia in November 1949 and October 1952, and a speech that Ivan Supek delivered on 22 January 1953 at a meeting of the Department of the Mathematics and Physics at the Faculty of Mathematics and Natural Sciences of the Zagreb University, published in the March issue of Pogledi. While Ružička firmly stated that the "University ought to be a supreme place for higher education and for the fundamental research in the field of pure and applied science, and a unique place for the attainment of academic degrees," in the interest of the Institute Supek publicly advocated for "a harmonic community of University and Academy," although deep at heart he shared Ružička's views. In the letter of 1 March 1954, Ivan Supek appealed to Miroslav Krleža, vicepresident and Communist Party secretary of the Academy, to help him untangle the relations between the Institute and JAZU, and whom he wished to address in person and elaborate the motives behind the Open Letter. Judging by the events that followed, Supek's attempt proved futile. In the absence of Andrija Štampar, Academy president, Krleža, acting as vicepresident, on 5 May 1954 sent an official letter to Supek concerning the decisions of the informal session of the Academy Assembly held on 29 April 1954. From this letter alone we can learn that the Academy Assembly established 23 March 1954 as termination date of Supek's Academy membership on the basis of his letter on the renouncement of membership, but also that on 29 April 1954 an additional penalty was issued against Supek: that "he disqualified himself for any work at the Academy or collaboration with it." Nevertheless, he retained his leading position at the greatest institute within the Yugoslav Academy. In a letter dated 13 May 1954, Supek asked Krleža to send him the minutes of the Commission which the formal Academy Assembly of 16 March 1954 appointed with an aim to establish his responsibility for the Open Letter, so that he could finally learn "the reasons underlying the accusation against me. The consequences which I may suffer are not an issue here, but it is in the Academy's interest to establish the truth, along with the true motives for drawing up an Open Letter." Here he expressed his disappointment by the fact "that some places [from the Open Letter] were understood as offences, and that they actually distracted discussion away from the principal issues," but insisted on the key point from the Open Letter "that for the selfgovernance of the Institute and its organic connection with the University a change of the Academy Statute was necessary." In the spring of 1954, the Yugoslav Academy headed by Andrija Štampar definitely gave up on the concept of an inter-disciplinary research institute, although under the pressure of the 'young lions' from its largest institute, and in accordance with the Soviet model and the original ideas and decisions of Boris Kidrič (died on 11 April 1953), had an opportunity to take this path in its own development, too. Upon the Assembly's 'reply' to the Institute Council, the concept of multi- and inter-disciplinary approach to fundamental research in natural sciences in organic connection with the University as development model for the Ruđer Bošković Institute faced new risks, including those of political nature, but the research community gathered at the Institute, despite the circumstances, managed to live its 'dream' of self-governance and development in harmony with the University, as confirmed by a decision on the new organisation of the Institute passed on 7 September 1954. This step in the Institute's development was also approved by the Republic government, when on 22 November 1954, in agreement with the Yugoslav Academy, it decided that as from 1 January 1955 the Institute was no longer part of the Yugoslav Academy. Five months after the Republic's decision, another step towards the Institute's lasting 'independence' took place, when by a decision of the Federal Government of 30 April 1955 the Institute as a "self-financed institution" came under the authority of the Federal Nuclear Energy Commission headed by Aleksandar Ranković, and in this formally legal frame operated for eleven years – until Ranković's political downfall on 1 July 1966. Miroslav Krleža, to whom in the crucial days of early March 1954 Ivan Supek offered a mediating role, as a highly-positioned Academy member failed to see this historical opportunity to support the development of natural sciences in Croatia in a new direction, perhaps less exposed to political pressure. Ivan Supek and Mladen Paić, who on different legal grounds by 29 April 1954 no longer were correspondent members of JAZU, seven years later–on 16 June 1961–were elected full members, which is a unique case in the history of the Yugoslav Academy.

The current global economic crisis is exposing a concomitant yet deeper governability crisis in the developed world. As anti-incumbent sentiment sweeps Europe, Americans are recovering from a relentlessly destructive Republican primary season is over and bracing themselves for the upcoming election season, which may arguably be the most important in our lifetime. The federal government is paralyzed by deep and irreconcilable views on how to solve the problems of huge sovereign debt, a gaping budget deficit, the cost of health care and immigration reform, to name some of the most salient issues. Controversial federal and state legislation aimed at solving these problems is increasingly being challenged at the Supreme Court, where nine unelected judges will determine their constitutionality. Globalization has produced a special set of challenges: an open world economy has forced governments to maintain fiscal stability over the long term in order to maintain the value of their currencies and stock markets, as well as access to credit. At the same time, advanced democracies are facing the limits of the welfare state, as well as demographic pressures as baby boomers retire; and immigrants (who could provide part of the solution to some of those problems) are less welcome today than ever. Trust in politicians, elected officials and major institutions, has declined steadily over the last twenty-five years; it is not by coincidence that this spreading disillusionment with the democratic order affects not only Europe but also the United States. The recent turnover of governments in Europe, and the polarization of American politics reveal an alarming lack of confidence in democracy and its institutions. This cynicism is growing: indeed, the question is no longer whether the government is sufficiently responsive to the demands and interests of citizens, but whether, in a context of global pressures, it is in fact capable of effectively solving the current problems. In the United States, widespread skepticism now extends to all formal institutions of governance, not only elected ones but even unelected ones. This sentiment is especially problematic and indicative of a very entrenched distrust that will not be easily dispelled. Only ten years ago, political scientists found that in spite of disenchantment with politicians and elected officials, Americans still had a strong respect for the Armed Forces, the Federal Reserve Bank and the Supreme Court. They had concluded that this was due to the fact that these bodies were insulated from populist pressures and the omnipresent poll. More recently, however, studies by Ronald Inglehart and others have found a severe decrease in public confidence in the Armed Services, the Judiciary, police, civil service and state legislatures. It is one thing for people to blame the current government for economic crisis; it is quite different if this skepticism extends beyond incumbents to the formal institutions of governance. Today, Americans are challenging the very constitutional premises on which the country was founded, namely, diffusion of power and checks and balances. The perceived (and factual) decline in capacity of political agents to act on behalf of citizens' interests and demands is due mostly to the forces of globalization and interdependence which have led to reduced effectiveness in public policy. Incongruence between the diktat of international markets and domestic needs has put constraints on political agents' actions. But there are other factors that need to be considered as well, namely, failure in political leadership, bad judgment on the part of voters and elected officials, the deterioration of social capital and a media that provokes rather than informs. How are politicians and political parties responding to this rising trend of dissatisfaction and anger? By following every poll, seeking lobbyists' approval and changing their positions daily to adapt them to the latest voters' opinions. This is weakening representative democracy and distorting the democratic process. Congressional inability to compromise and solve the problems results in the judicialization of politics as the two ideological camps increasingly rely on judicial review as the alternative. This is turn leads inevitably to the politicization of the Judiciary. The whole Constitutional architecture that was built around diffusion of power, checks and balances and fear of accumulation of power in any one branch of government is now being challenged by the protections given to individual interest groups and by ceding too much power to unelected, nominally non-ideological Supreme Court judges. Unfortunately, the current Supreme Court under Chief Justice Roberts has made its mark on politics early on by its Citizens United v. Federal Electoral Commission decision, which has allowed indirect, unlimited political contributions by corporations and unions, thereby further entrenching corporate power into the political system. Another good example of the judicialization of politics is the bitter debate surrounding the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act passed by Congress in 2010, before the legislative election deprived Democrats of the ability to pass any other significant piece of legislation. In a cumbersome process that involved hundreds of lobbies from the grassroots as well as health insurance companies, hospitals and doctors, the administration was able to hammer out a compromise that met some of the basic requirements of patients and consumer groups, as well as the market-based method preferred by the rest o the coalition. The result was a law that was passed in spite of the negative vote of all Republicans in both Houses. It is based on a central pillar to reduce national health care costs: every citizen not covered by an employer or government plan must buy health insurance (so as to avoid the free rider problem of consuming without paying). The constitutionality of this law, main parts of which have not yet entered into force, was immediately challenged by 27 states as well as other organizations and individuals, and is now under Supreme Court review. The complexity of the issue and the polarized atmosphere surrounding it may well sway judges to exert their (ideological) "will" rather than their (objective) "judgment", to paraphrase Hamilton's warning, thus delivering an important political victory for Republicans this summer, at the height of the presidential campaign season. Conversely, a virulent anti-immigrant law passed by the state of Arizona is also being challenged before the Supreme Court. In this case it was the other side, the Justice Department, which sued over the right of states to pass immigration legislation, which is generally construed as a federal policy. Immigration will be a central issue in the coming presidential election, so the Court's ruling will again inevitably have political ramifications.In the XIX and XX centuries, The Leviathan state managed the process of modernization and industrialization and represented a shift from culturally- based decentralized institutions, whose legitimacy emanated from tradition, to state institutions deriving their authority from rational-legal instruments. Today we are experiencing a decline of state authority in a new context of globalization and open societies, and the trend is again toward decentralization of authority, focus on individual rights and less hierarchical, more market-oriented societal practices, that have yet to produce a new political order. Unfortunately, the "intermediary associations" of civil society that Alexis de Tocqueville identified as the main repository of democracy in America, are becoming less active, due to the increased post-modern individualism, itself reinforced by the technological revolution and by a cultural anarchy that demands the "democratization of everything"(think Wiki leaks, hacking, intellectual property piracy). An authority system linked to a stable culture which in turn is anchored on a moral code, breeds trust and generates internalized support. The current economic crisis, in the context of the highest income inequality in the history of the United States, has led to a revival of ideological rhetoric and endless partisan conflict, which erodes faith in the system as a whole. It is in moments like this that civil society becomes most relevant. Extreme capitalism has led to extreme individualism and lack of societal solidarity. Abundant resources allowed the social balance to tilt in favor of individual rights and entitlements and away from social responsibility. The present crisis may help restore that balance as individuals realize that the state has exhausted its capability for further entitlements and that society will have to rebuild its social capital to fill the void.

The original justification for Directive 98/44/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 6 July 1998 on the Legal Protection of Biotechnological Inventions (the Directive) was to promote the growth of the European life science sector by harmonizing and clarifying European biotechnology patent laws. As early as 1985, the European Commission had identified the fragmentation of European patent laws as a potential problem. The Directive thus aimed to address obstacles to the unity of the internal market, which would arise if national Member States adopted divergent and uncoordinated policies and legislation in a field of economic activity that had been earmarked as poised for spectacular growth. The Commission further identified the lack of guidance within the European Patent Convention 1973 (EPC) on how its provisions were to be applied to biotechnological inventions meant that researchers were unsure if their work could be legally protected within Europe. The Commissions concerns were lent greater political urgency by three significant events that combined to establish the dominance of the United States (U.S.) biotechnology industry. First, biology researchers in the U.S. were increasingly developing new techniques that had substantial commercial application. Second, the U.S. Congress created the Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit to promote greater uniformity in the application of patent law and to reduce the possibility of forum shopping by parties seeking favorable courts. Thirdly, the landmark Supreme Court ruling in Diamond, Commissioner of Patents and Trademarks v Chakrabarty, took an important step towards patent liberalization by stating that living matter was not excluded as a 'product of nature' and that patents shall be available for 'anything under the sun made by man'. It was not long after the Chakrabarty decision that the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) began issuing patents on gene fragments, transgenic bacteria, and cell lines expressing DNA sequences producing therapeutically useful proteins. A trend had been for European companies to move their biotechnology research from the European Union (EU) to the U.S. because they regarded the commercial and legal climate there as more encouraging. The Commission concluded that European biotechnology patent laws should be clarified and harmonized in order to provide the incentives and legal certainty required for the biotechnology industry to flourish. Given the nature of the objectives pursued, one might have expected that the drafting of the Directive would be a relatively straightforward administrative exercise in harmonizing the legal criteria of novelty, inventive step, and industrial application in the context of biotechnological inventions. Indeed, the first draft of the Directive framed the problem solely in these terms with the legal standards proposed largely reflecting the more permissive approach of the USPTO. The project soon ran into difficulties. The Directive differs in a key way from the approach of the U.S., as it establishes a prominent role for 'morality' as an evaluative criterion within European patent law. This unique stance emerged during extensive discussions between the Parliament, the Commission, and the Council, and was a political concession to the view expressed by the Parliament that the patenting of biological materials, in particular those of human origin, raises important ethical and social concerns. Attempts to address these anxieties resulted, inter alia, in the inclusion of a 'morality clause' in article 6 of the Directive. article 6(1) provides that inventions shall be considered unpatentable where their commercial exploitation would be contrary to ordre public or morality. article 6(2), intended to clarify how the general morality exclusion in article 6(1) should be applied, contains a list of specific examples of biotechnology inventions that are excluded from patentability on moral grounds. Ironically, it has been article 6(2) that has been the source of great uncertainties in the years since the Directive was enacted. In particular, questions regarding how article 6(2)(c), which excludes 'uses of human embryos for industrial or commercial purposes' from patentability, should be applied in relation to patent applications for inventions concerning human embryonic stem cells (hESCs) have given rise to long-running legal, ethical, and policy debates. The debate revolves around the fact that article 6(2)(c) is silent with regard to hESCs. This is because the first ever isolation of hESCs from an embryo was reported four months after the adoption of the Directive. Although the Directive was 'addressed' only to EU Member States, the European Patent Office (EPO), which is independent of the EU, voluntarily incorporated the Directive's rules within the EPC. Thus moral exclusions are now a fixture of European patent law. Most patents in Europe are granted via the EPO; however, European patents must still be enforced in individual Member States who may interpret the Directive differently. Whereas the EPO has not granted any patents on hESC claims, an overview of EU Member States interpretation of article 6(2)(c) reveals a patchwork of permissive and restrictive regulatory policies towards the patentability of hESCs. In contrast to Europe, U.S. patent law contains no statutory basis for the USPTO or a court to deny patent protection to morally controversial biotech subject matter. The U.S. has adopted probably the most liberal patenting policies on stem cell research, with the USPTO granting in excess of forty-one patents that claim hESCs in their title and front pages. The purpose of this paper is to consider whether the inconsistent application of the EU Biotechnology Directive's moral exclusion clause could undermine investor confidence in Europe, providing a competitive advantage to the U.S. Understanding the science is essential for engaging in knowledgeable debate about the ethical issues surrounding hESCs. Part II provides an analysis of the biology that underpins the human embryo setting out the crucial distinction between totipotent and pluripotent hESCs. In Part III our attention turns to pre Directive jurisprudence under article 53(a) EPC, where the EPO showed a willingness to interpret the moral exclusion clause in a narrow manner that afforded patent protection to controversial biotechnology inventions. It was against the EPC framework and the jurisprudence emerging from the EPO that the Commission conceived the need for European biotechnology patent laws to be clarified and harmonized. Part IV charts the troublesome enactment and transposition of the Biotechnology Directive that exposed inherent European conflicts regarding patent protection for biotechnological inventions concerning 'living matter' of human origin. In Part V our focus turns to the subsequent emergence of hESC technology, providing an analysis of the post Directive EPO decision in Edinburgh Patent which set a precedent for the recent decision in Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation (WARF) where the EPO moved away from its pre Directive narrow approach embracing a broad interpretation of the moral exclusion clause setting out a restrictive policy on the patentability of hESCs. Part VI analyses the patentability of hESCs at the national level, comparing the relatively permissive United Kingdom (UK) and Swedish regulatory approaches to the more restrictive German regime, a comparison that raises interesting questions as to the legal certainty of biotechnology inventions claiming hESCs within Europe. In Part VII our attention turns to the patentability of hESCs in the U.S. This section of the paper begins with an analysis of the Constitutional basis of U.S. patent law prior to setting out the link between 'utility' and 'morality' in U.S. patent law. Part VII then considers the liberation of U.S. patent law, the application of the Thirteenth Amendment to biotechnological inventions, along with the rejection of the doctrine of moral utility before finally examining the recent full frontal attack on biotechnology patents in the U.S. and the reinstatement of federal funding for hESC research.

Статья посвящена анализу состояния и роли основных субъектов предстоящей российской модернизации, их взаимоотношениям между собой, а также структур и процессов, блокирующих переход нашей страны на путь цивилизованного развития. Проведенный критический разбор наличных социальных и политических практик, позволил автору выдвинуть ряд обоснованных, хотя и дискуссионных предложений, обеспечивающих названный переходIn this paper the author analyzes the state and the role of the major agents of Russia's eventual modernization, their inter-relationships as well as structures and processes, which prevent Russia from following the path of civilized development. Many agree that Russia's current underdevelopment with respect to developed countries creates a demand for its accelerated modernization, i.e. transition to a competitive, knowledge-driven and highly technological economy. Such strategic maneuver has become extremely necessary due to an obvious failure of the previous modernization project, i.e. 'westernization' that led to a criminalized privatization, and thus an emergence of an enormously unequal caste-like society. In spite of rather favourable initial conditions (an abundance of natural resources, high intellectual potential and the relatively low cost of labour) everything collapsed. According to many leading experts the scales of the country's economic downturn have been greater than those of the USA during its Great Depression. Its current economic growth already causes a lot of problems and lacks stability, since it is intensified purely through an inflow of petrodollars and foreign loans. This calls for a substantial change in the key spheres of public life, where the role of efficient state cannot be underestimated. The efficient state relies primarily on its people's trust, whose interests, rights and freedoms it carries out and secures. Does this apply to Russia's current authorities? The analysis of the data from a number of all-national surveys shows that Russian people more or less explicitly regard the Russian state as a protector and a mouthpiece of the rich, the administrating and business class, whose interests are not only interrelated but usually tightly soldered together through a corruption contract. The Russian state is regarded as a 'socially oriented state' only in 16% of cases, while only 21% of respondents see it as a 'democratic' state. However, it should be outlined that the people clearly distinguish between the supreme power: the president, the prime minister and their appointed officials, whom they trust, and the rest of power structures, whom they usually distrust. Neither the legislative bodies, nor the executive power are legitimate in Russia's public opinion. Moreover, precisely such identification of the latter with governmental bodies leads to a negative perception of power and its rejection as a whole. Thus there has once again formed an opposition between 'us' (common people) and 'them' the ruling class of the state bureaucracy and business, which has already been the cause of social cataclysms in the past. What lies at the core of this cleavage, which has to be overcome in order to make modernization possible? This article addresses the issue of the no. 1 enemy in any democratic state and any positive change in society namely corruption. The existence of a strong lobby of higher bureaucrats and large businessmen has led to the adoption of an emasculated version of the anti-corruption law. Precisely, it has been revised to exclude the internationally accepted clause, according to which illegal property is subject to confiscation. The analysis shows that this law, be it a purpose or a misunderstanding, has an absolutely opposite effect and only imitates the struggle against corruption. Unfortunately, the adopted law and the following practice create an impression that authorities (except for supreme power) clearly aim at reducing the scale of the public discussion and making the people conform to it as an inevitable evil, which can be overcome by through occasional disciplinary measures. As a result the problem remains completely unresolved. A thorough analysis of the nature and factors of corruption in Russia and other countries, who, at least, seriously try to solve this problem (China), or have recently fought it (Singapore, Turkmen, Japan) or have solved it long ago (Switzerland, Scandinavian countries, Germany, etc.), show that Russia completely lacks such strategy. Corruption in todays Russia is a multifold phenomenon of total lawlessness: the unbundling and stripping of budgets, bribery, criminal protection and crime suppression, money laundering, the lobbying of business interests via all branches of power, etc. Moreover, after the tragedies of Budenovsk, Dubrovka and Beslan corruption has apparently become one of the major causes for growing terrorism and extremism. Why do then authorities struggle so relentlessly against the consequences i.e. terrorism, and limit themselves to doubtfully efficient measures when fighting against its primary cause? The author is trying to answer this question. A struggle for Russia's new path development will not only be open to the public, the public itself will have to become one of its major actors. This is the motive, which was announced in the President's Address to the Federal Assembly. Unfortunately, since 1993 the vector of Russia's policy has been generally oriented towards a completely different future: the people were about to lose the status of a political actor and become a passive force of the state and societal change. This is not a casual turn, although it is only a declaration of Dmitry Medvedev. It seems to be the result of the previous modernization attempt, which has brought up a cynical, avaricious and consumption-oriented personality. It looks as though the state has finally realized that Russia come to a dead-end with market 'mutants' swarming in its structures, criminal and semi-criminal business. This dead-end can only be overcome through a multifold modernization and meritocratic mobilization of masses. The main obstacle, which prevents them from entering the process of modernization is lawlessness and insecurity that lead to a total irresponsibility. That is why successful modernization would only become possible when people regain trust in themselves as an active force of this process. The first step towards such change is a shift from imitative democracy to an authentic sovereignty of people, the supremacy of their power, which is a direct warranty of the Russian Constitution: i.e. the carrying out of referendums, which address the most vital issues of the country's being, including efficient measures against corruption, which the Russian Parliament has yet failed to develop. The people can provide a substantial support for power in working out clear and long-term goal as well as appropriate means for the fulfillment. The making of a free society for free people is a worthy goal after all. Although it requires a solid social, legal, moral and ethic basis, which would help moderate the people's social an economic instincts, its manners and habits, which were fostered by an inefficient and often anti-social use of private property over the means of production. In other words, a development of civil control over the state and business authorities is desperately needed. The results presented in this paper help distinguishing the core problem which has to be resolved by means of both, society and the state, to enhance the process of modernization: the creating of a new public solidarity between the state and its people, the people and business, since the previous models have already proved their inefficiency. First of all, this concerns the change in the character of power, which has to demonstrate its loyalty to the people rather than currency traders, corrupted officials and the semi-criminal business. Today, as never before, Russia requires a strong state, which would be able to overcome the total corruption, oligarchic and monopolistic structures, which harm its economy and postpone modernization. The critical review of existing social and political practices allows for a number of reasonable, as well as quite disputable suggestions, which could prove useful in stipulating the process of modernization in Russia.

Приведена информация об истории возникновения и развития Ботанического сада Тверского университета (ТвГУ), его структуре, основных экспозициях и фондовых коллекциях, проводимой учебно-просветительской и научно-исследовательской работе. В настоящее время на территории сада представлены 350 видов деревьев и кустарников и более 2 000 травянистых растений. Созданы 8 экспозиций и 6 фондовых коллекций. По числу представленных таксонов коллекция ирисовых превосходит все аналогичные коллекции ботанических садов России и СНГ. Фондовая коллекция редких и исчезающих растений Тверской области объединяет 118 видов сосудистых растений и 4 вида мохообразных. В гербарии Ботанического сада ТвГУ хранится около 4 350 образцов. Ботанический cад регулярно выпускает каталог семян. Сад проводит научно-исследовательскую работу по следующим направлениям: «Изучение флоры Тверской области», «Интродукция как способ сохранения биоразнообразия», «Интродукция представителей семейства Iridaceae и перспективы их использования в декоративном цветоводстве средней России», «Биоморфология и фенология растений-интродуцентов». Запланировано широкомасштабное испытание редких и исчезающих растений средней России. Предполагается создание компьютерных баз данных, контакты с отечественными и зарубежными ботаническими садами. ; The Botanic Garden of Tver State University is situated at the meeting place of the Volga and Tvertza rivers. It is one of the main green spaces of Tver. The history of the Garden goes back to 1879. It was planted by the merchant Ilya Bobrov at the former territory of Otroch monastery. After the October Revolution the Garden became national property and was used as a leisure center. The main planting occurred between 1938 and 1941 but a great number of plants disappeared during World War II. Since 1949 the Botanic Garden had been reconstructed under the supervision of M. Nevsky, a well-known Russia botanist. Since then the main objectives of the Garden were to promote community awareness and knowledge of plants and to stress the importance of their conservation. In 1989 the Botanic Garden has become an integral part of Tver State University. In the course of its long history the Botanic Garden of Tver State University has developed into a unique institution valuable for science, culture and leisure. It is the only Botanic Garden in the upper reaches of the Volga River. The Botanic Garden has the sectors of «Dendrology», «Wild Flora», «Ornamental Flower Gardenin» and «Herbarium». At present the Botanic Garden of Tver State University has a collection of 350 species of trees and shrubs and 2 000 species of herbaceous plants. Plants grown in the open air are distributed according to natural ecological zones: the Far East, Europe and North America. The Botanic Garden has a number of floristic expositions. The exposition of steppe flora, numbering 135 species, is the only one in the northern part of Russia. The most part of the exhibited plants are collected in their natural habitats. The exposition presents species from the northern area populations and from the isolated populations. Systematic exposition presents more then 260 species of 42 families. This exposition gives a basic notion about morphological and taxonomic variety within a plant family. The exposition is of great value for educational purposes. The Subtropic flora exposition demonstrates more than 350 species of such plant families as Araceae (about 50 species), Orchidaceae (about 20 species), Polypodiaceae (about 30 species), Palmaceae (15 species), Bromeliaceae (10 species), Agavaceae (10 species), Liliaceae s.l. (10 species). The exposition «Gatesway to Staritza» is being set up. It will present rare and endangered vascular and bryophyte flora of various ecological zones of the upper riches of the Volga river: Salvia glutinosa, Laserpitium latifolium, Diplazium sibiricum, Gymnocarpium robertianum, Crepis sibirica, Gentiana cruciata, etc. The exposition will also include the collection of calcephiles. The exposition «Valdai» will immitate a unique ecological complex of Valdaiskaya highland: the flora of lichen woods and green moss pinewoods, rare and endangered plants of latifolious woods and shadowy moist ravines and plants found in the open slopes. Tver Botanic Garden has six fond collections: «Rare and endangered plants of Tverskaya oblast», «Irises of various ecological zones», «Ornamental Coniferals», «Ericaceae family», «Liliaceae family». The fond collection of Iridaceae family species is the richest one in Russia and the countries of the CIS. It presents 87 species, 6 tribes and 30 genera from Africa and Central America. The collection serves as a base for introduction experiments and the study of the structural and rythmological features of Iridaceae family and its ontogenesis. The results of the introduction experiment are published (a candidate thesis and 11 articles). The fond collection of Iridaceae family also includes the collection of wild irises (98 species and varieties) and hybrid varieties of gladioluses (50 varieties). The fond collection of rare and endangered plants of Tverskaya oblast numbers 118 species of vascular plants and 4 species of bryophytes. Much attention is given to Orchidaceae family (10 species, including Orchis militaris, Cyprepedium calceolus, Epipactis atrorubens), vascular cryptogams (14 species of Pteropsida class, including Eusporangia ferns Botrychium lunaria, Ophioglossum vulgatum and relict species Diplazium sibiricum, Cystopteris sudetica, Gymnocarpium robertianum). Diphasiastrum tristachyum of Licopodiales order has been selected for introduction experiments. The collection presents various ecological groups: the flora of mineratrophic spring-water marshes and the flora of the sandbanks of oligotrophic lakes. The Botanic Garden has begun an experiment on introduction of rare and endangered bryophytes. The collection served as a base for the research into introduction as a means of biodiversity conservation. The fond collection of ornamental coniferals has 80 species and forms. Special attention is paid to the species of the following genera: Thuja, Juniperus, Picea, and Chamaecyparis. The wild representatives of these taxons are under introduction experiments. The herbarium of Tver Botanic Garden presents 4 350 representatives of the flora of Tverskaya, Smolenskaya, Pskovskara, Leningradskaya and Moskovskaya oblast, collected by A. Khokhryakov. Herbarium collection of introducted plants numbers 220 species. The herbarium is being constantly enriched. The Botanic Gardens has a rich seed fund. It is constantly replenished. The seed catalogue is published regularly and sent to botanical institutions both in Russia and abroad. Tver Botanical Garden is always ready to exchange its seed in living material. The expositions of the Garden are extensively employed into the educational process of Tver State University and other educational institutions of the region. Tver Botanic Garden offers wide-ranging programmes of courses, visits, opened days, public lectures and materials and provide various activities for school children and students. Since 1990 numerous expeditions have been organized with the aim to replenish the seed bank and the living plant collection. The expeditions allowed to collect floristic material from various region of Tverskaya oblast and to set up a collection of rare and endangered plants of the region. The collected material is carefully listed. The lists of vascular plants, bryophytes, lichens and basidial macromycets have already been published. Since 1999 Tver Botanic Garden has begun to work on the project «Introduction as a Means of Biodiversity Conservation». It will include a wide-scale experiment on introduction of rare and endangered plant species of Middle Russia. The project is intended to develop a scientifically valid theory of introduction and re-introduction. Special attention will be paid to difficult-to-introduct species and those taxones which have never been studied in culture: calciphyles, the flora of mineratrophic marshes and sandbanks of oligotrophic lakes, and rare and endangered bryophytes. Alongside with research work, Tver Botanic Garden is conducting the research on the problems of introduction of Iridaceae family and perspective of the introduction for ornamental flower gardening. The new research on biomorphology and phenology of introducted plants has just begun. The computer database on the flora of Tverskaya oblast is being set up. It will include the lists of rare and endangered plants of the region and information on phenology of introducted plants. Tver Botanic Garden is currently looking for international partners who`ll be interested in a long-term and mutually advantageous collaboration.

Part six of an interview with educators in the Leominster, Massachusetts area. Topics include: How family time and family activities have changed over time. How families stressed and supported education. ; 1 SPEAKER 1: … was a decision that had to be made. And I'm glad that my mother – my father too, but my mother especially – was so determined that I was going to have an education regardless of where we were, that no obstacle would be insurmountable. And it was decided that, yes, I would not work. I would go to school. And only after I had become settled, I would have a part-time job, which I did working at [unintelligible - 00:00:39] markets after school. But the idea was that education was paramount. I know that one of my sisters started higher education in Italy. She went to… at that time, the school was run by sisters in a town called Alba in Piedmont. And the time came when the sisters, the good sisters said, "The situation here in Italy is such that we cannot guarantee her safety, so we're sending her home." And that was the end of her education. But, my sister too did well. She was able to continue on her own. And, she got to be a chemist to a major paint manufacturer in Europe. And right now, we envy her for her pension. She has one of the best pensions of anybody. And that kind of money she can keep for her son, who is about 45 now, in some luxuries which many Italians cannot afford. But education has always been the kind of thing to strive for, even if it means that you have to… going to debt for, and, if you have to forgo immediate gains for long-term results. In a way, I'm glad that my family decided to do that, that kind of thing for me. And in another way, would I be happier to sit down and not have all these talks about world concerns in my mind? Would I be happier if I would sit in front of a television, sit and relax, have a beer? SPEAKER 2: [Laughter]. SPEAKER 1: I don't know. I don't know. I think once you open the door and see what's there, it's very difficult to shut and say, "Wow, I'm going to be 2 oblivious to this, oblivious to that. Let them solve their own problems. I got mine. That's enough to keep me thinking." But… SPEAKER 3: [Unintelligible - 00:02:59]. SPEAKER 4: He makes a very good point. Today, over and over and over, we keep hearing about wars and stuff. Remember when we were kids you had one radio and once a day, everybody sat down and listened to what's happening in [unintelligible - 00:03:17] or what was happening in [unintelligible -- 00:03:19], and… SPEAKER 2: And no pictures. SPEAKER 4: No pictures. Once a day… and you listen to the results of the election at 1 o'clock in the morning. You're sitting next to the radio, but that was family. Something that you did together, everybody did together. Everybody sat around and listened. Not anymore. SPEAKER 2: Nope. We used to have all the… like [unintelligible - 00:03:39] radio theater was one. And it would literally be a movie that they were speaking of… SPEAKER 4: Oh, sure. SPEAKER 2: … through on the radio. And then, the others were all comedy programs. SPEAKER 4: Do you remember Sunday nights? SPEAKER 2: Boy, I'm hoping all the rest of the… SPEAKER 4: [Unintelligible - 00:04:01] baby sitcoms and "The Shadow"? SPEAKER 1: The Shadow. SPEAKER 2: I remember being in a class at Fitchburg State. I've forgotten what. Just some psychology class. And I was the only one in the room, including the instructor that know what life was like without TV. [Laughs] And so, you know, you are ancient in a lot of ways. They couldn't believe that you could live without TV. SPEAKER 4: [Joe Serafini] was the first Italian family in our neighborhood to have a TV. We would go watch wrestling and Howdy Doody. SPEAKER 2: Howdy Doody. [Laughs]3 SPEAKER 3: How big a screen? SPEAKER 1: Probably 8 inches. [Laughs] Probably 8 inches. SPEAKER 4: Oh, yeah. And his father owned a business so they were big time. SPEAKER 3: Can others of you give me examples how your family stressed education? Stressed that you should go on to school and not quit and get a job? SPEAKER 4: Oh, mine you know, is similar to Vincent's experience. My mother and father, as was very common at that time… whatever education my mother got, she got when she was here in Everett. When she went to Italy, I don't believe that she ended up in school. And my father would've probably gone to third grade. That was very common. The elementary schools that you know, Vinnie referred to, which they call [unintelligible - 00:05:47] I'm sure was pretty much the same throughout Italy because they were all government run, provided education through grade 5 although a lot of people did not make it through grade 5. After that, if you should get to secondary school, you have to show that you have some intellectual talents or your parents had money. There were examinations depending on the kind of school that you were going to. So universal education, as we think of it, was available through grade 5. That's if your parents wanted you to attend, because there were a lot of kids who did not, because their parents wanted them to tend the sheep in the fields or you know, help out at home. I don't recall… I was young, but I don't recall you know, children [unintelligible - 00:06:40] where anybody would come in to the house and say, "How come, you know, Pelino is not in school today? We know he's 6 years old. How come he's not registered for school?" There just wasn't that kind of follow through that, you know, that I could see. So you went to school because your parents wanted you to go to school. 4 And, you know, Vinnie is correct. Times were difficult. My father did not serve in the army. He was not physically able to, but he did end up in a German work camp. After Italy changed sides and joined the allies in 1943, then all of a sudden all the German troops that were in Italy were now in occupied territory. They were no longer in the territory of an ally. So a lot of the able bodied men were taken you know, to help with the German war effort. Then he mentioned Albania. That's where my father was taken to work camp. He escaped you know, came home. I had an uncle who was in the military. My father had served in the military in the 1930s, but then when he wanted to join back up you know, for the Second World War, he was not physically able to. But my uncle served in a British prisoner-of-war camp in Africa. He was captured at the very outset of the war and spent the whole time there. So, his family, my aunt and her two kids, you know, who lived in the same house with us, were very dependent as Joe said on you know, family, you know, helping each other. I mean, that's what you needed to do to you know, to survive. But from the time that the war ended, I was in school. My parents demanded that I go to school. After school, I did what everybody else did. We had a dozen sheep or so. And one of my older cousins who was out of school, you know, he's completed the fifth grade and was…/AT/mb

This paper will present our explorative work in software reusability and concurrent programming. This work was divided into two parts. First, in order to abstract the reusable components, three application problems were tried to be solved by means of object-oriented programming using Ada. Second, in order to address how Ada provides an environment for concurrent programming, several concurrent programming concepts were described using Ada. ; Technical Report 2018-07-ECE-005 Technical Report 87-CSE-11 Reusability and Concurrency Issues in the Real-time Use of Ada* W. P. Yin P. H. Liou Murat M. Tanik This technical report is a reissue of a technical report issued May 1987 Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering University of Alabama at Birn1ingham July 2018 Technical Report 87-CSE-11 REUSABILITY ABD COBCURREIICY ISSUES IB THE REAL-TIME USE OF Ada• V. P. I:in P. B. Liou H. H. Tanik Department of Computer Science and Engineering Southern Methodist University Dallas, Texas 75275 May 1987 *Ada is a registered trade mark of the U.S. government, Ada Joint Program Office. Abstract REUSABILITY AND CONCURRENCY ISSUES IN THE REAL-TIME USE OF Ada* W. P. Yin P. H. Liou M. M. Tanik Department of Computer Science and Engineering Southern Methodist University Dallas, 'IX 75275 This paper will present our explorative work in software reusability and concurrent programming. This work was divided into two parts. First, in order to abstract the reusable components, three application problems were tried to be solved by means of object-oriented programming using A da. Second, in order to address how Ada provides an environment for concurrent programming, several concurrent programming concepts were described using Ada. 1. Introduction Reusability is a general engineering principle . It derives from the desire to avoid duplication and to capture commonality in undertaking classes of inherently similar works[ 1]. When software engineers try to apply this principle to software production, it brings many research questions into the open. The arguments focus on the question that what are the candidates for software reuse, how reusable software components should be stored, how we can locate reusable software components, and how we can incorporate reusable software components into our own software system. Concurrent Programming is the name given to programming notations and techniques for expressing paten tial parallelism and for solving the resulting synchronization and communication problems. Traditionally, the programs that run asynchronously were written in assembly language for the reasons : • High-level languages did not provide the appropriate tools for writing concurrent programs. • High-level languages for concurrent programming were not efficient. However, high-level language programs are easier to test, verify, and modify. Due to the progress on compiler techniques, we can obtain efficient object code for concurrent programs written in a high-level language. Concurrent programming is important because it provides an abstract setting in which studying parallelism becomes possible . The basic problem in writing a concurrent program is to identify the activities which are concurrent. It is also difficult to ensure the correctness of concurrent programs. In addition, concurrent programs are much more difficult to debug than sequential programs. * Ada is a registered trade mark of the U .8. government, Ada Joint Program Offi ce. - 2- Occasionally, asynchronous processes must interact with one another and these interactions can be complex. The following sections constitute a brief presentation of our explorative work for software reusability and concurrent programming using Ada. 2. Reusability Issue 2.1 Software Components and Their Reusability The term "; Computer Software" is used very often by most professionals and many members of the public at large . They feel they understand it. Most professionals have an intuitive feeling of it, but there is no complete and formal definition . Informally, computer software can be regarded as information having two basic formats: non-machine-executable and machine-executable[2]. Any information unit created by a software engineer during software development, such as specification, design, code, data and so on , is a software component. More abstractly, the problem solving knowledge, programming knowledge, problem domain knowledge and other knowledge which are used by software engineers in order to solve a problem by computer software are also software components. These knowledge assume specification, design, code and data as their external formats . Therefore, software reusability manifests itself in many forms . It can roughly be classified into reuse of data, reuse of code including programs, systems and libraries, reuse of programming knowledge including system architecture and detail design , reuse of domain knowledge including specification and reuse of abstract modules[3 ,4] . With respect to the time the reusable components are used , software reusability can be divided into two groups-reusability of components in building a variety of structures and reusability of components in performing a variety of tasks . Figure 1 depicts this idea. 2.2 Software Reusability Problems As a general engineering principle, reusability implies the obvious system benefits of lower cost, increased reliability and easier maintenance. It appears that the reusability principle should be used widely in software engineering. Unfortunately this is not true . According to some statistics, in commercial banking and insurance applications, about 75% of the functions were common ones that occurred in more than one program. There is also statistical data indicating that less than 15% of the code written in 1983 was unique, novel and specific to individual applications while the remaining 85% was more or less generic[3]. The main reason for the above situation is that regardless of the particular programming technique , design methodology or developing environment, software engineering is divided into individual creative processes. The exact nature of those individual process, such as problem identification, conceptual solution , design of implementation, testing of solution and so on , is poorly understood. Hence, reusing the software designed by other people is in general not a simple matter. Besides this , there are other reasons. First, some software is ";malevolent" because it is strongly self-centered and highly proprietary. That means it cannot be reused by organizations other than the developer. Second, even with "; benevolent" software, there are software engineers who may feel that they could produce a "; better" solution anyway. Third, some software may have to be modified excessively to fit the new application precisely. Fourth , some software may require a great effort to be understood in order to be reused. In the last two situations, software engineers would rather rewrite .[ 5] . - 3 - Figure 2 shows reusable component characteristics m terms of their functionality and scope. 2.3. Explorative Work in Software Reusability 2.3.1. The Problems In the following sections three problems are investigated. The problems are the environmental monitor problem[6], the cruise-control problem[7] and the message switching problem [8]. Those three are real-time problems. All of them require parallel processing, realtime control, exception handling and unique input/ output control. 2.3.2. The Method The ";object-oriented methodology" is chosen for solving the problems . Object-oriented methodology is a software approach in which the decomposition of a system is based upon the concept of objects. In real-time systems, often the problem is given by the description of entities, their behaviors and relations among the entities . In addition, object abstraction is a promising avenue for reusability. The object-oriented design methodology has the following steps [6, 7]: • Identify the objects and their attributes. • identify the operations. • Establish the visibility of each object in relation to other objects. • Establish the interface of each object. • Implement each object. 2.3.3. The Language Ada was chosen as the design language. Ada was chosen as a design language because of its rich variety of program units such as subprograms, packages and tasks . It is convenient for software engineers to choose one of the most suitable program units to represent classes of objects, instances of objects and primitive operations of each object. More importantly, the capabilities of Ada make it possible for us to break from the traditional flat, sequential design style into the object-centered design style. In particular, using Ada as a design language can improve the quality of the design by highlighting interfaces and formally capturing many important design decisions. 2.3.4. The Case Studies The case studies are concerned with the use of object-oriented design method for software reusability. The goal of the case-study was to explore how well the object-oriented method can apply the reusability principle. More specifically, how well the object-oriented method can recognize and abstract reusable software components for a specific class of problems (the real-time systems) . In this paper, the detailed case explanations will not be presented. Only are the observations and experiences listed. For each problem, first, a problem definition in problem space is given , then an informal system architecture design in conceptual solution space is presented . In the solution space , the details will be ignored; only objects and their operations are indicated. - 4- 2.3.4.1. Ca.se-1: Environmental Monitor Problem The environmental monitor problem is explained in detail in [6]. The figure 3 is the problem definition abstracted from [ 6] . And the figure 4 is the partial formalization of the system architecture design. Problem~ Objects and their Operations: ( 1) A user interacts with the system by setting the sensor limits, reading the status of all sensors , or q.u.it the system . ( 2) A printer Jlli,n.ts. the current reading of each sensor or s.h.u.t. rl.mYn. by the user. (3) Sensor r.e.ads. temperature or setting limit or s.h.u.t. d.mm. or initialized by user. ( 4) Monitor responds to out-of-limits sensor reading or detects the printer failure by setting an alarm. Also the alarm can be sh.n.t ~ Keeping the object-oriented methodology in mind, the transformation from the figure 3 to figure 4 is straightforward. In the step of identifying the objects and their attributes, the decision for specific representation of objects is delayed . We only take into account what objects in the problem space we are interested in . In general, the nouns denote the objects and the adjectives represent the attributes of each object. After identifying objects, extracting operations appropriate to each object is straightforward . The verbs attached to each object can be abstracted as corresponding operations . Those operations are visible outside. The object together with its operation forms one unit which can be defined by one program unit. The arrows are used to indicate the operation application direction . If there is one arrow from object A to object B, it indicates that the object A does one operation requiring something from B, or triggering B's operation . In this situation , the object A is an active object. If A is a passive object which does not have operations, all the arrows connected to A must point to A. System Specification in A.d.a package PRINTER is task THEYRINTER is entry PRINT_READING (THE_ITEM: in STRING); entry SHUT_DOWN; end THEYRINTER; end PRINTER; package ALARM is task THE_ALARM is entry REPOR T_OF LIMIT; entry REPORTYRINTER_ERROR; entry SHUT_DOWN; end THE_alarm; end ALARM; generic type NAME is ( ); type VALUE is range ; SENSE_RATE: in DURATION; - 5 - with function VALUE_OF (THE_NAME m NAME) return VALUE; with procedure SOUND_ALARM; package SENSORS is task type SENSOR is entry START (THE_NAME : in NAME) ; entry SET_LIMIT (THE_VALUE : in VALUE) ; entry GET_8TATUS (THE_VALUE : out VALUE; OUT_OF LIMITS : out BOOLEAN); entry SHUT_D OWN; end SENSOR; end SENSORS; type COMMAND is (SET_LIMIT, GET_8TATUS, SHUT_DOWN); procedure MONITOR is -- local type declarations -- ALARM task specification -- PRINTER task specification -- SENSOR task specification -- USER_COMMAND declaration -- task bodies begin -- manipulation of USER_COMMAND end MONITOR; Abstractions from ease-l: 1 Object-oriented design methodology is fundamentally different from traditional functional methods. Traditional functional methods factor system in problem space into operational modules in solution space , in which each operation module represents a major step in the overall transformation process. The object-oriented design method decomposes problem around objects that exist in the real world. 2 The object-oriented design method needs different requirement analysis to support. During the problem definition step, the requirement analyst must keep object orientedness in mind, because different analysis will get different problem decompositions. During the problem analysis , a good domain knowledge certainly helps a lot. 3 4 - 6 - It is necessary to use object-oriented system specification methodology during the system specification step. The specification is the result of a process of requirements analysis, and represents the first complete description of the conceptual solution. It contains clear descriptions of the external view of the system the user required along with any related or implied system constraints. The object-oriented system specification ideally closely matches the user's problem. It is desirable to make system specification consistent, completely, comprehensible and traceable to the requirement. Also , the object-oriented s specification will make the transaction between system specification and system design smooth, and easy. It is desirable to keep the system specification to be independent from the implementation . That means the transaction from problem space to conceptual solution space should not be restricted by implementations, especially not limited by the capability of implementation tools. Ada has the design description capability, but there is no direct notations for objects. 2.3.4.2. Ca.se-2: Cruise-Control System The Cruise-Control system problem is given in [7]. A data flow diagram (figure 5) is used to express the problem. This problem is more complicated than the environmental monitor system problem. The data flow diagram gives a clear view of each main step of the system transaction . Using object-oriented method the problem space is abstracted as in figure 6. From problem space the system architecture was abstracted using the object-oriented method (figure 7) . First, the objects and their operations are identified . Especially, the passive objects (no operations) and active objects (having operations) are distinguished; the required operations (triggered externally) and suffered operations (not triggered by outside world) are distinguished. For example, brake and accelerator are passive objects, others are active objects. Throttle has two v visible operations which are triggered by other objects and one invisible operation which is hiding in throttle's body. That invisible operation can only be seen by throttle itself. Problem~ Objects and their Operations: ( 1) Pulse from wheels: A pulse is. 5.f.D.t for every revolution of the wheel (2) Clock: Timing~ every milli-second. ( 3) Driver: If the driver s.fls. system on, it denotes that the cruise-control system should maintain the car speed. Also , the driver may require increasing or decreasing maintained speed when cruise-control on . Or, the driver requires resuming the last maintained speed. ( 4) Brake: If brake is. pressed, then cruise-control temporarily reverts to the manual control. ( 5) Brake state: Cruise-control requires the current brake state . ( 6) Engine state: If engine-on, the cruise-control may be active. (7) Accelerator: Accelerator state is. required by the cruise-control system. (8) Throttle: Setting the throttle value . Abstraction from case-2: - 7 - 1 An object is an entity that exists in time and space . An obje ct also has state . The operations indicate the object's state. Each object will be in one state at one time . The object state may change by the activity of other objects or as the time changes. We can trace the system activity in the state space . 2 We need facilities to indicate the time constraints of the system . For example, the clock's and wheel's operations must be synchronized. and the throttle has one operation-desired speed which can be visible by all the three operations of control increase, decrease and resume . 3 The ease-l and case-2 deal with different problems. The objects abstracted from these two problems are different, except one situation that the control object in cruise-control system is interacting with driver's requirement, the monitor object in environmental monitor system is interacting with user's command. Both system needs an interface with the user who will dynamically input his requirements / commands. This interface can be a reusable component. 2.3.4.3. Ca.se-3: Message Switching System The message switching problem is addressed in [8] . Figure 8 is the problem abstraction . The message switching system consists of a network of switching nodes connected via trunk lines. Each switching node is locally attached to subscribers , an operator, archive tape , and auxiliary memory. The operator can send and receive messages like any subscriber. In addition , the operator monitors and controls the node activity. The function of each node is to route input messages to one or more output destinations . Three successive phases are involved in processing each message: input, switch and output. inputReading input from a local subscriber or trunk link and storing the message on both auxiliary memory and an archive tape . switch Each input message contains a header, body and end marker. The header is examined to determine the output destination. For each destination , a directory is consulted to determine the appropriate output line to use and a copy of the message is queued for output on each distinct line. output A message is retrieved from auxiliary memory and written on the appropriate output line . Each message contains a priority as part of its header so that, at all times, the highest priority message for an output line is transmitted . If preempted, a message is later transmitted in its entirety. Having the experience of solving previous two problems, abstract objects and their operations can be obtained by repeatedly using the object-abstraction. Thus, we get the problem definition in object space (figure 9) and the concept solution (figure 10~. Pro b 1e m 8.p.a.c.e. Objects and their Operations: (1) Switches i.n.p.u.t message head and control signal. (2) Switches s.tu.r.e. the message on the auxiliary memory. (3) Switches archive message on the tape. . 8 . ( 4) Switches consult the cross-reference table to determine the appropriate output port. (5) Switches handle th e output message priority and preemption-output queue. (5) Switches output the message head and control signal to the output port. (7) Operator monitors the switch system . (8) Output ports retrieve the message body. This problem solution must solve the following four problems: • maximize I/ 0 parallelism , • control different I/0 devices, • coordinate mode activity, • handle output message preemptions. System Specification in A.d.a type MSG_A.DDR is STRING(l.20); type MSG is record HEAD : STRING(l.20); BODY: STRING(l.lOO); end record; task type ARCHIVE_TAPE is entry ARCHIVE (THE_NISG: in MSG); end ARCHIVE_TAPE; task type AUX_MEM is entry OUTPUT_NISG (THE_NISG_A.DDR in MSG_A.DDR); entry INPUT . MSG (THE_NISG_A.DDR : in MSG_A.DDR); end AUX_MEM; task type OUTPUT_CONTROL IS entry OUTPUT. . Jv1SG ( OUTPUT_pORT THE_NISG_A.DDR : in end OUTPUT_CONTROL; task type SWITCH is in STRING(1.20); MSG_A.DDR); entry INPUT_CONTROL (THE_NISG in MSG); end SWITCH; task type OPERA TORS is entry INPUT_MSG (THE_MSG m MSG); end OPERA TORS; task type SUBSCRIBER is entry INPUT.Jv1SG (THE_NISG in MSG); end SUBSCRIBER; OPERA TOR : OPERATORS; task body OPERA TOR is -- local type declarations -- ARCHIVE TAPE task declaration - g - -- AUXILIARY MEMORY task declaration -- OUTPUT CONTROL task declaration -- REFERENCE TABLE data structure declaration -- OUTPUT QUEUE data structure declaration THE.BUBSCRIBER : array ( 1.100) of SUBSCRIBER; task body THE.BUBSCRIBER is task OUTPUT_MSG; • • • end THE.BUBSCRIBER; THE.BWITCH : SWITCH; task body THE.BWITCH is procedure STORE_MSG (THE_MSG in MSG); procedure ARCHIVE_MSG (THE_MSG : in MSG); procedure CONSULT_TABLE (OUTPUT _FORT : out STRING( 1.10); THE_MSG : in MSG) ; procedure PREEMPTION (THE_MSG : in MSG; -- subprogram body • • • end THE.BWITCH ; -- other task bodies begin loop PRIORITY : out INTEGER); accept INPUT_MSG ( THE_MSG in MSG) do • • • end INPUT_MSG; end loop; end OPERATOR; - 10- Abstractions from case-3: 1 2 Using the object-oriented method to do system design really requires a great deal of real world knowledge and intuitive understanding of the problem, especially for abstracting operations. Listing the goal of the system requirements helps to decide which object should do which operation . For example, for this specific problem, the solution must solve the maximizing I / 0 parallelism and control different I/0 devices, it had better make auxiliary memory and archive-tape become active objects. The control issue and time constraint are important. It definitely needs some facilities to specify them . For example, the input-control for switch needs to specify its input trigger is exclusive OR, its output is sequential. In system architecture design using Ada, it seems that Ada's program units are not sufficient for this specification. 3 The three case studies come from different application fields. The software systems are required for different purposes. They deal with totally different objects. From the domain object level, it is not clear what is the reusable component. 2.3.5. Summary of Reusability Concepts 1 2 3 Software reusability is an attribute of software relative to its applicability in different computational contexts as well as different application areas. The object-oriented methodology is a better fit for real applications than other traditional methodologies. It is at least useful to apply reusability principle in the same application domain. Reusable software components tend to be objects or classes of objects. Given a rich set of reusable software components, the implementation would proceed via composition of these parts, rather than further decomposition. The greater abstraction of object models provides greater potential reusability. The level of abstraction has a great effect on reusability. Higher the abstraction, the greater overhead it may require for interpretation and it provides less intuitive understanding. Lower the abstraction, the chance of recognizing reusable components become less. 3. Concurrency Issues 3.1. Synchronization In a real time system, several processes may access the same data at the same time . This situation may result in inconsistent data. A language dealing with concurrent programming must guard against this possibility. That is, the language must provide the means to guard against time-dependent errors. When a process is accessing shared data, the process is said to be in its critical section ( or critical region). The concept of allowing only one process into its critical region at a time is known as mutual exclusion. An elegant software implementation of mutual exclusion was presented by Dekker. Dijkstra also abstracted the key notation of mutual exclusion in his concept of semaphores [10] . 3.1.1. Semaphores A semaphores is a protected integer variable which can take on only non-zero values and whose value can be accessed and altered only by the operations P(s), stands for wait, and V(s), stands for signal, and an initialization operation. Binary semaphores can accept only the - 11 - values 0 or 1. General semaphores can accept non-negative integer values . The definition of P and S is as follows : P(s): If s > 0 then s :=s- 1 else the execution of the process that called P(s) is suspended. V(s) :If some process P has been suspended by a previous P(s) on the semaphores then wake up P else s := s + 1 3.1.2. Monitors The above methods are so primitive that it is difficult to express solutions for more complex concurrency problems, and their presence in concurrent programs increases the existing difficulty of proving program correctness [ 12]. Another drawback of the above methods was that every procedure had to provide its own synchronization explicitly. A desire to provide the appropriate synchronization automatically led to the development of a new construct, a monitor [10]. A monitor is a concurrency construct that contains both the data and the procedures needed to perform allocation of a shared resource or group of shared resources. The monitor enforces information hiding - processes calling the monitor have no idea of, nor access to, data inside the monitor. Mutual exclusion is rigidly enforced at the monitor boundary- only one process at a time is allowed to enter. If a process inside the monitor cannot proceed until a certain condition becomes true, the process calls wait (variables name) and waits outside the monitor on a queue for ";variables name" to be signaled by another process. To ensure that a process already waiting for a resource eventually does get it, the monitor gives higher priority to a waiting process relative to a new requesting process attempting to enter the monitor. A process calling wait is threaded into the queue; a process calling signal causes a waiting process to be removed from the queue. 3.2. Ada Rendezvous Ada is a higher-level program mg language which can be used for conventional programming. In this section, we are concerned with the features of Ada related to concurrent programming. Central to these features is the concept of the task which is a program module that is executed asynchronously. Tasks may communicate and synchronize their actions through : 1 accept statement: It is a combination of procedure calls and message transfer. 2 select statement : It is a non-deterministic control structure based on guarded command construct. The BNF of them are : accept statement has the form : accept entry~imple_name [( entry_index)] [formal_part] do sequence_of~tatemen ts end [ entry~imple_name]; select statement has the form : select [when boolean_expression =>] - 12- acce p L.s tate men t seq ue n ce_of .s tatements {or [when boolean_expression =>] acce pt.s tatemen t} se qu ence_of.s tatemen ts [else se quence _of.s tatemen ts] end select; Following sections are Ada programs that implement the above mentioned concurrent problems. 3.2.1. Dekker's Algorithm procedure DEKKER is FAVOREDPROCESS : INTEGER; Pl WANTSTOENTER, P2WANTSTOENTER : BOOLEAN; procedure TWOYROC (PlWANTSTOENTER, P2WANTSTOENTER : in out BOOLEAN; FAVORED PROCESS : in out INTEGER) is task Pl; task body Pl is begin loop Pl WANTSTOENTER :=TRUE; while P2WANTSTOENTER loop if FAVOREDPROCESS = 2 then Pl W ANTSTOENTER := FALSE; while FAVOREDPROCESS = 2 loop null; busy waiting end loop; PlWANTSTOENTER :=TRUE; end if; -- you can enter critical region for Pl from here FAVOREDPROCESS := 2; PlWANTSTOENTER :=FALSE; -- you may put other s tuff here end loop; end loop; endPl; task P2; task body P2 is begin P2WANTSTOENTER :=TRUE; while Pl WANTS TO ENTER loop - 13 - ifF A VORED PROCESS = 1 then P2WANTSTOENTER := FALSE; while FAVORED PROCESS = 1 loop null; busy waiting end loop; P2WANTSTOENTER :=TRUE; end if; -- you may enter critical region for P2 form here FAVOREDPROCESS := 1; P2WANTSTOENTER :=FALSE; --you may put other stuff here end loop; end loop; endP2; begin null; -- main program for TWO_pROC end TWO_pROC; begin P1 W ANTSTOENTER := FALSE; P2WANTSTOENTER :=FALSE; FAVORED PROCESS := 1; TWO_pROC (P1wantstoenter, P2wantstoenter, favoredprocess) ; end DEKKER; 3.2.2. Semaphore (Binary) The following are two approaches of Binary Semaphore . The first one is described in [10] and the second one exactly follows the original definition of sem aphore. 3.2.2.1. procedure BINARY ,SEMAPHORE is ta.sk SEMAPHORE is entry P; entryV; end SEMAPHORE; ta.sk body SEMAPHORE is begin loop accept P; only after P has been called that V accept V; can be accepted and vice versa end loop; end SEMAPHORE; task Pl; task body P 1 is begin loop - 14- -- you may put the remainde r of the program one here SEMAPHORE.P; -- call the P entry -- now you can go ahe ad to access the critical region SEMAPHORE.V; -- call the V entry end loop; end Pl; task P2; task body P2 is begin loop -- you may put the remainder of the program one here SEMAPHORE.P; -- call the Pen try -- now you can go ahead to access the critical region SEMAPHORE.V; -- call the V entry end loop; end P2; begin -- main program for BINARY_8EMAPHORE null; end BINARY_8EMAPHORE; 3.2.2.2. According to the definition, semaphore is a protected variable whose value can be accessed and altered by operations P and V and initial operation. So, we declare semaphore as private type and only those subroutines inside this package can access its value package BIN_8EMAPHORE is type SEMAPHORE is private; procedure P (S: in out SEMAPHORE); procedure V (S: in out SEMAPHORE); procedure INITIAL_8EMAPHORE(S: in out SEMAPHORE; VALUE : in INTEGER); private type SEMAPHORE is record VAL : INTEGER; end record; end; package body BIN.SEMAPH ORE is NO_ WAITING :INTEGER := 0; - 15 - -- Il:um her of processes that have been suspended task CONTROL is entry SUSPEND ; entry W AKE_UP; end; task body CONTROL is begin loop accept WAKE_UP do accept SUSPEND; end; end loop; end CONTROL; procedure P (S : in out SEMAPHORE) is begin if S.VAL > 0 then S.VAL := S.VAL - 1; else NO_ WAITING := NO_WAITING + 1; CONTROL.SUSPEND; -- suspend the process end if; endP; procedure V (S : in out SEMAPHORE) is begin if NO_ WAITING > 0 then CONTROL.WAKE_UP; -- wakeup one of the suspended processes NO_WAITING := NO_WAITING- 1; else S.VAL := S.VAL + 1; end if; end V; procedure INITIAL.SEMAPHORE (S: in out SEMAPHORE; VALUE : in INTEGER) is begin S.V AL :=VALUE; end INITIAL_sEMAPH ORE; end BIN_sEMAPH ORE; - 16 - with BIN_sEMAPHORE; use BIN_sEMAPHORE; procedure SEMAPH ORE_EXAMPLE is S: SEMAPHORE; procedure TWOYROC is task PROCESSONE; task body PROCESSONE is begin loop -- put some stuff here P(S); -- now you are inside the critical region one V(S); -- put some other stuff here end loop; end PROCESSONE; task PROCESSTWO; task body PROCESSTWO is begin loop -- put some stuff here P(S); -- now you are inside the critical region two V(S); end loop; end PROCESSTWO; begin null; -- main program for two_proc end TWOYROC; begin -- main program for semaphore example INITIAL_sEMAPHORE(S, 1); TWOYROC; -- now, two processes are executing concurrently - 17 - end SEMAPH ORE_EXAMPLE; 3.2.3. Binary Semaphore Using Monitor Concept In the following example we describe the implementation of a binary semaphore by a monitor written in Ada. generic package GENERIC_MONITOR is task type COND PTR is entry WAIT; entry SIGNAL; end COND PTR; type CONDITION is access COND PTR; -- This condition type of variab le provides a queue for wait entry, also for the signal entry. end GENERIC_MONITOR; package body GENERIC_MONITOR is task body COND PTR is begin loop accept SIGNAL do accept WAIT; end; end loop; end CONDPTR; end GENERIC_MONITOR; with GENERIC_MONITOR; procedure SEMAPHORE_USE_MONITOR is This package(monitor) performs information hiding. Procedures calling the monitor have no idea of, nor access to, data inside the monitor. package MONITOR is procedure P; procedure V; end MONITOR; package body MONITOR is - 18- package TEMP is new GENERIC_MONITOR; use TEMP; NOT_BUSY : CONDITION; BUSY: BOOLEAN := FALSE; procedure P is begin if BUSY then NOT_BUSY.WAIT; -- wait entry provides a queue for the -- procedures waiting to be accepted end if; BUSY :=TRUE; endP; procedure V is begin BUSY := FALSE; NOT_BUSY.SIGNAL; -- wake up the procedure at the first -- on the queue of wait entry endV; end MONITOR; use MONITOR; procedure TWOYROC is task P1 ; task body P1 is begin loop P; -- you can enter the critical region 1 now V ; -- you may put the rest of the stuff here end loop; endP1; task P2; task body P2 is begin loop P; -- you can enter the critical region 2 now V; -- you may put the rest of the stuff here end loop; end P2 ; - 1 g - begin -- main program of two_proc null; now Pl and P2 are executing concurrently end TWOYROC; begin -- main program of SEMAPHORE_USE_MONITOR TWO_?ROC; end SEMAPHORE_USE_MONITOR; 3.3. Real-Time Interrupt Handling Efficient interrupt handling is critical in real-time environments. Interrupts are used to control the transfer of data to and from external devices, which often generate interrupts at high frequencies. If the interrupt is not handled quickly, external data can be lost or overall efficiency of the system can be severely degraded . Real-time performance requirements are determined by the minimum time between arrival of interrupts and the maximum time that can elapse while an interrupt is pending before data are lost or a hardware time-out occurs. When an interrupt occurs, a processor must begin executing code in another environment. Context switching is machine dependent, and in most modern computers it is supported by special privileged instructions. Interrupt handling takes at least two context switches, one from the program currently running to the interrupt handler and one at the completion of the interrupt handler. However, neither of these need to be full context switches, nor do interrupts need to be disabled for long. 3.3.1. Language Mechanisms for Interrupt Handlers in Ada Most real-time software for embedded systems use interrupt handlers to control and communicate with external devices . Interrupt handlers are usually responsible for initializing devices, initiating physical I/0 operations and responding to both anticipated and unanticipated interrupts. Ideally, interrupts would arrive only as a direct consequence of a previously issued software command. However, in practice, interrupts can arrive unexpectedly or fail to arrive when expected. Interrupt handlers have traditionally been written in assembly language because few high-level languages provide support for interrupts and because interrupt handlers must often meet severe real-time constraints [15] . Mechanisms for implementing interrupt handlers provided by systems programming languages such as Concurrent Pascal and Modubv-2 are usually not optimized for real-time applications. Since Ada was intended for embedded applications, interrupt-handling mechanisms were integrated into Ada. The Ada Language Reference Manual (LRM) [18] briefly describes interrupt handlers and their semantics (in sec. 13.7) . The following example from the LRM illustrates the specification of an interrupt handler: t.a.sk INTERRUPT_HAND LER is entry DONE; for DONE use at 16#40#; end INTERRUPT_HANDLER; - 20- The task specification n, or interface, de fines each externally visible task operation , referred to as an entry. The semantics of an interrupt is defined in terms of the rendezvous which was dis- [ cussed in previous sections. Each Ada process, or task, declares a list of entry procedures that can be called by other tasks. A rendezvous occurs between a calling task and the serving task when the caller is waiting to execute an entry call, and the server is waiting to accept the en try call. Each task specification must have a corresponding body that contains the executable code of the task. The following is a more realistic example of an interrupt handler for a printer device [ which illustrates some of the hardware and software run-time support actions that must be considered when programming interrupt handlers. task PRINTER_8ERVER is entry OUTPUT__LINE (ST : in STRING); entry IO_INTERRUPT; for IO_INrERRUPT use at 16#1234#; end PRINTER_8ERVER; task body PRINTER_8ERVER is HARDWAREYORT : CHARACTER; for HARDWAREYORT use at 16#1234#; begin loop accept OUTPUT__LINE (ST : in STRING) do for INDEX in ST'RANGE loop HARDWAREYORT := ST(INDEX); accept IO_INTERRUPT; end loop end OUTPUT__LINE; HARDWAREYORT := ASCII.CR; accept IO_INTERRUPT do HARDWAREYORT := ASCII.LF; end IO_lNTERRUPT; accept IO_INTERRUPT; end loop; end PRINTER_8ERVER; The above example illustrates how it is possible in Ada to serve the same interrupt entry point with different accept bodies. 3.3.2. Interrupt Handling Model in Ada Hardware interrupts generated by a device or its controller are usually described informally by means of flowcharts and timing diagrams, in contrast to software whose behaviour is defined by a program . A uniform description of both the hardware and software makes it possible to define a model for a general-purpose , interrupt-handling mechanism [17]. The complete chain of control from the hardware to the server can be modeled by three Ada tasks , where the first two are asynchronous tasks external to the server. The first task - 21 - represents a hardware device, which is a producer of interrupts and a producer or consumer of data. The second task represents the hardware /software interface , and performs interrupt enabling , disabling and context switching outside the normal Ada rendezvous mechanisms. The task specifications are as follows: HARDWARE_DATA : DEVICE_DEPENDENT; task ASYNCHRONOUS_HARDWARE; task INTERFACE is entry D ISPA TCHJNTERRUPT; end INTERFACE; task SERVER is entry OUTPUT_LINE (ST: in STRING) ; entry IOJNTERRUPT; for IOJNTERRUPT use at 16#1234#; end SERVER; The advantage of adopting an Ada model for devices and their run-time support is that the semantics of interrupt handling can be defined entirely in Ada. This model can be used conveniently to illustrate some of the problems an effective implementation must be able to handle : 1. hardware that generates interrupts at power-up and in error situations where there is no Ada program or handler ready to serve interrupts 2. hardware that generates spurious interrupts when the interrupt handlers are not ready to serve interrupts 3. hardware that requires immediate action on the interrupt to prevent the loss of data 4. a hardware interrupt that demands a specific program action to mask it out so that it is not constantly pending. 3.3.2.1. The Hardware/Software Interface The interface is modeled by a task representing the connection between the hardware and server tasks that are running concurrently on two conceptually different processors with a need to communicate. The hardware task has no knowledge of the state of the software and can try to interact with it at unexpected times. Some hardware tasks must be serviced immediately, even if the server is not ready, and can therefore generate unexpected interrupts (and race conditions in the server) when interrupt handlers are too slow to handle successive interrupts. A model for robust and usable interrupt support environment must provide services for situations in which either software or hardware is malfunctioning. This kind of failure handling can be represented by the following body of the interface task . task body INTERFACE is begin loop - 22- accept DISPATCHJNTERRUPT do select-- conditional en try call SERVER.IOJNTERRUPT; else FAIL URE_8ERVER.SERVER_NOT_READ Y; end select; end DISPATCHJNTERRUPT; end loop; end INTERFACE; 3.3.2.2. The Hardware Task The Ada hardware task example below models many of the problems caused by actual hardware . In the ex ample , the server and interface tasks communicate with the hardware task v1a a global HARDWARE_DATA variable, which includes the fields INTERRUPT_ENABLED , STARTJO and IO_DA TA. task body ASYNCHRONOUS_HARD WARE is -- lo cal declarations procedure GENERATEJNTERRUPT(TIMEOUT NATURAL) is begin PENDING JNTERR UPT: for I in O . TIMEOUT loop if HARDWARE_DATA.INTERRUPT_ENABLED then select -- conditional en try call INTERF A CE.D ISPA TCHJNTERRUPT; ifDATA_UNSTABLE then HARDWARE_DATA.IO_DATA := IND ETERMINANT; end if; exit PENDINGJNTERRUPT; else if DATA_UNSTABLE then HARDWARE_DATA.IO_DATA end if; end select; end if; end loop PENDINGJNTERRUPT; end GENERA TEJNTERRUPT; begin loop IND ETERMINANT; SERVICEJNTERVAL := SERVICEJNTERV AL + 1; if SERVICEJNTERVAL > SERVICE_TIMEOUT then GENERATEJNTERRUPT (INTERRUPT_TIMEOUT) ; SERVICEJNTERVAL := 0; end if; if HARDWARE_DATA.STARTJO then - 23- for I in O . DO_IO_TIME loop null; end loop; HARD WARE.J) ATA.IO_DA TA :=VALID _DATA; GENERA TE_INTERRUPT ( IO_D ONE_TIMEOUT); end if; end loop; end ASYNCHRONOUS.JIARD WARE; The hardware and interface model is sufficiently general to cover a wide range of hardware devices and enables a specification of requirements for designing a system hardware support package. Without such a formal definition, it is difficult to verify the correctness of the interrupt run-time support package. In addition, the model permits a software task to simulate a hardware device and test the interrupt run-time support package. 3.4. Conclusion The traditional approach to implementing interrupt handlers using assembly language le ads to systems that are difficult to develop, maintain or adapt to new hardware and software requirements. By providing a high-level interface, Ada simplifies the design and maintenance of interrupt handlers . And Ada defines the semantics of tasking mechanism, making it possible to construct asynchronous and synchronous programming models. Ada not only provides a powerful tool from software resuability point of view but also provides a powerful tools for concurrent programming. It really is "; The Language for the 1980s ";(May be 1990s). References [1] P.Wegner ";Capital-Intensive Software Technology,"; IEEE Software, Vol. 1, No.3, July, 1984, p. 3-45. [2] R. S. Pressman, Software Engineering, McGRAW-HILL, Inc. 1987, p. 5-8. [3] T . C. Jones , ";Reusability In Programming: A Survey of the State of the Art,"; IEEE Trans. Software Eng., Vol. SE-10, No.5, sept. 1984, p. 488-497. [ 4] G. Jones, ";Software Reusability: Approaches and Issues,"; Pro c. of IEEE computer Software f3 Applications Gonf., Nov. 1984, p. 476-477 . [ 5] M. D . Lubars, ";Code Reusability in the Large vs . in the Small,"; AG!vf SIGSOFT Software Engineering Notes, Vol. 11, No.1, Jan. 1986, p. 21-27. [6] G . Booch, Software Engineering With Ada, The Benjamin/Cummings Publishing Company, Inc., 1987, p. 334-354. [7] G. Booch, "; Object-Oriented Development,"; IEEE Trans. software Eng., Vol. SE-12, No. 2, Feb. 1986, p. 211-221. [8] G . R. Andrews, ";The Design of a Message Switching System : An Application and Evaluation of Modula,"; IEEE Trans. Software Eng., Vol. SE-5, No.2, Mar. 1979, p. 138- 147. [9] J. G . P. Barnes, Programming in Ada, Addison-Wesley, 1984. - 24- [10] M. Ben-Ari, Principles of Concurrent Programming, Prentice-Hall International, 1983. [11] G. Booch , Software Engineering with Ada, Benhamin/Cummings, 1983. [ 12] H. M. D eitel, An Introduction to Operating System, Addison-Wesley, 1983. r [13] J. Peterson and A. Silberschatz, Operating System Concepts, Addison-Wesley, 1983 . [ 14] M. M. Tanik, ";A Comparative Study of Synchronization Models Exploitable for Real [ Time Software Development Environment Design and Testing", SMU Technical Report 87-CSE-1, 1987. M. M. Tanik, ";Message Based Kernel in Communications", AACI Tech . Report, 1984. ( [ 16] ";Analyzing Ada Concurrent Programming", ACM Ada LETTERS, March-April, 1987. [ 17] J. B. Rasmussen and B. Appelbe, ";Real-time Interrupt Handling in Ada", Software Practice and Experience, Vol. 17, No. 3, Mar. 1987, p.197-213. [18] United States Department of Defense, Reference Manual for the Ada Programming Language, ANSI/MIL-STD 1815A, Feb. 1983.

In February 2014, the Russian army invaded Crimea from positions it had established within the region and annexed the Ukrainian peninsula. In the ten years that have passed since then, a beautiful tourist destination has turned into a war zone. The West's handwringing over the events in Crimea, accompanied by little action, told the Kremlin everything it needed to know. A look back at those ten years suggests how bellicosities initially confined to a small geographic area blew up to draw European and North American governments and budgets into a hot war with global ramifications. Background to DesolationCrimea's 1992 constitution affirmed it as part of Ukraine but gave the autonomous republic's state council sweeping powers, including the power to establish relations with other states. The neighboring city of Sevastopol enjoyed similar provisions. Crimea has historically been inhabited by about two and a half million people of various nationalities. The top three are Russians, Ukrainians, and Crimean Tatars, the indigenous people who, after the collapse of the USSR, began returning home from the countries to which Stalin had deported them during World War II.After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the codifying of a new constitution, Crimeans went about their lives, paying little heed to politics writ large—until 2014. The peninsula was far from Kyiv, and political scandals rarely captured the attention of its inhabitants. Nevertheless, local political life flourished. One of the prominent players was Sergei Aksyonov, leader of the Russian Unity movement and party. In the 2010 elections to the Crimean parliament, Russian Unity garnered only 4 percent of the vote, suggesting it was not particularly popular among Crimeans, unlike Viktor Yanukovych's Party of Regions or Yulia Tymoshenko's bloc. The movement for a Russian Crimea was considered marginal and lacked broad support.However, the Euromaidan, or Revolution of Dignity, which began in the fall of 2013 and ended with President Yanukovych fleeing to Russia on or about February 24, 2014, upset Crimea's political equanimity. Anti-Maidan street demonstrations began, with some publicly calling for Russia to intervene and take Crimea under its wing. Such sentiments spread among Crimeans with unnatural speed. Soon, unmarked Russian military personnel, dubbed "little green men" because they had removed identifying insignia from their military garb, began appearing in the peninsula.The first stage of the takeover was easy because Russia had a military base in Sevastopol, and the public explanation for the arrival of new personnel in mass waves was "routine military exercises." The task of these early arrivals was to prepare Crimea for annexation. Referendum and AnnexationA much-disputed referendum took place in Crimea and Sevastopol in March 2014, barely a month after the Euromaidan ejected Yanukovych. With high voter turnout, the official tally was 95 percent in favor of Crimea integrating with Russia. The number was so high not only because many locals voted for it but also because there was no "against" option on the ballot. The referendum was organized in flagrant violation of the law: only two weeks elapsed between the announcement of the referendum and election day. Many polling stations were closed, and those that were open were guarded by armed men who prevented independent observers from entering.In the run-up to the referendum, the little green men took up key positions throughout the peninsula. They blocked access to Ukrainian military bases and, with the help of local "self-defense" units, suppressed public protests against the referendum and illegally imprisoned pro-Ukrainian activists. The annexation of Crimea was the first such episode in Europe since World War II and a sign of Russian president Vladimir Putin's intent to reshape global power relations.Despite the significance of the moment, Western officials chose restraint. No harsh sanctions were enacted against Russia, and business and diplomatic ties remained, for the most part, in place. The "stand aside" position of the West was perhaps best epitomized by then U.S. president Barack Obama's reticence on the subject: he made it clear that America was not going to intervene in a "local conflict" because the United States did not want a war with Russia. In Ukrainian activist circles, the phrase "deeply concerned" came to symbolize the toothlessness of world leaders.A restrained response to the invasion saved security in the European theater in the short term but severely damaged it in the long term.The First Year of the OccupationAfter the referendum, Russian security services moved quickly to subjugate the locals to their new Russian overlord and destroy institutions. After representatives of Ukrainian security agencies and military officers left the peninsula, Russian bureaucrats began arriving. Passport offices began accepting applications for Russian citizenship, notaries began reregistering real estate, and lawyers began integrating Russian laws. The Russian Unity party merged with United Russia, and on October 9, 2014, Sergei Aksyonov officially became the head of the Crimean Autonomous Republic within the Russian Federation.The FSB (Russian security service) was also active. The practice of conducting security checks in the streets became widespread: informal "self-defense" units, for example, could detain anyone who aroused their suspicion or failed to exhibit the expected ideological alignment with the occupiers. Those who openly demonstrated a pro-Ukrainian stance, supported the resistance movement, or wore Ukrainian symbols came under threat first. For example, in May 2014, the FSB arrested four Crimeans and accused them of creating a terrorist cell that allegedly planned explosions on the peninsula. Among them were filmmaker Oleg Sentsov and photographer Gennady Afanasyev. All four received long prison sentences, and only after five years returned to Ukraine in a prisoner exchange. Both testified that FSB officers had tortured them.Shortly after the annexation, pro-Russia protests began in Donetsk, Luhansk, and various cities in the Donbas region in Eastern Ukraine. Local residents, fueled by Russian political technologists and daily immersion in propaganda, wanted to secede from Ukraine and become autonomous or join Russia. The example of the unpunished and almost bloodless annexation of Crimea inspired those who harbored pro-Soviet sentiments and were dissatisfied with living conditions in a Ukraine struggling economically and trying to gel as a nation.At first, pro-Ukraine citizens tried to act against the separatists, but the situation quickly escalated. The security forces in Donetsk and Luhansk sided with the separatists. In the face of such pressure, civilian resistance faded, and military conflict took root. The same people who had helped organize and execute the annexation of Crimea then went on to organize the occupation of the Donbas. Among them were Igor Bezler, a member of Russia's Intelligence Service (GRU), and Igor Strelkov (Girkin), a former FSB officer. Events on the Mainland Hastened a Rupture. . .In that first year after annexation, Crimea was also buffeted by events on the mainland. With an eye to influencing the Russian leadership, Ukrainian activists and politicians created pressure in a variety of ways to prevent Russia from taking full possession of Crimea. In October 2014, for example, authorities cut off the water supply to the North Crimean Canal, which provided most of the peninsula's water needs. In late 2015, activists, most of whom had fled Crimea, implemented a months-long energy blockade of the peninsula, resulting in blackouts over the winter. The difficulties experienced by Crimeans as a result of activities directed from the mainland led to a rupture of ties between the mainland and the peninsula. Crimea began to be referred to as an island.As Did the OccupationAccording to social psychologists, two years of living under occupation is all it takes to change a person's way of thinking. Residents' habits, reactions, and interpretation of the situation they are in can change dramatically—if the new conditions represent a radical severance with the past.The Russian authorities have done everything possible to completely cut off Crimeans from their past as part of Ukraine, with a shared history and common government. Transport communication with the mainland was stopped. Russian products in supermarkets replaced Ukrainian products, and a Russian passport became mandatory for everyone who wanted to stay in Crimea. The Fate of the PeopleSince Russia annexed Crimea, from 54,000 to 200,000 people have left the peninsula, including more than 30,000 indigenous Crimean Tatars, who had rejected Russian interference from the very beginning. At the same time, about 700,000 Russian citizens have moved from Russia to the annexed territory, replacing some of the displaced local population. From 2014 to 2022, human rights activists recorded more than 5,000 human rights violations, most of them against Crimean Tatars.In February 2022, when Vladimir Putin declared his intention to invade Ukraine and set in motion the current horrific phase of war, it was Crimea that became a key location for the invasion. The military bases and infrastructure built over the years of occupation—one of its most important elements is the Kerch Bridge, the scene of heavy fighting—helped Russian forces invade from the south and hold positions. The occupation of southern and eastern Ukraine in 2022 was the most successful of all the Russian army's operations because through Crimea, Russia has been able to control positions both by land and by sea. Crimea has now become a full-fledged war zone and a high-interest target of Ukraine's military actions.Creeping Global EffectsDuring the ten years of occupation, the Russian government in Crimea has destroyed tens of thousands of economic, political, and personal ties between people, turning one of the most attractive destinations in the world into a front line of war. The international community's mistakes in 2014 have had unanticipated global effects. Crimea's annexation tragically underscored how the West's fear of an aggressive nuclear state ultimately helped create a catastrophe that has now killed hundreds of thousands of people on the European continent. The annexation of Crimea escalated into a protracted war in the Donbas, followed by a full-scale invasion of Ukraine and a genocide that no one knows how to stop.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

In February 2014, the Russian army invaded Crimea from positions it had established within the region and annexed the Ukrainian peninsula. In the ten years that have passed since then, a beautiful tourist destination has turned into a war zone. The West's handwringing over the events in Crimea, accompanied by little action, told the Kremlin everything it needed to know. A look back at those ten years suggests how bellicosities initially confined to a small geographic area blew up to draw European and North American governments and budgets into a hot war with global ramifications. Background to DesolationCrimea's 1992 constitution affirmed it as part of Ukraine but gave the autonomous republic's state council sweeping powers, including the power to establish relations with other states. The neighboring city of Sevastopol enjoyed similar provisions. Crimea has historically been inhabited by about two and a half million people of various nationalities. The top three are Russians, Ukrainians, and Crimean Tatars, the indigenous people who, after the collapse of the USSR, began returning home from the countries to which Stalin had deported them during World War II.After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the codifying of a new constitution, Crimeans went about their lives, paying little heed to politics writ large—until 2014. The peninsula was far from Kyiv, and political scandals rarely captured the attention of its inhabitants. Nevertheless, local political life flourished. One of the prominent players was Sergei Aksyonov, leader of the Russian Unity movement and party. In the 2010 elections to the Crimean parliament, Russian Unity garnered only 4 percent of the vote, suggesting it was not particularly popular among Crimeans, unlike Viktor Yanukovych's Party of Regions or Yulia Tymoshenko's bloc. The movement for a Russian Crimea was considered marginal and lacked broad support.However, the Euromaidan, or Revolution of Dignity, which began in the fall of 2013 and ended with President Yanukovych fleeing to Russia on or about February 24, 2014, upset Crimea's political equanimity. Anti-Maidan street demonstrations began, with some publicly calling for Russia to intervene and take Crimea under its wing. Such sentiments spread among Crimeans with unnatural speed. Soon, unmarked Russian military personnel, dubbed "little green men" because they had removed identifying insignia from their military garb, began appearing in the peninsula.The first stage of the takeover was easy because Russia had a military base in Sevastopol, and the public explanation for the arrival of new personnel in mass waves was "routine military exercises." The task of these early arrivals was to prepare Crimea for annexation. Referendum and AnnexationA much-disputed referendum took place in Crimea and Sevastopol in March 2014, barely a month after the Euromaidan ejected Yanukovych. With high voter turnout, the official tally was 95 percent in favor of Crimea integrating with Russia. The number was so high not only because many locals voted for it but also because there was no "against" option on the ballot. The referendum was organized in flagrant violation of the law: only two weeks elapsed between the announcement of the referendum and election day. Many polling stations were closed, and those that were open were guarded by armed men who prevented independent observers from entering.In the run-up to the referendum, the little green men took up key positions throughout the peninsula. They blocked access to Ukrainian military bases and, with the help of local "self-defense" units, suppressed public protests against the referendum and illegally imprisoned pro-Ukrainian activists. The annexation of Crimea was the first such episode in Europe since World War II and a sign of Russian president Vladimir Putin's intent to reshape global power relations.Despite the significance of the moment, Western officials chose restraint. No harsh sanctions were enacted against Russia, and business and diplomatic ties remained, for the most part, in place. The "stand aside" position of the West was perhaps best epitomized by then U.S. president Barack Obama's reticence on the subject: he made it clear that America was not going to intervene in a "local conflict" because the United States did not want a war with Russia. In Ukrainian activist circles, the phrase "deeply concerned" came to symbolize the toothlessness of world leaders.A restrained response to the invasion saved security in the European theater in the short term but severely damaged it in the long term.The First Year of the OccupationAfter the referendum, Russian security services moved quickly to subjugate the locals to their new Russian overlord and destroy institutions. After representatives of Ukrainian security agencies and military officers left the peninsula, Russian bureaucrats began arriving. Passport offices began accepting applications for Russian citizenship, notaries began reregistering real estate, and lawyers began integrating Russian laws. The Russian Unity party merged with United Russia, and on October 9, 2014, Sergei Aksyonov officially became the head of the Crimean Autonomous Republic within the Russian Federation.The FSB (Russian security service) was also active. The practice of conducting security checks in the streets became widespread: informal "self-defense" units, for example, could detain anyone who aroused their suspicion or failed to exhibit the expected ideological alignment with the occupiers. Those who openly demonstrated a pro-Ukrainian stance, supported the resistance movement, or wore Ukrainian symbols came under threat first. For example, in May 2014, the FSB arrested four Crimeans and accused them of creating a terrorist cell that allegedly planned explosions on the peninsula. Among them were filmmaker Oleg Sentsov and photographer Gennady Afanasyev. All four received long prison sentences, and only after five years returned to Ukraine in a prisoner exchange. Both testified that FSB officers had tortured them.Shortly after the annexation, pro-Russia protests began in Donetsk, Luhansk, and various cities in the Donbas region in Eastern Ukraine. Local residents, fueled by Russian political technologists and daily immersion in propaganda, wanted to secede from Ukraine and become autonomous or join Russia. The example of the unpunished and almost bloodless annexation of Crimea inspired those who harbored pro-Soviet sentiments and were dissatisfied with living conditions in a Ukraine struggling economically and trying to gel as a nation.At first, pro-Ukraine citizens tried to act against the separatists, but the situation quickly escalated. The security forces in Donetsk and Luhansk sided with the separatists. In the face of such pressure, civilian resistance faded, and military conflict took root. The same people who had helped organize and execute the annexation of Crimea then went on to organize the occupation of the Donbas. Among them were Igor Bezler, a member of Russia's Intelligence Service (GRU), and Igor Strelkov (Girkin), a former FSB officer. Events on the Mainland Hastened a Rupture. . .In that first year after annexation, Crimea was also buffeted by events on the mainland. With an eye to influencing the Russian leadership, Ukrainian activists and politicians created pressure in a variety of ways to prevent Russia from taking full possession of Crimea. In October 2014, for example, authorities cut off the water supply to the North Crimean Canal, which provided most of the peninsula's water needs. In late 2015, activists, most of whom had fled Crimea, implemented a months-long energy blockade of the peninsula, resulting in blackouts over the winter. The difficulties experienced by Crimeans as a result of activities directed from the mainland led to a rupture of ties between the mainland and the peninsula. Crimea began to be referred to as an island.As Did the OccupationAccording to social psychologists, two years of living under occupation is all it takes to change a person's way of thinking. Residents' habits, reactions, and interpretation of the situation they are in can change dramatically—if the new conditions represent a radical severance with the past.The Russian authorities have done everything possible to completely cut off Crimeans from their past as part of Ukraine, with a shared history and common government. Transport communication with the mainland was stopped. Russian products in supermarkets replaced Ukrainian products, and a Russian passport became mandatory for everyone who wanted to stay in Crimea. The Fate of the PeopleSince Russia annexed Crimea, from 54,000 to 200,000 people have left the peninsula, including more than 30,000 indigenous Crimean Tatars, who had rejected Russian interference from the very beginning. At the same time, about 700,000 Russian citizens have moved from Russia to the annexed territory, replacing some of the displaced local population. From 2014 to 2022, human rights activists recorded more than 5,000 human rights violations, most of them against Crimean Tatars.In February 2022, when Vladimir Putin declared his intention to invade Ukraine and set in motion the current horrific phase of war, it was Crimea that became a key location for the invasion. The military bases and infrastructure built over the years of occupation—one of its most important elements is the Kerch Bridge, the scene of heavy fighting—helped Russian forces invade from the south and hold positions. The occupation of southern and eastern Ukraine in 2022 was the most successful of all the Russian army's operations because through Crimea, Russia has been able to control positions both by land and by sea. Crimea has now become a full-fledged war zone and a high-interest target of Ukraine's military actions.Creeping Global EffectsDuring the ten years of occupation, the Russian government in Crimea has destroyed tens of thousands of economic, political, and personal ties between people, turning one of the most attractive destinations in the world into a front line of war. The international community's mistakes in 2014 have had unanticipated global effects. Crimea's annexation tragically underscored how the West's fear of an aggressive nuclear state ultimately helped create a catastrophe that has now killed hundreds of thousands of people on the European continent. The annexation of Crimea escalated into a protracted war in the Donbas, followed by a full-scale invasion of Ukraine and a genocide that no one knows how to stop.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

Two things tend to be claimed about the modernist novel, as exemplified at its height by Virginia Woolf's The Waves (1931) — first, that it abandons the stability owed to conventional characterization, and second, that the narrow narration of intelligence alone survives the sacrifice. For The Waves, the most common way of putting this is to say that the novel contains "not characters, but characteristics," "not characters[,] but voices," but that the voices that remain capture "highly conscious intelligence" at work. Character fractures, but intelligence is enshrined."Artless: Ignorance in the Novel and the Making of Modern Character" argues that both of these presumptions are misplaced, and that the early moments of British modernism instead consolidated characterization around a form of ignorance, or what I call "artlessness" — a condition through which characters come to unlearn the educations that have constituted them, and so are able to escape the modes of knowledge imposed by the prevailing educational establishment. Whether for Aristotle or Hegel, Freud or Foucault, education has long been understood as the means by which subjects are formed; with social circumstances put in place before us, any idea of independent character is only a polite fiction. In fiction itself, this process is built into the form of the Bildungsroman, where the narrative ends only when socialization is secured, with fit elements absorbed into the social structure, and unfit elements expunged. With the passage of the Elementary Education Act of 1870, the British government was for the first time able to assert this influence explicitly, establishing secular state control of education and creating an enormous class of newly literate readers. Modernism's signature style — its baroque locutions, its obscure references — has most often been read as the attempt of educated elites to alienate these inexperienced readers by making literature intelligible only to the eminently intelligent. But when facing the state's newly acknowledged role in socializing subjects, novelists as otherwise antagonistic to one another's work as Henry James, Thomas Hardy, D. H. Lawrence, and the aesthetes of the Bloomsbury group, from Lytton Strachey and John Maynard Keynes to Virginia Woolf, all commonly responded, I contend, by resisting education's role in forming character in the first place. The figures who would go on to shape the modernist movement used their narratives to escape this pedagogical construct, imagining an alternative to the Bildungsroman model capable of chronicling an incremental divestment from social authority.This reversal of modernism's priorities offers to reorganize not only our understanding of the period, but of the function of character in structuring a reader's experience. Critics seldom imagine "modernist character" as a category deserving further definition. Gerard Genette famously suggested that there are no characters in Proust, because all are subject to the author's totalizing style. Recent inquiries, like Philip Weinstein's, Gregory Castle's, or Jed Esty's, entertain the very notion of modernist character only to suggest that it was sacrificed in favor of form. As this project uncovers, however, many of modernism's signature formal gestures — from stream of consciousness narration in James to minimalist depictions of the Great War in Lawrence — were first tested and contested as strategies for abetting artlessness in characterization. At root, "Artless" makes a case for the almost perfect convergence between a work's unraveling and its reader's reception; the works it considers aspire towards complete readerly accessibility, ultimately effacing any interference from intermediate authorities, even their authors.My first chapter, "The Educations of Isabel Archer," makes character's precedence over form explicit through comparison of a single scene in the two versions of Henry James's The Portrait of a Lady, the original 1881 edition alongside the New York Edition of 1906. Isabel, James's heroine, has long been read as the prototypical Bildungsroman protagonist, one whose intelligence is so penetrating that her education is achieved instantaneously when a mere glance arrests the history of her husband's onetime affair with her close friend. In the original 1881 edition, Isabel observes that "Madame Merle sat there in her bonnet," and when mere sentences later we find her "standing on the rug," the reader's shock can only be commensurate to Isabel's own. With the original sequence, James had in fact produced stream of consciousness narration, well before its recognized first appearance in Edouard Dujardin's 1887 Les Lauriers sont coupés. Yet with a single change to the New York Edition, James cancels a formal effect that had captured Isabel's intelligence at its most potent and immediate. What readers witness in the New York Edition is not Isabel's awakening knowledge, but her sudden ability to exorcise all that she has thus far been taught. When forced to choose between his character's independence from social constraint and the formal innovation of "sat," James chooses character. Isabel's passage from intelligence to ignorance between 1881 and 1906 thus signifies a reevaluation of the role of education in fiction across the period itself.Subsequent chapters track the role of formal and narrative structures in allowing readers to recognize — and ultimately embrace — artlessness. In the case of Thomas Hardy's Jude the Obscure (1895), as described in my second chapter, "Educational Epidemiology," the story of the "Fawley curse" provides a model for narrative's pedagogical potential: to have learned the story is to share in its misfortune. This model multiplies relentlessly, almost epidemiologically, so that the party at greatest risk becomes Hardy's own reader. By extending the pedagogical production of narrative beyond its own pages, Jude the Obscure frames the ease with which education entangles individuals in a social fabric, even against their will. We ourselves face a choice: between sympathy to Sue and Jude's characters, or obedience to the narrative form that has infected us. As the following chapter, "Knowing War in Women in Love," suggests, the curiously repetitive characterizations and tautological phrases that riddle D. H. Lawrence's 1920 novel capture how thoroughgoing artless representations must be to escape the pedagogical system entirely. In response to then contemporaneous changes to libel law and to philosophical disputes over the definition of personhood, Lawrence essentially removed the entire field of referential definition from the novel between drafts, excising the very connection between words and reference that allows a set of phrases to single out a person in particular. Lawrence's characters remain uncompromised by convention because their circumstances can never be named. Women in Love carries artlessness to a new extreme, marking the moment when the stakes of character became compelling enough to organize all else around it. Lawrence's characters operate in a world so thoroughly desocialized that they — with Lawrence's original readers — are able to overlook that even the most mobilizing social event of their lifetimes, the First World War, is unfolding on the novel's every page without ever being referenced.Artlessness's elaboration thus gives us a different way of accounting for the interests that informed the modernist moment: character in fact predominated over form, ignorance over intelligence. But in the high style of the Bloomsbury group, by which modernism is best known, these values appear obviously inverted. My final chapter, "Time Passes: How Bloomsbury Civilized Ignorance," concludes by alternating between early and late moments in Bloomsbury's collective career to uncover what became of modernist character. Early expressions of artlessness, such as Strachey's portrait of the headmaster of Rugby, Dr. Thomas Arnold, in the briefest, most withering, and most personal sketch of Eminent Victorians (1918), have simply grown to exaggerated proportions by the time of Queen Victoria (1921). So total there is Strachey's tone that all of Queen Victoria becomes an encounter with ignorance, refusing to allow intelligence to penetrate for even a moment. Alternatively, the assertions of old age cast prior achievements in a new light. Through John Maynard Keynes's 1938 essay "My Early Beliefs," where he regrets his Cambridge contemporaries' blithe indifference towards time, Keynes's efforts in The Economic Consequences of the Peace (1919) can be freshly read not as a send-up of the stupidity that had marred the Paris Peace Conference, but as an attempt instead to force an alternative treatment of time. The graying heads of state have read Europe's recent past with the complacent quiescence owed to a completed Bildungsroman, and by animating the temporality of what he repeatedly calls "the character of the Peace," Keynes endeavors to unlearn that assumption. This chapter concludes by considering Virginia Woolf's To the Lighthouse (1927), a novel that in its pivotal section, "Time Passes," seems to fragment character in favor of style just as much as contemporary critical accounts of modernism have alleged. Yet I argue that the central figure of "Time Passes" is not Lily Briscoe or Mrs. Ramsay, but Mrs. Bast, the unschooled and ostensibly unimportant housekeeper, whose sole attestation is that she "never knew the family." Mrs. Bast, I suggest, is in fact Jacky Bast, the wife of E.M. Forster's Leonard in Howards End, the clerk whose fatal flirtation with education forms the basis of many charges of modernism's intellectual elitism. Yet by amending Forster's story, a coherent concept of character, rooted in ignorance, survives even "Time Passes," and better still, is responsible for putting it into order.If modernism maintains no interest in alienating the masses, this dissertation ultimately allows us to consider who is meant to read modernist texts, and for what purpose. As critics, I contend, we have potentially long been engaged in overreading modernism. The widespread puzzlement of Women in Love's every critic is proof alone that it is not intended to reward the intellectual efforts of professional scholars. "Artless" then not only names a particular historical phenomenon, a teleology by which modernism was made, but also supplies a theory of reading practice. For all the intelligence ascribed to Henry James or to the Bloomsbury set, what we witness in James's revision of "sat," or in Keynes's willingness to undermine the certainty of even his own economic forecasts, is an essential effacement of authorial authority. Artlessness finally amounts to a conviction that characters are capable of spelling their own terms, free from even the interference of their authors. The process is obvious, even automatic. Any reader then is capable of seeing artlessness unfold, and of watching the hold of any prior determinant, be it the missteps of one's own education, or officially sanctioned history, or the novel as a genre, gradually lose its influence. By encountering artless texts, it is the reader of the early modernist novel, irrespective of class or background, who comes to unlearn.

Introduction People say, "don't you ever want to come off?" I don't know. The thought of me getting up without taking something is totally. to me that's normal . If I haven't taken anything then I'm not normal . And for me to even, I can't contemplate not taking something, you know. I'm not a lost cause. I know what my problem is. It's other people that want me to stop. I don't want to stop. I don't want to. Does that make sense to you? (Mya) This extract is taken from an interview that formed part of my doctoral research looking at people's experiences of injecting drug use and treatment services in London, UK. Here I consider one of the ways participants described their use of drugs through a concept of becoming "normal." I pay particular attention to Mya's account and explore the very sense-making that her question (above) demands. Mya uses the concept of normality not only to reflect how drugs have become part of her everyday routines, or part of feeling normal, but actually in materially becoming herself—in embodying a "normal body." As she puts it, "if I haven't taken anything then I am not normal." In this sense, Mya's problem is not the drugs, but the people who want her to stop taking them. This understanding is important for challenging recent policy shifts towards reducing opiate replacement/substitution services in the UK (HM Government; Home Office). Methods The study took place from January to September 2014, and included participant observation at a drug treatment service, interviews with service providers, and "creative" interviews with people who inject drugs. The project was granted ethical approval by the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine Ethics Committee and the NHS Regional Ethics Committee. All participants were given pseudonyms. The creative interview is a term coined by Jennifer Mason to describe an in-depth semi-structured interview which produces additional types of data beyond the spoken word. The method was employed to explore participants' feelings of embodiment as enacted in the drug-using "event." I used a body mapping (drawing) task in these interviews to aid the communication of hard-to-articulate visceral experiences and depict the many actors, human and nonhuman, involved. (For a fuller explanation of the "events" perspective and methods taken in this study, please see Dennis 2016.) Below, I draw both from Mya's narrative and her pictorial account. Becoming "Normal" with Diamorphine Mya is a 52-year-old woman who was recruited to the study through word of mouth. She attended a supervised injecting clinic where another participant informed her about the study. The purpose of this clinic is to prescribe injectable diamorphine (pharmaceutical heroin) for clients to administer under supervised conditions. This unique service is specifically targeted at people who have previously struggled with the more orthodox opiate substitution treatments, such as methadone and buprenorphine. Mya explained that she had a long history of using street heroin, but in the last ten years has been injecting legally and has also illegally sought diamorphine. Mya's drug use had become very hard to sustain financially, both in paying for private prescriptions and in the illegal drugs market, and therefore she wanted a prescription through the National Health Service. She was told that this was only possible through this clinic. However, the clinic's intention was always to reduce this consumption, which Mya did not want to accept. This is because, as she explained, without drugs she is "not normal." A rhetoric of "normality," as deployed in the drug field, has taken two dominant paths. The first is in Parker et al. 's "normalisation thesis," which documents a move during the 1990s when drug use, albeit "recreational drug use," became increasingly common. A concept of "normalisation" is used to explain this social shift in acceptability towards drug taking. The second lies in a oucauldian-influenced embodied idea of performing normality in line with dominant neoliberal discourses. For example, Nettleton et al .'s study with recovering heroin users employs a concept of "normalisation" to explore the ways in which people talk about regaining certain bodily practices to fit in with "the norm." Using the work of Michel Foucault, and his concept of governmentality more specifically, Nettleton et al . argue that "normalisation" is "a crucial aspect of neo-liberal societies, where individuals are encouraged through [decentralised] political projects to become normal: 'the judges of normality are everywhere' (Foucault, 1977)" (175). Although there are vast differences, both these accounts seem to share an understanding of normality as a socially or discursively produced set of practices. However, Mya's narrative of becoming normal seems to be doing something different. She highlights how she becomes normal with drugs in a way that suggests that without drugs she is not normal. This highlights the material work involved in achieving this "normal" state. It is clear that being normal is something we do (both theories above consider normal behaviour as performative) rather than it being pre-defined. But for Mya this is enacted in an ontological rather than learnt way as she connects with drugs. To know normality—"to me that's normal"—and to be normal—"if I haven't taken anything then I'm not normal"—are conflated. Karen Barad, in her theory of agential realism, would call this an intra-action rather than an inter-action, where what we know (epistemology) and what is (ontology) collide, or rather elide. It is in these entanglements of matter and meaning that Mya becomes normal. Mya's narrative highlights the human body as an assemblage (Deleuze and Guattari) in which drugs have become a part. In this sense, drugs can be seen as part of this embodied self rather than separate. Consequently, Mya's account is about more than how her body interacts with drugs, but rather how they become together. Drawing from Deleuze's ontology of becoming, this is the idea that life does not start with any given entities or organisms, but that these forms are brought into being through the forces of life, and as such they are in a constant state of flux, becoming something else. This can challenge ideas of "recovery" (e.g. Home Office) where people are expected to remove themselves from drugs in order to regain their "normal" self. If one's "normal" includes drugs this calls into question the very attempt to de-couple an entangled relationship that, as another participant put it, "has been a long time in the making " (my emphasis). Therefore, it is perhaps not surprising that Mya explains with a heavy heart that she is feeling substantial pressure to reduce her prescription. She feels the clinic staff fail to understand how drugs are part of her and what constitutes her "normal." Thus, as she sees it, her "problem" is not the drugs themselves, but the people who want her to stop taking them. Mya's frustrations start to make more sense—to return to the question in the epigraph—when we think about the body as something we do , involved in a constant task of keeping oneself together . Keeping Oneself Together One does not hang together as a matter of course: keeping oneself together is something the embodied person needs to do . The person who fails to do so dies. (Mol and Law 43) Mol and Law argue that bodies are not something we have but something we do , and that bodies are actively held together through a series of practices. For instance, in their example of hypoglycaemia, a pin prick of blood needs to be taken for the condition to be known, and then counteracted by eating a sugary substance (49). Thinking about Mya's account of becoming normal in these terms, drugs, instead of being seen as "evil" objects of misuse, can, for Mya at least, be part of this vital (life) project of keeping one elf together. This thoroughly blurs the distinctions between "good" medicine (life sustaining/enhancing) and "bad" drugs of abuse (life destroying). Following a Deleuzian understanding of the human body as an assemblage, making the body "actualise" as one is a process of life: "'A' or 'a' (one) is always the index of a multiplicity: an event, a singularity, a life." (Deleuze 388). As such, making bodily boundaries becomes essential. For Mya, drugs are part of this individualisation process in quite overt ways. For example, in her body map (Figure 1) she drew a picture of herself inside a cloud, with voices shouting inwards, penetrating the barrier from outside. About these she said, they are "shouting at me," "telling me what to do," and "what's best for me." But she was at pains to point out that the depicted cloud is not about representing a pleasurable or disassociated feeling, but more to do with blocking out these intruding voices telling her how to live her life so that they "can't get to me": Mya: That makes it sound like the drug makes me feel like I'm in a cloud, it doesn't, cos I just feel normal , it just helps me to, to deal with things better, it helps me to get less stressful, does that make sense? Author: Normal? Mya: Yeah Author: So if you haven't had it, you feel more on edge? Mya: I'm a complete nervous wreck. I'll be jumping everywhere, you know, if someone opens the window of a bus and I'm jumping. Figure 1: Mya's Body Map For Mya, then, her drug use is not about pleasure, or pain for that matter, but about something altogether more vital: it is about keeping together in a stressful, invasive world, to "deal with things better." It seems that Mya's drawing—through which she was asked to depict her feelings when using drugs—is about trying to hold the permeable, leaky body together. For the injecting body, which regularly incorporates and excorporates drugs, is an active/metabolic body: The active body has semi-permeable boundaries [.] inside and outside are not so stable. Metabolism, after all, is about eating, drinking and breathing; about defecating, urinating and sweating. For a metabolic body incorporation and excorporation are essential. (Mol and Law 54) A similar argument is made by Vitellone, citing Keane: Heroin is not separate from but becomes central to the body, selfhood, and processes of individualization. Thus according to Keane "a drug is something external that becomes internalized, blurring the distinction between not only inside/outside but also self/other". (166; see also Keane) In Mya's drawing and account, drugs are intimately involved in the task of individuating—in making clear boundaries between her and the world. In this sense, her drawing of a cloud can be seen almost like an extra layer of skin. This also occurs in the accounts of two other participants. One female participant commented on how, without drugs, she does not feel herself, to the point that she said, "I don't want to be in my own skin." And a male participant also used similar language to note that without heroin (even though he is prescribed methadone, an opiate substitute) he can feel "disembodied": Everything is all "oh oh" [he makes sounds and body movements to show a fear of things getting too close] like that, everything is like right, like if you're trying to walk around the streets and it's just like you can't handle busy high streets and you know busy like tubes and . In these accounts, drugs are playing a key role in this boundary work, that is, in enacting the body as One. This resonates strongly with Donna Haraway's idea of individualisation as "a strategic defense problem" (212). This is the idea that the individual body is not something we are born with, but something we strive towards. Haraway argues that "bodies have become cyborgs," where "the cyborg is text, machine, body, and metaphor" (212). Mya takes great care in making sure that I have understoo this process of boundary-making, which is essential to the cyborg, and on several occasions checks back with me to confirm that she is making sense. She gives the impression that she has been explaining these feelings for years, but still does not feel fully understood. This is perhaps why she seems so thrilled when she feels I have finally got a handle on the dynamic: Mya: But the methadone makes me feel heavy, lethargic, with the diamorphine I can get on with being normal, more better, and not so sleepy, does that make sense? [.] It just helps me cope with everything. You know what I mean, everything . Even . Author: Like taking the edge off things? Mya: That's it, the edge off things, you've got it! I've never thought of that before, that's a good way of putting it. Author: No cos I was thinking about what you were saying about how you can feel anxious and stuff, and I can imagine it just . Mya: You're right, you've done it in a nut shell there. Cos people have asked me that before and I haven't been able to answer. That is a good answer. It takes the edge of things. Yeah. At the end of the interview, and long past this initial reference, Mya shows appreciation of this phrase once more, as an expression which she feels could help in her bid to be better understood: Author: Anyway, I'll end the interview there. Mya: Was that alright? Author: Yeah, perfect. Is there anything else that you think is important that I've missed out? Mya: No not at all. I think you've just helped me there by saying it takes the edge off things, I've been trying to put that into words for a long time, I didn't know how to say it . Although these experiences are of course linked to withdrawal symptoms as a particular arrangement of bodily connections, when I ask about this, it is evident that it is also about something more. For example, in trying to get at why Mya feels she needs diamorphine rather than methadone, she talks about it being "cleaner," "purer," "less groggy." And even though I prompt her on the potential enjoyment, she links "the buzz" to being able to get on with "normal things," saying "I can act more normal with the heroin": Mya: Definitely it's less groggy. Author: And does it give you a slight buzz also? Mya: Sometimes it does yeah. Like I can get on with my housework better and things like that, day to day things, I can act more normal with the heroin. With just the methadone, things just slip . With an interesting use of the term, Mya says that with methadone (which would be the more usual opiate prescribed in heroin treatment) "things just slip." Again, there is a sense of diamorphine holding her together, in a way that without it she would "slip." This perhaps highlights the slipperiness of connections that are only ever "partial" (Haraway 181). Rather than becoming too porous, with methadone she becomes too shut off or "groggy," and again her body becomes unable to do things. This is perhaps why she is so insistent that diamorphine stays put in her life: "I'm not going to lie, even if I don't get it, I'm still going to use the diamorphine." Or, in Haraway's words, she "would rather be a cyborg than a goddess"(181) —she would rather endure the political and potentially criminal consequences of requiring this "outside" substance than pretend to live apart from/above the material world. Conclusion When we consider bodies as something we do, rather than have, we see that rather than Mya's account of normality reflecting a social change (Parker et al .) or solely discursive embodiment (Nettleton et al .), it actually refers to how she becomes her "normal self" in more material ways. Mya's account thoroughly disrupts a separation of object/subject, as well as several other binaries that underpin contemporary ideas of psychoactive drug use and the body, including drug/medicine, inner/outer, self/other, and of course, normal/pathological. Instead, and in trying to do justice to Mya's q estion which opened the essay, her body is seen connecting with drugs in a way that holds her together (as One) in becoming "normal." Consequently, her fears over having these drugs stopped are very real concerns over a disruption to her corporeality, which demand to be taken seriously. This calls for urgent questions to be asked over current UK policy trends toward eliminating diamorphine prescribing services (see O'Mara) and reducing opiate substitution more generally. References Barad, Karen. Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning. Durham: Duke UP, 2007. Deleuze, Gilles. "Immanence: A Life." Two Regimes of Madness: Texts and Interviews 1975–1995. Ed. David Lapoujade. New York: Semiotext(e), 2006. 384­–91. Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia . London: Continuum, 2004. Dennis, Fay. 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