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"The centuries-long attack on Black history represents a strike against our very worth, brilliance, and value. We re ready to fight back. And when we fight, we win." -Colin KaepernickSince its founding as a discipline, Black Studies has been under relentless attack by social and political forces seeking to discredit and neutralize it.Our History Has Always Been Contrabandwas born out of an urgent need to respond to the latest threat: efforts to remove content from an AP African American Studies course being piloted in high schools across the United States. Edited by Colin Kaepernick, Robin D. G. Kelley, and Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor,Our History Has Always Been Contrabandbrings together canonical texts and authors in Black Studies, including those excised from or not included in the AP curriculum.Featuring writings by: David Walker, Frederick Douglass, Anna Julia Cooper, Zora Neale Hurston, W. E. B. Du Bois, C. L. R. James, James Baldwin, June Jordan, Angela Y. Davis, Robert Allen, Barbara Smith, Toni Cade Bambara, bell hooks, Barbara Christian, Patricia Hill Collins, Cathy J. Cohen, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Saidiya Hartman, Khalil Gibran Muhammad, and many others.Our History Has Always Been Contrabandexcerpts readings that cut across and between literature, political theory, law, psychology, sociology, gender and sexuality studies, queer and feminist theory, and history. This volume also includes original essays by editors Kaepernick, Kelley, and Taylor, elucidating how we got here, and pieces by Brea Baker, Marlon Williams-Clark, and Roderick A. Ferguson detailing how we can fight back.To readOur History Has Always Been Contrabandis to be an outlaw for liberation. These writings illuminate the ways we can collectively work toward freedom for all-through abolition, feminism, racial justice, economic empowerment, self-determination, desegregation, decolonization, reparations, queer liberation, cultural and artistic expression, and beyond

"We appreciate Roger Stone, he is one tough cookie." - President Trump Learn the inside scoop on Watergate, the Ford Pardon, and the 18 ½ minute Gap. Roger Stone, The New York Times bestselling author of The Man Who Killed Kennedy—the Case Against LBJ, gives the inside scoop on Nixon's rise and fall in Watergate in his new book Nixon's Secrets. Stone charts Nixon's rise from election to Congress in 1946 to the White House in 1968 after his razor-thin loss to John Kennedy in 1960, his disastrous campaign for Governor of California in 1962 and the greatest comeback in American Presidential history. "Just as the assassination of JFK prevents a balanced analysis of Kennedy and his times, the myth of Watergate prevents a reappraisal of our 37th President." said Stone who's book on LBJ was the second biggest selling book during the 50th anniversary of Kennedy's murder. Stone reveals how the Kennedy's wiretapped Nixon's hotel room the night before the Nixon-Kennedy debate, and stole Nixon's medical records from his psychiatrist's office. Stone lays out how Kennedy running mate Lyndon Johnson stole Texas from JFK through vote fraud while Mayor Richard Daley stole Illinois, and how JFK actually lost the popular vote. Stone looks at the Nixon Presidency: the desegregation of the public schools, the progressive social programs, Nixon's struggle to end the war in Vietnam, the historic SALT arms reduction agreement with Russia, the saving of Israel in the Six Days War, the opening to China, and the disastrous decision to take America off the Gold standard. "The mainstream media's interpretation of the facts surrounding the Watergate episode are a fantastic and grotesque distortion of historical truth," said Stone. "Cursory examination of the facts in Watergate will reveal that the actions which caused the fall of Nixon cannot be reduced to the simplistic

Annually, the association publishes a journal, The Proceedings, which consists of papers presented at the annual meeting. American History in the Schools by Robert P. Green, Jr. – Clemson University The Campaign against Pellagra in Upstate South Carolina by Thomas J. Ward, Jr. – Clemson University A Propitious Moment: Founding the South Carolina Lunatic Asylum by Peter McCandless – College of Charleston Robert Quillen: A Champion of Traditional Values by Marvin L. Cann –Lander College 'As Different as Heaven and Hell': The Desegregation of Clemson College by Kirk K. Bast – Clemson University 'The New Regime': Race, Politics, and Police in Reconstruction Charleston, 1865-1875 by Laylon Wayne Jordan – College of Charleston "The Equal of Some White Men and the Superior of Others": Racial Hegemony and the 1916 Lynching of Anthony Crawford in Abbeville County, South Carolina by Terence Finnegan – University of Illinois Barbecue Farming and Friendship: German Prisoners of War and South Carolinians, 1943-1946 by Fritz Hamer – South Carolina State Museum The Problem of Relief for the Families of Confederate Soldiers in South Carolina by Patricia Dora Bonnin – University of Illinois The Late Roman Legal Distribution System as Attempted From Subscriptions to Imperial Documents by Ralph W. Mathisen – University of South Carolina Fifth-Century Bishops, Their Travel Habits, and the Papacy by Martin A. Davis Jr. – University of South Carolina A Biographical Database Based on Gregory of Tours' History of the Franks by Allen Stone – University of South Carolina The Federal Government's Battle Against Venereal Disease During World War II: Implementation in South Carolina by Janet Hudson – University of South Carolina The D'Oillys of Oxfordshire: Politics and Patronage in Anglo-Norman England by Larry Salley – University of South Carolina "The Light of Learning Extinguished Within Our Borders" The College Hospitals, Columbia, South Carolina 1862-1865 by Tom Downey – University of South Carolina Stalking the Elephant (And the ...

Since the fall of Apartheid, the new mandate of the democratic South African government has been to provide equal quality education for all and to desegregate the education system in South Africa. The desegregation of tertiary education afforded Black students the opportunity to navigate different campuses with vast institutional origins and cultures. This qualitative study aimed to explore Black students' experiences of Blackness while navigating two university campuses in the Western Cape. Drawing upon Black Consciousness and Double Consciousness as the theoretical frameworks, this study examined the experiences and perceptions of Blackness of 20 Black male and female students from two Universities in the Western Cape Province. The aim was to gauge the participants' sense and understanding of Blackness and how it is shaped and reshaped as they navigate the university space. First, the findings revealed that that Black students exhibited racial pride and ascribed positive traits to Blackness. The students were proud to be Black and asserted that Black people had a good work ethic. Students reported that being Black afforded them an opportunity to change their socio-economic circumstances and improve their communities. Second, Black students who navigated historically White neighbourhoods, schools and university experienced South Africa as untransformed and unequal. On the other hand, Black students who navigated historically Black neighbourhoods, who went to historically Black schools and who attended a majority Black University viewed South Africa as a Rainbow Nation. Black students who attended a historically White university had a heightened sense of Blackness and experienced marginalisation within the university context compared to the Black students who went to a majority Black university Third, universities are not neutral spaces and their historical origins characterise their institutional cultures and the academy. Black students who attended the university founded during colonialism reported that the campus had colonial symbolism and the culture of the university favoured White students. The students reported that the curriculum was Eurocentric and needed to be decolonized. Fourth, Blackness is shaped and reshaped differently on university campuses. Students who went to a majority Black university expressed they were in the majority and the university was a comfortable environment. Black students at both universities experienced racial discrimination and alienation from White and/or Coloured academic staff. Despite progressive policies, this study revealed that much more work need still needs to be done to right the wrongs of the past.

Chapter introduction /Jacqueline Bobo --chapter 1 the intellectual and institutional development of africana studies /Robert L. Harris Jr --chapter 2 black studies in liberal arts education /Johnnetta B. Cole --chapter 3 theorizing black studies --The Continuing Role of Community Service in the Study of Race and Class /James Jennings --chapter 4 how the west was one --On the Uses and Limitations of Diaspora /Robin D.G. Kelley --chapter 5 womanist consciousness Maggie Lena Walker and the Independent Order of Saint Luke --Maggie Lena Walker and the Independent Order /Elsa Barkley Brown --chapter 6 discontented black feminists Prelude and Postscript to the Passage of the Nineteenth Amendment --Prelude and Postscript to the Passage /Rosalyn Terborg-Penn --chapter 7 ella baker and the origins of "participatory democracy" /Carol Mueller --chapter 8 black women and the academy /Angela Y. Davis --chapter 9 how deep, how wide? Perspectives on the Making of The Massachusetts 54th Colored Infantry --Perspectives on the Making of /The Massachusetts 54th Colored Infantry Jacqueline Shearer --chapter 10 military rites and wrongs --African Americans in the U.S. Armed Forces /Phyllis R. Klotman --chapter 11 justifiable homicide, police brutality, or governmental repression? --The 1962 Los Angeles Police Shooting of Seven Members of the Nation of Islam /Frederick Knight --chapter 12 some glances at the black fag --Race, Same-Sex Desire, and Cultural Belonging /Marlon B. Ross --chapter 13 the color purple --Black Women as Cultural Readers /Jacqueline Bobo --chapter 14 black talk radio --Defining Community Needs and Identity /Catherine R. Squires --chapter 15 chasing fae The Watermelon Woman --and Black Lesbian Possibility /The Watermelon Woman Laura L. Sullivan --chapter 16 dreadpath/lockspirit /Akasha Gloria Hull --chapter 17 in the year 1915 D.W. Griffith and the Whitening of America /Cedric J. Robinson --chapter 18 what is this "black" in black popular culture? /Stuart Hall --chapter 19 dyes and dolls Multicultural Barbie and the Merchandising of Difference --Multicultural Barbie and the Merchandising /Ann duCille --chapter 20 african signs and spirit writing /Harryette Mullen --chapter 21 black (w)holes and the geometry of black female sexuality /Evelynn Hammonds --chapter 22 black bodies/gay bodies --The Politics of Race in the Gay/Military Battle /Alycee J. Lane --chapter 23 hormones and melanin --The Dimensions of "Race," Sex, and Gender in Africology; Reflexive Journeys /Patrick Bellegarde-Smith --chapter 24 can the queen speak? Racial Essentialism, Sexuality, and the Problem of Authority --Racial Essentialism, Sexuality, and the Problem /Dwight A. McBride --chapter 25 home-school partnership through the eyes of parents /Cynthia Hudley --chapter 26 desegregation experiences of minority students --Adolescent Coping Strategies in Five Connecticut High Schools /Randi L. Miller --chapter 27 racial socialization strategies of parents in three black private schools /Deborah J. Johnson --chapter 28 talking about race, learning about racism --The Application of Racial Identity Development Theory in the Classroom /Beverly Daniel Tatum --chapter 29 slave ideology and biblical interpretation /Katie Geneva Cannon --chapter 30 black theology and the black woman /Jacquelyn Grant --chapter 31 teaching haitian vodou /Claudine Michel --chapter 32 islam in the african-american experience /Richard Brent Turner.

"Author Stephen Lowe provides the first comprehensive study of legal action in South Carolina, beginning in the mid-1930s, when Charles Hamilton Houston established the framework for the assault on segregation, and continuing well into the post-Brown era. He situates the study within the historiography of the "Long Civil Rights Movement," demonstrating that both advancement towards, and resistance to, the expansion of African American civil rights began much earlier, and continued much later, than is often recognized within the standard periodization of the movement. African American plaintiffs and lawyers from South Carolina, with support of lawyers from the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, brought and argued civil rights lawsuits in the federal courts of South Carolina attempting to equalize, then desegregate schools, parks, and public life. Meanwhile, White citizens, mostly state politicians and local officials, hired lawyers who crafted new legal theories to defend state practices and forestall Black equality. Over the course of several decades, Blacks and Whites in South Carolina used the courts as a venue within which to contest the Constitutional definitions of justice, equality, and citizenship. Among its contributions, the manuscript expands the dominant narrative of the civil rights movement in South Carolina. While there is a growing literature on the struggle for civil rights in South Carolina, the current project further enhances our ability to understand the many and varied events and individuals who contributed to the struggle in the state. It also explores, in great detail, the extent to which South Carolinians, both black and white, used the courts as a battleground, either to advance racial justice or to delay the implementation of civil rights decisions through new legal and (spurious) sociological arguments respectively. It complicates the "desegregation with dignity" narrative that dominates the popular memory of the civil rights movement in South Carolina. In so doing it helps to answer the question of why the state, which had a long history of often violent repression of African American rights, saw relatively few incidents of the bus burnings and gubernatorial confrontations that marked the period in other states. In South Carolina, Lowe argues, "massive resistance" took place within the context of the federal courts, which were far from uniformly progressive in their rulings around racial equity"--

A by now widespread critique of political liberalism claims that political liberalism hides liberal preferences in seemingly-neutral policies, which undermines the legitimacy of a political order that claims to maximize the ability of diverse citizens to co-exist. Charles Taylor's call for a fusion of horizons has been one of the most important of these criticisms of Rawlsian political liberalism. In my dissertation, The Politics of Understanding: Language as a Model of Culture, I develop a positive model of cross-cultural understanding based in language acquisition. I begin with a criticism of Rawls which looks back to Amayarta Sen's social choice principles, which highlight a contradiction in Rawls's work: Rawls requires, but also disallows, the incorporation of liberal cultural assumptions to ground his principles of justice. The next two chapters critique Taylor's call for a fusion of horizons. First, I examine Taylor's turn to Gadamer and Hegel. I argue that Taylor misappropriates Gadamer, and that Hegel's historical theory has failed. Second, I look within Taylor's earlier work on language and culture. Taylor here is incomplete; he cannot explain how horizons can be fused to allow members of one culture to understand another culture. The fifth chapter develops a new model of this cross-cultural understanding, indebted to Taylor, but moving beyond his limitations by looking to resources in developmental psychology, which I locate in the work of early Twentieth Century developmental psychologist Lev Vygotsky. Unlike Taylor, Vygotsky explains how acculturation and language acquisition interact and mutually reinforce. The sixth chapter develops my model of cross-cultural understanding, which provides a set of resources for local policymakers to respond to the challenges of value pluralism. In addition to revisiting Wisconsin v Yoder, I take up an example from Mozert v Hawkins County Board of Education to demonstrate the value of this new model. My final chapter explores the exchange between Hannah Arendt and Ralph Ellison over Arendt's judgment of the desegregation of public schools in Little Rock. This illuminates the connection between models of language and judgment. Neither Arendt nor Ellison articulate compelling models of language, as neither appreciate language's constitutive relationship to identity

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock "Emerging community judgments were quickly recognized-the bayonets should come off those guns. It was an affront to the community that was not justified in the first place" for this situation rested on the white community. No efforts were made to help the Negroes put into leadership positions their most disciplined and wisest men and women. When a prosecution was begun a little while later under a city ordinance against NAACP officials, including a Negro Methodist minister, for what appeared to be technical violations, it only strengthened the position of the NAACP among Negroes. "Mrs. Bates has no large personal following among our people," said one of the Negro ministers, "but this sort of thing drives them in masses into her camp." The Negroes seemed eager at all times to appear to be just as friendly as ever with their individual white friends, but they stuck to their mental retreat and did not invite discussion. They were aware of the necessities of the situation, and there was a certain pathos in the severing of the pleasant contacts between individuals. McClinton called in October to ask me to see a committee of his group to discuss the future. With him were a Baptist minister and a retired mail carrier. They made clear their determination to do all within their power to prevent violence. The Negro people, they said, were united in this. Further, they thought that the white people should know that the Negroes were also united in thinking that their rights as defined by the United States district court should be protected, even if the troops had to stay. This meant that the nine students should continue in Central High. They hoped that the white people would not ask for troop withdrawal until it could be done with safety. I pointed out that the two races had a common interest here-if the school board kept the school open and obeyed court injunctions, both white and colored students should have adequate protection. This view is consistent with my opposition to military enforcement. I believed these three men as to the unanimity of Negro opinion on desegregation of Central High. Later, professional poll takers confirmed this judgment with irrefutable proof produced by their comprehensive local survey. Skeptical white leaders were convinced. The question whether Little Rock Negroes would seek mass integration is a different question. The people of Little Rock were largely inarticulate during the early days of the presence of federal troops at Central High. I made no effort to find out what the Administration had in mind as to withdrawal. No one could answer that question anyway. We had witnessed violence, and we breathed easier when strong men stood between our city's children and danger. White parents shared these anxieties, of course. They knew that violence directed toward Negro children would expose all to danger. I was a bit impatient during those days with some of the statements of partisans in other States who seemed to welcome a showdown. Had they known the extent of our anxieties I am sure they would have, in expressing their own convictions, omitted the "Let's you and him fight" overtones. We were too close to violence to find any enjoyment in outbursts of that kind. School Board's Side of Case In one of the several huddles of the 26 Chamber of Commerce former presidents, Superintendent Blossom and the six members of the school board were invited to participate, and they did a superb job of informing us of the extreme difficulties facing the administrators and faculty under court orders to teach nine Negro students in what was historically the all-white high school. Blossom spoke feelingly and convincingly. With a short dissertation on the local NAACP decision to rely on their legal rights, he dispelled any idea of an official closing of doors to the nine at that time, and his board sustained him. This, they argued, was the practical side of it. The board's critics have tried to interpret this consistent court-compliance policy as a thrusting of integration upon the people of Little Rock against their wishes. The record will not support that charge, as later action by the board proved. The hours spent by the 26 on these talks were fruitful. These outstanding civic leaders gained new understanding of the educational, sociological and legal phases of the problem. If some had not been convinced by newspaper editorials that yielding to extremists, by sending the Negroes home or closing Central High, would mean a strengthening of lawlessness, they were made fully aware of this point by Dr. Will Cooper, at that time chairman of the school board, and by Mr. Blossom. No one questioned for a moment that a majority of the people preferred the segregated schools. No one argued that the defeat by two of these directors of extremist opponents in a 1956 election carried any mandate to integrate. The issue appeared in clearer outlines every day: law and order as opposed to threats and pressures- chiefly from outside Little Rock. Emerging community judgments were quickly recognized -the bayonets should come off those guns. It was an affront to the community that was not justified in the first place. Military men are tough and they do not take chances, but we did not like that aspect of the policing one bit. The bayonets did come off, and, furthermore, the military men very quickly recognized that, while it might be weeks, maybe months, before all troops could go home, the strong display of power was no longer called for. Soldiers Leave-Tension Eases With the withdrawal of the last of the regular troops about Christmastime and the assignment of the task to the federalized Guard units of our own Arkansas men in greatly reduced strength, there was considerably less feeling about "militarization." The meetings of the 26-they have never adopted a name nor taken any steps toward formal organization-were occasionally devoted to related issues, such as the election of the governing board for the new city-manager form of government on November 5. All were eager to avoid the inclusion of the question of segregation in the election, so the month of October was a period of suspended judgment as to the next steps to be taken. Some sessions were solely to hear reports from those who were observing internal school conditions and to confer regarding measures to avoid a special session of the State's General Assembly, which would, unless the political climate changed, result either in closing Central High School altogether or penalties such as withdrawal of State aid. In view of the desire of some leading political figures who were quite indifferent to Little Rock's misfortune, there was every reason for our disquietude. Modern cities have often been confronted with hostile political forces originating in nonurban areas and injustices U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959 133

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock ."Since the Federal Government was responsible for Mr. Blossom's predicament, the Federal Government should have acted to protect him and to uphold its court's orders with civil, not military, power" U. S. marshal deputies accompany the nine Negro students into the Central High School?" I thought it would be proper in the unusual circumstances for him to approach the judge. Within a few minutes he reported back to me that the judge would not talk to him-he merely referred him to U. S. District Attorney Osro Cobb. Blossom then called Cobb, but the district attorney thought he would have to have specific authority from the Department of Justice to seek an order from the federal judge for United States marshal's deputies' help in protecting the Negro students. I called Sherman Adams to ask if he could get such clearance. This illustrates how determined I was to channel everything through Adams. I had brought him into the matter in the first place and I did not propose to bypass him or confuse the situation by multiple contacts, though I was sorely tempted to do so in order to spare him the discomfort of these continued appeals for information. Adams called back to give me a telephone number at which Cobb could reach a responsible top official of the Department of Justice, adding that he thought the matter could be worked out. Some of the legal abracadabra seemed to annoy Adams, who is a businessman and definitely the executive type. Cobb told me that he did not get the authority from the Department when he called that Sunday afternoon for further instructions as to Blossom's request for marshal's deputies to escort the Negro students. The local policemen, officers and men, had balked at "escorting." They pledged to do their duty in preventing violence if the Negroes showed up, but as to escorting- "No, don't ask that," and they meant it. I knew Mr. Brownell's reasons for his ruling. He had publicly made much of the fact that Title III of the civil-rights bill had been taken out by the Senate during the 1957 debate, and, since that title was the one which proposed to give the Justice Department authority to participate in suits for enforcement of Negroes' rights, he construed the action as a legislative declaration that he, the Attorney General, should exercise no such authority. It was up to the judges of the district courts, he believed. Technically that may have been correct-it would take a court decision to make sure-but I believe that, since the Federal Government was responsible for Mr. Blossom's predicament, the Federal Government should have acted affirmatively and imaginatively to protect him and to uphold its own court's orders with civil, not military, power. The court had invited the United States to be a party to the action restraining interference with the school-board plan. Their failure to do so is the weak place in the Justice Department's case on Little Rock. "Fateful Decision" to Integrate The city officials were still considering keeping the Negro children out until at least the next Thursday, so that inflamed passions could cool. But Acting Governor Gordon indicated that a detachment of State police would upon request be sent to the area, and this fact, coupled with Mayor Mann's confidence that the situation was manageable, soon led Virgil Blossom and the school board to make the fateful decision to go ahead with integration on Monday even without the availability of federal marshals. This was a courageous decision by the board, showing a determination not to weaken in the face of threats of violence, to teach all students according to legal requirements. The events that followed do not detract from the strength of purpose of a group which was not anxious for desegregation, but which had a deep and abiding respect for our legal heritage. I shall not dwell long on the unfortunate occurrences of that tragic Monday. I shared the feelings of horror held by all law-abiding citizens when acts of violence took place at Little Rock Central High School. After the nine Negro students had been spirited into the school, by means of the side entrance while diversionary tactics were being employed at the main door, the huge crowd which had gathered at the school quickly got beyond control. It must be remembered that some of these people came from out of the city, while others were merely observers or parents of the children inside who were concerned about the situation but took no part in the action. Call for Federal Troops Virgil Blossom called to say that it looked bad "outside" and asked me if federal troops would be called. Then the mayor informed me that, while his public position was that things had gone "on schedule," he had received word from Chief Potts that fighting had broken out and that he needed about 150 soldiers as soon as possible. Being the only contact these responsible officials had with the White House at this moment, I felt it was my duty to relay their message. I called Sherman Adams and he commented cryptically, "That's all the information I need." By 11:00 a.m., I was quite nervous because Adams had not called back, indicating to me that the Administration had no definite plans as yet. Blossom telephoned again and his voice was almost frantic as he asked: "Are the troops coming or aren't they?" As he saw it, "The safety of the children depends on it." Once more in my capacity as a communications bridge I tried to reach Adams to help Blossom find out if help was being sent in. Adams was away from Washington, "en route," and not available, but I finally managed to talk with the Cabinet secretary, Maxwell Rabb. He did not know the answer to my question, but he promised not to delay in checking on the situation. By the time he called back to say, "The troops are not on their way," the Negro students had been removed from the school on Blossom's suggestion. Before I could relay Rabb's information to Blossom, he had requested that the mayor take this action in anticipation of later federal protection for these students. What influence this had on the Administration's decision actually to send in troops, after all, I do not know. In any event, it seemed likely that the local police did not have sufficient manpower to preserve order with Negro students in the school. Sherman Adams and I talked to each other again later in the day and he said, "You and I can sign off now-it's in other hands, I guess." I inquired as to whom the mayor should deal with, since, with me out of the picture, he needed a direct contact with federal authority. Sherman recommended Assistant Attorney General Bill Rogers, after he had conferred with Brownell himself. As for me, I never at any stage talked with Brownell, except at the Newport conference U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959 131

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock . ''Herbert Brownell seemed determined on a judicial showdown" If the chance for conciliation faded, "the counsel of Brownell, who apparently favored ultimate, extreme federal action, would gain the upper hand" enforced segregation as well as militarily enforced integration. During this time, some of my most agonizing moments were when the newsmen met me at the Mansion gates, eager for news, and there was no news. I sympathized with them and began to develop an eagerness myself to have big news. It would be the conquest of the forces of unceasing resistance and sectional strife. The rule of law would have a significant triumph. That day will yet come. I hope the newsmen who despaired with me will still be around. Governor Faubus and I held numerous conversations at the Mansion between Monday, September 16, and Friday morning, September 20, when the federal court met to consider the school situation. I kept urging the Governor that he recognize the fact that the power of the Federal Government would, in one way or another, be used to uphold the dignity and authority of its courts. At this stage, the Governor need only have instructed the Guard to admit rather than exclude the Negro students. The ideal arrangement under which our dual system of State and federal sovereignties is maintained could thus again prove its resiliency. He would still have been free from the baseless charges of this 1956 extremist opposition that he, the Governor, would be responsible for integration. It is rather fanciful to call Little Rock's plan "integration" -it is, to be sure, compliance with the 1954 decision but would more properly be considered "desegregation," and there is a difference. As I have pointed out before, the Supreme Court really did not require integration. The Little Rock plan, if fully completed, would never raise the ratio of Negro students to more than 5 per cent of the total in the "integrated" schools. Governor Asks for Delay On Monday, the Governor indicated his willingness to send the National Guard home, provided that the target date for admission of Negro students was changed to a later date, possibly as early as September 30. He was quite concerned, however, that the constitutionality of the Arkansas sovereignty laws be determined as soon as possible, so he would not be caught between conflicting directives concerning his lawful actions. By negotiation with various prominent people in both public and private life, I arrived at this proposed course of action for the Governor: 1. That he write a letter to the parents of the Negro children asking them voluntarily to keep their children out of school until a set date arrived-we had assurances they would agree; 2. That he guarantee to use his influence to create a peaceful atmosphere; 3. That he see that the local school authorities provide private tutors for the nine Negro children during the interim period; and 4. That he pledge to use his office to insure the peace after the given deadline for admission. One of the major stumbling blocks was the attitude of the Justice Department, which would make no commitment not to take Faubus to court. While this Department was also determined not to wait for State-court action on the sovereignty laws, it did indicate that federal action might be withdrawn once the school was integrated. The Governor would not write such a letter under those conditions. He seemed willing to go along with Sherman Adams in the use of State patrols to control the school situation once the National Guard was withdrawn, but he was impatient with Attorney General Brownell for not meeting his legal responsibilities. He was even willing to make a public declaration defending President Eisenhower from attacks by members of the Democratic Party who wanted immediate action by the Administration, but he feared that such a statement would hurt the President in identifying him with the segregationists. Brownell Demands Action I was then faced with a situation in which there was a possibility of bringing Governor Faubus and Sherman Adams together, but Herbert Brownell seemed determined on a judicial showdown. I also knew that the President would listen to Adams's counsel of moderation as long as there was a chance for conciliation but that, if that chance appeared to be fading, the counsel of Brownell, who apparently favored ultimate, extreme federal action, would gain the upper hand. This impasse extended into Tuesday, when both sides began to weary of the exchange and become somewhat belligerent. Adams was rather abrupt on the phone and said that the Governor could do anything he wanted to, if he had no regard for the consequences. Meanwhile, for the first time, I saw evidence of the influence of extremists on Faubus, who now told me that he could not let the Federal Government ram integration down the throat of the city. He was still considering the removal of the troops, however, coupled with the issuance of a statement "guaranteeing" to preserve order. This action was, of course, based on the assumption that there be at least a temporary stay of the court injunction. It seemed to me, however, that the Governor now occupied two irreconcilable positions-(1) that he respected the courts and federal law, and, (2) that he was not willing to "integrate" an unwilling city. Since Governor Faubus was still considering removal of the National Guard before the court hearing of Friday, September 20, many other questions arose. Thurgood Marshall of the NAACP, who was in town, gave private assurance to sources available to me that the Negro students would stay out of school for two weeks, provided this time be used to assure compliance with the court order rather than serve to enable agitators to stir up trouble. This raised the question of how much violence might occur at this stage if the Guard were removed. Could the city police handle the situation? FBI Chief J. Edgar Hoover was reluctant to have his investigating forces now present in Little Rock used for policing purposes. Various other alternatives, such as having the number of deputies available to the federal marshal increased, were considered. The general attitude became once again deep concern over an open split between the State and federal governments. Meanwhile, Washington sources informed me that the Justice Department was not eager for a fight and was deeply alarmed at the possibility of a showdown of force against force. Another alternative became available for the Governor in helping him resolve his dilemma. If the National Guard U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959 127

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock .The withdrawal of troops ended a chapter in the Little Rock story. The rest of the story is a part of still-unfolding history. . . . But however the story may conclude, the rule of law must prevail" him "a new Arkansas story"; generally he asked for one. Since September, however, there were few moments of levity in our conversations. On this occasion Sherman came to the point quickly. "Get Secretary Brucker on the phone," he said to his secretary, and we had a three-way talk. The Secretary explained what they had in mind about ultimate withdrawal, before June, of all the troops from the high-school building, leaving only a few men stationed at Camp Robinson across the river. Adams asked me to prepare the city and school authorities for this gradual "phasing out" of the force at the school building, leaving the policing at that point to the local authorities. Guardsmen Stay at Central High This was a consummation I had devoutly hoped for-the complete withdrawal of the military-though I had never recommended it until all who had a right to be consulted were sure that it would not jeopardize the safety of Negro or white students. I called Josh Shepherd and Clyde Lowry, members of the businessmen's group, asking them to consult the school board and the mayor and to give me the composite judgment as to this proposed next step. Shepherd called on behalf of the group, at the end of the six-man meeting which lasted an hour and a half, to say that the reaction was negative, that the city was not ready for withdrawal of all the men from Central High. I was familiar enough with the situation not to require a detailed statement of the reasons. Lowry and Shepherd, having opposed the use of the military from the outset, were as eager as I to see the troops withdrawn, but recognized that the new city-manager government was simply not ready to assume such solemn responsibility. Sherman was terribly disappointed. He raised his voice: "Now what will they do when we finally have to pull out-soldiers can't stay there indefinitely-the city must be prepared some day to do ordinary policing." I could not deny that, neither could he deny that timing was too important to be disregarded. Once during the conversation, to keep the talk from getting too brusque, I said, "You and I are about to get into an argument-that doesn't make sense. We both want the same thing-the troops out!" He gave a quick assent, saying he was not irritated-just anxious for us to make progress. I recalled to him that one time previously he had said, when we had been able to forecast a course that would ease tension and avoid the strain on federal-State relations, "We must work our way out of this together." We both moralized a bit following that comment. "It's bound to come out all right eventually," I said, and Sherman then referred to the belief of his Baptist preacher-grandfather that "all things work together for good." He then outlined another more gradual course of troop withdrawal which seemed practical. It was ironic, though, that at this juncture the White House wanted no troops at Central High, while the local leaders wanted them, the minimum. I admired Sherman and sympathized with him, too, knowing that he had many other headaches in addition to this one. I did not see him again till after Easter. At home during the recess I learned from talks with the leaders that the second plan was working. On April 15, the one day I spent in Washington before leaving for Moscow for the four-day visit with Russian Baptists, there was time to talk with him over the phone. I was glad to give him a summary of favorable changes in sentiment at home during the six weeks preceding Easter. The extremists had "overegged their pudding," I told him. The chairman of the school board, Wayne Upton, had said, "I would rather lose the school board's law suit for a review and change of the desegregation order than to have a part in forcing retention of troops here past the time when they could be safely removed." Never at any time following the September 23 conversation, in which he said, "You and I will sign off," had Adams and I discussed the Administration's decision with reference to the use of troops, but there was no cause for exchanging views on that point. Differing as I did with the White House in essential particulars of that decision, I nevertheless gave Sherman credit for desiring as much as I a solution that would get the responsibility for law and order firmly placed with State and local authorities. Only once in the talks we subsequently had on the subject did I say anything about past mistakes, and it was a repetition of my opinion that the Department of Justice should have permitted United States Attorney Cobb to discuss with the federal judge the assignment of a few deputies from the marshal's office to help the city police maintain order on September 23. It would not have been fair to my friend to ask for details as to decisions not to use United States marshals and the later decision to use troops. It was shortly after this that the appeal of Governor Faubus from the injunction issued by Judge Davies against his use of the National Guard to keep Negro children out of Central High was denied by the United States Circuit Court of Appeals. This court ruled that the State could not use its forces to suppress "rights which it is the duty of the State to defend." If such use were permitted, it would encourage violence, since opponents of those rights would have the expectation of the support of the forces of law so long as they gathered in sufficient numbers to constitute a menace to life. In the opinion of this three-man court, "A rule which would permit an official whose duty it was to enforce the law to disregard the very law which it was his duty to enforce in order to pacify a mob or suppress an insurrection, would deprive all citizens of any security in the enjoyment of their life, liberty and property." School Closes-A Chapter Ends With the school year rapidly approaching an end, President Eisenhower, in early May, ordered the withdrawal of all federal troops from Central High after school closed. In his statement releasing the remaining Guardsmen on May 29, he said: "Following that date I trust that State and local officials and citizens will assume full responsibility and duty for seeing that the orders of the federal court are not obstructed. The faithful execution of the responsibility will make it unnecessary for the Federal Government to act further to preserve the integrity of our judicial processes." The withdrawal of troops ended a chapter in the Little Rock story. The rest of the story is a part of still unfolding history that must wait for the telling. But, however the story may conclude, the rule of law must prevail. [END] U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959 135

Among topics discussed: Family background in Waycross; coaching; childhood activities: baseball, Key Club, school work; attitudes toward race growing up; decision to attend the Atlanta Division of the University of Georgia (now Georgia State University); Dr. George M. Sparks; Dr. Bill Suttles; working for Miller, Bryant, and Pierce; working for Walter Richards at the Atlanta Novelty Company; Bishop Arthur Moore of the North Georgia Methodist Conference; studying journalism; working as a cub reporter at the Atlanta Journal; Jack Nelson; sports journalism in high school for the Jacksonville Florida Times-Union, the Savannah Morning News, the Atlanta Constitution; managing editor of the Signal, Georgia State University newspaper; Charlie Emmerich; Don Carter; Jimmy Carter; Central Atlanta Project; meeting his wife Tally at the Journal; colleagues and reporters while Sweat was with the Journal; Charlie Pou; Doug Kilker, M.L. St. John, Mike Edwards, Aubrey Morris, Orville Gaines, John Still; covering Fulton County; the Fulton County Commission of Charlie Brown and Jim Aldredge; Milton Farris; Tom Camp; Archie Lindsay; Harold Sheats; Mayor William Hartsfield; Joe Hamilton; DeKalb County; Scott Candler; Wheat Williams; Sweat drafted into the Navy; James C. Davis; duties in the Navy; Combat Information Center; Martin Luther King, Jr.; Lonnie King; SNCC; Sweat's involvement with Kennedy call to King in 1960; Charlie Emmerich, Sweat and desegregation of DeKalb County facilities. ; Sweat was born in 1933 in Waycross, Georgia. He graduated from Georgia State College (later Georgia State University) in 1957 with a degree in public administration. He married his wife Tally in 1956, and they had three children and several grandchildren. Sweat covered the Fulton County courthouse for the Atlanta Journal while still in college. In 1957 he entered the Navy, where his commander allowed him to attend Seventh Fleet scheduling conferences. Sweat later returned to Atlanta, and the Journal, but later took at job as information director at DeKalb County. County Commission chairman Charles O. Emmerich took Sweat under his wing, but lost his reelection bid in 1964. Emmerich then took a job with Economic Opportunity Atlanta, a new federal anti-poverty program, and took Sweat with him. Sweat earned a reputation as a master at getting federal grants. Atlanta Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. eventually offered Sweat a position at City Hall. Sweat took a job in 1966 as director of government liaison, charged with bringing as much federal money to Atlanta as possible. Eventually Allen promoted Sweat to chief administrative officer in August of 1969. Sweat kept the same job under Mayor Sam Massell, who succeeded Allen. He coordinated Atlanta's War on Poverty and Model Cities programs during his tenure at City Hall. Sweat also played a role in the naming of the first two black department heads in city government. Sweat left City Hall in late 1971, and early the next year took a job as executive director of the Atlanta Regional Commission. He was involved in establishing the Chattahoochee River Corridor, and helped the commission survive its initial court challenges. In 1973, Sweat became president of Central Atlanta Progress. In that role he represented downtown business interests, and gained the reputation as a major power broker in Atlanta. Sweat bridged the gap between new black political power at City Hall and the white downtown business establishment. He was involved in numerous high profile downtown projects, including the redevelopment of both Underground Atlanta and the Bedford Pines neighborhood. Sweat left CAP in 1988 and took a job with the CF Foundation, a philanthropic organization affiliated with developer Thomas G. Cousins. In 1991, former President Jimmy Carter appointed Sweat coordinator of the Atlanta Project. Sweat helped raise $14 million in his first year on the job. He left in 1995. These interviews were conducted during an illness that resulted in Sweat's death in 1997. His condition during the interviews had an impact on the content, length, and structure of the interviews.

Among topics discussed: Attending Washington and Lee University in Lexington, Virginia; Martin Luther King, Jr., not allowed to speak there; University of Virginia Law School; Griffin Bell and Taliaferro County case; desegregation; Taliaferro County in receivership; NAACP; Washington, D.C., Kennedy and Johnson eras; Rome, Georgia, attorney Bob Brenson and Diola Peek case; King and Spalding law firm; realization of unfairness toward the poor; tenants and Atlanta Housing Authority; missionaries from Yale University and Northeast; Ide's mother and Sarah Lawrence College, disadvantaged children; growing up in segregated Pickens, South Carolina; Brenson, Frank Johnson, Elbert Tuttle, John Minor Wisdom, workers with Georgia Legal Services; Atlanta Legal Aid Society and Nancy Cheves; Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO); Michael Padnos; Betty Kehrer; Fred LeClair, Emory University, and Georgia county economic study; Georgia Younger Lawyers Section and legal aid; Jim Elliott; Phil Heiner; Betsy Neely and Reginald Heaver Smith Program ("Reggie"), Virginia Law School; explanation of "Reggie"; Ben Shapiro; funds from Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW); Jim Parham; DFACS; Herschel Saucier; beginning of legal aid approved by Bar at St. Simons meeting; Stell Huie; Georgia Indigent Legal Services Program; common attacks against legal aid; Emory University and legal aid; Ben Johnson; Dean Johnson; Maynard Jackson; Bucky Askew; Dan Bradley; American Bar Association (ABA); Justice Lewis Powell; John Cromartie; importance of State Bar's involvement; H. Sol Clark, Mr. Legal Aid in Georgia; opposition from older, conservative lawyers; Dan Bradley and OEO; formation of Georgia Legal Services outside the Bar; Cubbege Snow, Jr., of Macon; Gus Cleveland; Atlanta Saturday Lawyers; arguments made against legal aid; John Hopkins of King and Spalding; Edgar and Jean Kahn; National Legal Aid and Defenders Association (NLADA); Sargent "Sarge" Shriver; Earl Johnson; Al Kehrer, husband of Betty Kehrer, union organizing; Democratic Party; Steve Gottlieb and Brunswick; Savannah; Joe Bergen; Sonny Seiler; New Orleans. Gov. Lester Maddox acceptance of federal funds for Legal Aid; Maddox considered a populist; Gov. George Wallace of Alabama; Richard Nixon and China; memories of Phil Heiner; core group (Ide, Kehrer, Neely, Parham, Ben Johnson, et al.) meeting at Tasty Town; Ben Shapiro; Austin Ford and Ben Brown, first board of directors; War on Poverty; legal aid as a spinoff of the War on Poverty and Civil Rights; Ide traveling to other states to help with formation of legal aid; Bill Tharpe of North Carolina; Spencer Gilbert of Mississippi; Georgia as a model; fading out of Georgia Indigent Legal Services; Pierre Howard and the budget funding; Mary Margaret Oliver of Gainesville; Nancy Cheves of Columbus; Evans Plowden of Albany; Tom Dennard of Brunswick; decision to go out in the state; Frank Myers of Americus; Milton Carlton of Swainsboro; Albert Fendig of Brunswick; Georgia Criminal Justice Council; funding changes during the Nixon era; Jeff Donfeld; Bud Crowe; Howard Phillips of California; Lewis Powell; threats to Legal Aid: Reagan administration, Murphy Amendment, Edith Green Amendment; limitations to funding; California Rural Legal Assistance, Inc. (CRLA); function of lawyers under the English system before Revolution; Talbot "Sandy" D'Alemberte, president of Florida State University and former ABA president; John McKay and Republicans; Warren Rudman; Jack Adams, Cubbege Snow, and Gus Cleveland: Bar leaders; funding debates in state legislature; Pierre Howard; Norman Underwood; hiring Betty Kehrer; Savannah Bar Association opposition to legal aid. Joe Bergen's lawsuit against Steve Gottlieb; Sonny Seiler; Aaron Buchsbaum; suit thrown out; Judge Land; Ruth Combs; Martin "Marty" Layfield; Greg Dellaire of Seattle; Denny Ray; trouble non-southern lawyers had relating to southern culture; Taliaferro County, Judge Bell, receivership; Ide's legal services in Africa and Eastern Europe; comparison with American law system; references to the West Bank and Bosnia; Sonny Seiler in Sea Island, Georgia, 1970s; sheriff of Dawson County, Georgia, and election; Bob Hall and Supreme Court of Georgia; Seiler's law firm burned; threats against Frank Johnson; Brenson and Peek case; shifts in legal system; Austin Ford; Revius Ortique of New Orleans; Dorothy Bolden; issues with Latino community; Fulton County and Latinos; Ide's reflections on legal service career; Phyllis Holmen; Bucky Askew; changes in post World War II America, Eisenhower administration; liberation movements; Brown v. Board of Education; Fourteenth Amendment, legal services' relationship to the U.S. Constitution; responsiveness of State Bar's leadership; Andrew Young and "Save Georgia Indigent Legal Services"; Taliaferro County; trial in Augusta, Georgia; Judge Morgan; Judge Bell; Judge Frank Scarlett and attitude toward Plessy v. Ferguson; Howard Moore; Don Hollowell; Charlie Bloch; discussion on school system; administration of Gov. S. Ernest Vandiver; Discussion on Judge Bell; Sibley Commission; cooperation within legal services. ; Bill Ide is a past president of the American Bar Association (1993-1994). He served as an attorney in the Atlanta and Washington, D.C., law firm of Long Aldridge & Norman and is currently with Monsanto. He has been active with legal aid in Georgia since he was a law student.

Article from the Washington Post reflecting on the legacy of Brooks Hays ; David S. Broder The Spirit of Brooks Hays Brooks Hays of Arkansas was a wispy, balding man who was a presence in Washington for almost half of his 83 years-a favorite character, a beloved storyteller and a moral force of al-most unequaled dimension, from his election to the House in 1942 until his death last month. His is an appropriate story for Thanksgiving week, because it is an authentically American tale of high good humor and remarkable cour-age. He was born in London- "London, Hope County, Arkansas," as Sen. Dale Bumpers of Arkansas reminded the Senate in his eulogy. He became that familiar American character, the small-town lawyer and Southern Baptist deacon. He came to Congress at the age of 44 and left it in defeat at age 60 to take up a second career as a White House aide, teacher, writer and leader of his church. When he died, there were only 20 members in the House who had served with him. But listening to the tales told of him when the House memorialized him earlier this month, it was clear that Brooks Hays had become one of the enduring and even mythical figures of the Congress which, like all institutions, craves its heroes and legends. Much of the legend is based on his storytell-ing, his way with an anecdote. Congress is a body of raconteurs, but few have been able to do with a story what Hays could do: create characters and scenes you could see and feel, and slip in a telling point of view while your guard was down. Some of his lines were so perfect you just wanted to marvel. When he was serving on the U.S. delegation to the United Nations, the Rus-sians were pressing for the admission of Outer Mongolia as a separate nation. "Fair enough," Hays said, "if the U.N. will also admit Texas and call it Outer Arkansas." His courage was demonstrated most clearly by the events that brought him defeat. As the congressman from Little Rock and a moderate on racial issues, Hays sought to mediate the conflict between Arkansas Gov. Orval E. Faubus and the federal authorities over the 1957 desegregation of Little Rock Central High School. He managed to bring Faubus and President Eisenhower together for a meeting that fleetingiy raised hopes, but ultimately failed to avert the violence and the dispatch of federal troops. A year later, in 1958, Faubus turned on Hays and supported a segregationist write-in candi-date, who defeated the congressman with a well-executed sneak attack. Hays' loss shocked and shamed his home city and the Congress in which he served. In both arenas, it served to strengthen the resolve of those who shared his tolerant and moderate views. The defeat did not shock him. As Billy Graham said at a testimonial dinner for Hays a month after his defeat, "Little Rock realizes it has made a tragic mistake . but that doesn't dismay our friend Congressman Hays' good humor, common sense and integrity will take him through." And so they did, for another 23 years of a life that left a permanent mark on the institutional memory of Congress and his church and of the institutions he founded and inspired. They ranged from the Former Members of Congress Association to the Close-Up Foundation, which brings hundreds of young people to Washington each year for a firsthand view of their government. If Congress is to remain an institution to which alumni can return with pride and which youngsters can view without cynicism, today's lawmakers will need the qualities Brooks Hays exemplified. They could find no better guide than the words Hays himself spoke at that dinner in 1958. "I have cheerfully accepted several defeats, because I acknowledge the principle of majority rule," he said. "That rule will be frustrated, however, unless the people are given an oppor-tunity to secure and deliberate upon the facts and the issues. "And throughout the structure of popular government, there must be such respect for the minority that public policy is built on wisdom and justice in representative functions, not on the sophistry that the majority's judgment is al-ways wise and best for the people. "In the 1958 campaigning," this wise and just politician said, "I was not trying to ride a popular idea. I was trying to popularize an idea that had become so much a part of me I could not rid myself of it if I had tried." Wherever a politician can speak honestly of himself or herself in those terms, the spirit of Brooks Hays will live.

Authors' introductionAlthough Latinas/os have a long history in the United States and represent a growing percentage of the population, they remain largely invisible or stereotyped in popular images and discourses. Ahistoric, fragmented, and individual‐level perspectives often frame Latina/o migration, education, and activism and thus negatively influence public perceptions and policy. Fortunately, over the past 30 years, scholars in disciplines such as sociology, history, Chicana/o–Latina/o Studies, and Latin American Studies have done much to remedy these gaps and misperceptions. However, for a broad and inclusive approach to understanding the structures influencing Latina/o lives and communities, we believe that more work is needed to connect these scholarly developments which are often separated by academic divisions. Thus, we recommend the following materials that together offer a multidisciplinary and multifaceted framework that highlights the significance of global capitalism and white supremacy on Latina/o immigration, education, and activism. Key to this framework is a movement away from individual‐level arguments and assimilationist perspectives to an emphasis on US imperialism, economic exploitation, and schooling within capitalism. By broadening the frameworks for analysis and linking together the factors shaping Latina/o migration, education, and activism, we emphasize the systems of power and inequality that influence the lives of marginalized communities, without losing sight of the legacy of resistance in Latin America and the United States.Suggested textsTomas Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994).Using primary and secondary sources, this book traces the distinct racialized experiences of Native Americans, Mexican Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, and European Americans in late‐19th century California. Almaguer focuses on the material and ideological basis of group placement and delivers one of the few theoretical works on the factors shaping the multiracial hierarchy that characterizes the history of California.Antonia Darder, Reinventing Paulo Freire: A Pedagogy of Love (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002).This engaging book roots contemporary schooling to global capitalism and racism. In it, Darder draws on the legacy of renowned Brazilian educator Paulo Freire to offer powerful reflections and examples from today's teachers who are practicing liberatory education in the struggle for social and economic justice.Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Chicano Education in the Era of Segregation (Philadelphia, PA: Balch Institute Press, 1990).This foundational book is devoted to the history of Chicana/o education and traces the roots of inequality in education from the early 1900s to Mendez v. Westminster, the landmark desegregation case in 1947. Gonzalez uses historical documents and dissertations to detail the historical relationships between capitalism, sociological theories, and school practices in reproducing a classed, raced, and gendered labor market. He placed particular attention on Americanization Programs, segregated schooling, vocational education, and the political economy. The book ends with an analysis of the role of parents, community, and various organizations in the eventual elimination of de jure segregation for Mexican American students in schools.Juan Gonzalez, Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001).Employing a hemispheric approach, journalist Juan Gonzalez analyzes the close connection between US imperial expansion and Latino/a migration. As part of the harvest of empire, Gonzalez examines migration from various countries, including Mexico, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba, focusing on the macro‐structural factors that have led to migration.'History and Critical Pedagogies: Transforming Consciousness, Classrooms, and Communities', Radical History Review, 102 (Fall 2008).This special journal issue explores how scholars and activists have used critical pedagogies to challenge unequal power relations in classrooms and communities. A number of articles provide concrete reflections and strategies such as drama‐based pedagogies, service‐learning, and community‐based projects. Interviews with scholars and activists demonstrate how praxis has the power to transform society and popular education employs an asset‐based approach to education.Pierrette Hondagneu‐Sotelo, Doméstica: Central Americans Cleaning and Caring in the Shadow of Affluence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).This qualitative study focuses on the lives and experiences of domestic workers and the people who employ them. After beginning with an important overview of the historical, economic, and political context shaping Central American migration and the service industry, Hondagneu‐Sotelo provides an in‐depth and nuanced analysis of domestic work and employee‐employer relationships. She ends the book with crucial strategies for improving the occupation and examples of labor organizing among Los Angeles‐area domestic workers.Enrique C. Ochoa and Gilda L. Ochoa, eds., Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005).This collection of articles examines diverse Latina/o communities in the greater Los Angeles regions and their formations and activism in the context of global capitalism. The first section examines how migration is connected to macro factors including US foreign policy and capitalist restructuring. The second section explores community and identity (re)formation. The final section examines multiple forms of activism, with articles on the struggle for Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, Justice for Janitors, and labor and community alliances with day laborers.Suggested videos El Norte (1983)This now‐classic feature length film by Gregory Nava traces the harrowing experiences of a young brother and sister as they migrate from Guatemala to the United States. Along with capturing their trying experiences crossing multiple borders, the film also details the struggles they encounter as they try to adjust to the hardships of life in the United States, including their distinct gendered experiences. We recommend combining this film with a discussion of the increased border deaths accompanying the growing criminalization of immigrants and the militarization of the Guatemala–Mexico and the Mexico–United States borders. Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary (1997)In this documentary, Director Laura Angelica Simon details the contemporary impact of anti‐immigration policies and debates on students and teachers at a Los Angeles elementary school. The documentary was made during the 1990s when California was in the midst of an economic recession and citizens were voting on Proposition 187, an initiative that sought to deny social services to undocumented immigrants. It is a powerful teaching tool that includes students' voices and experiences; however, we suggest combining the video with some historical background on US military, economic, and political involvement in Latin America. Viewers might also be encouraged to deconstruct some of the director's images, interview questions, and racially loaded language. Made in L.A. (Hecho in Los Angeles) (2007)This documentary follows the lives of three inspiring Latina garment workers originally from Mexico and El Salvador and their participation in the 3‐year struggle for labor rights. In the process of organizing through the Garment Worker Center for basic labor protections from the trendy clothing retailer Forever 21, the women become increasingly empowered – resulting in one who separates from her husband and another who becomes an organizer. Woven throughout their narratives are the historical struggle of garment workers, the role of nation‐states in dividing families, and the power of coalition building. Salt of the Earth (1954)This feature‐length move is based on an actual labor struggle of the era. It examines the intersections of class, race/ethnicity, and gender as a primarily Mexicana/o community goes on strike and struggles with historic patriarchy to unify against the large mining company that dominates their lives. The movie deals with the legacy of US conquest of the Southwest and capitalist expansion in the region, while showing how communities have struggled to challenge inequalities. Salt of the Earth was made by artists shunned during the McCarthy era and the movie was not played widely in the United States. Much of the cast were not professional actors but were workers and union activists involved in the strike. Taking Back the Schools (1996)This documentary focuses on the 1968 Chicana/o School Blowouts where over 10,000 East Los Angeles students walked out of their high schools demanding bilingual‐bicultural education, more Mexican American teachers, relevant curriculum, accurate textbooks, and the end of curriculum tracking and prejudiced teachers who steered Mexican Americans into vocational classes. It uses original footage from the walkouts and contemporary interviews with the student organizers. It also highlights the precursors to the walkouts such as a history of Spanish language repression and de jure and de facto segregation in schools. Voces inocentes/Innocent Voices (2005)Set in 1980s El Salvador, the movie follows the life of a young boy during the Civil War. It deals with the impacts of war and US intervention on youth.Suggested websites David Bacon, 'Uprooted and Criminalized: The Impact of Free Market on Migrants,'Backgrounder The Oakland Institute (Autumn 2008) http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/pdfs/backgrounder_uprooted.pdf Renowned journalist and activist David Bacon provides a lively analysis of the link between free trade policies and migration. Drawing on his years of activism and journalism, Bacon underscores the human toll of free trade and migration while laying bare the system that undergirds it. Several powerful photographs complement the report. In Motion Magazine‐Education Rights Section http://www.inmotionmagazine.com/er.html In Motion Magazine is a multicultural progressive on‐line magazine dealing with democracy. Harvard education professor Pedro Noguera co‐edits the Education Rights section to provide 'a forum for activists, educators, parents and students who are searching for alternative ideas to the challenges confronting education today.' Mexican Labor News and Analysis (MLNA) http://www.ueinternational.org/Mexico_info/mlna.php MLNA publishes the latest news on labor and social justice issues in Mexico. It emphasizes labor and working class struggles and does an excellent job of tracking strikes, demonstrations, and demands for social justice. MLNA is published in conjunction with the Authentic Labor Front in Mexico and the United Electrical Workers in the United States. ICED (I Can End Deportation) http://www.icedgame.com This an educational game deals with combating deportation. It focuses on several New York City youth and their struggles. Players must answer a series of questions on immigration and avoid ICE agents. Background lesson material is provided and is aligned with the New York State Standards. Rethinking Schools http://www.rethinkingschools.org/ Rethinking Schools is a monthly publication committed to educational equality and the vision of the public school as foundational in a democratic society. Articles are published by teachers, activists, parents, and students on a wide range of issues affecting schools. In addition to the monthly magazine, it publishes a broad range of progressive educational materials dealing with educating working class students of color.Sample syllabusMost general courses should include materials on Latinas/os especially given the historical presence and the contemporary growth of the population. For example, the following sections, topics, and reading could be incorporated into any of the following courses: Introduction to Sociology, Sociology of (Im)Migration, Sociology of Education, Race and Ethnicity, Social Movements, and Chicanas/os‐Latinas/os in the United States.Section 1: Chicana/o‐Latina/o Identities in the U.S.Topics: Latina/o Heterogeneity; Pan‐ethnicity; Identity Formation; Multiple Identities; Racial FormationReadings:Aurora Levins Morales, 'Child of the Americas,' in Race, Class, and Gender in the United States, ed. Paula Rothenberg (New York, NY: St. Martin's Press 2001), 660–661.Pat Mora, 'Legal Alien' in Making Face, Making Soul, Haciendo Caras: Creative and Critical Perspectives by Feminists of Color, ed. Gloria Anzaldúa (San Francisco, CA: Aunt Lute Foundation, 1990), p. 376.Martha E. Gimenez, 'Latino/Hispanic – Who Needs a Name?' in Latinos and Education: A Critical Reader, eds. Antonia Darder, Rodolofo D. Torres, and Henry Gutiérrez (New York, NY: Routledge, 1997), 225–238.Gilda L. Ochoa, ' "This is Who I Am": Negotiating Racial/Ethnic Constructions' in Becoming Neighbors in a Mexican American Community: Power, Conflict, and Solidarity (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2004), 70–97.Anulkah Thomas, 'Black Face, Latin Looks: Racial‐Ethnic Identity among Afro‐Latinos in the Los Angeles Region' in Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005), 197–221.Bernadete Beserra, 'Negotiating Latinidade in Los Angeles: The Case of Brazilian Immigrants' in Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005), 178–196.Cherrie Moraga, 'La Güera' in Loving in the War Years (Boston, MA: South End Press, 1983), 50–59.Nicholas De Genova and Ana Y. Ramos‐Zayas, Latino Crossings: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and the Politics of Race and Citizenship (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003).Section 2: Theorizing and (De)Constructing Popular Conceptions of Latinas/os and Latin AmericaTopics: White Supremacy; Manifest Destiny; The Social Construction of Race; Dominant Conceptions of Immigration; Linking Migration, Education, and ActivismReadings:Tomás Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994).Clara E. Rodríguez, Changing Race: Latinos, the Census, and the History of Ethnicity in the United States (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2000).Leo R. Chavez, Covering Immigration: Popular Images and the Politics of the Nation (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).Gilda L. Ochoa and Enrique C. Ochoa, 'Framing Latina/o Immigration, Education, and Activism', Sociology Compass. 1/2 (2007), 701–719.Section 3: US Imperialism and Capitalist Expansion in Latin AmericaReadings:Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Culture of Empire: American Writers, Mexico, Mexican Immigrants (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2003).Laura Briggs, Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, and Science and U.S. Imperialism in Puerto Rico (Berkeley, CA: UC Press, 2002).Robert G. Williams, Export Agriculture and the Crisis in Central America (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988).Juan Gonzalez, Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001).Greg Grandin, Empire's Workshop: Latin America, The United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York, NY: Metropolitan Books, 2006).Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The U.S. in Central America (New York, NY: W.W. Norton, 1993).Héctor Tober, Tattooed Soldier (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2000).Judith Adler Hellman, Mexican Lives (New York, NY: The New Press, 1995).David Bacon, Illegal People: How Globalization Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2007).Video: Voces inocentes/Innocent Voices (2005)Section 4: Politics, Economics, and Latin American Migration to the U.S.Topics: The 'Revolving Door Strategy;' Economic Restructuring; Transnational Ties; Gender and Migration; Undocumented MigrationReadings:Saskia Sassen, Globalization and Its Discontents: Essays on the New Mobility of People and Money (New York, NY: New York University Press, 1998).Maria Cristina García, Seeking Refuge: Central American Migration to Mexico, the United States, and Canada (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006).Jonathan Fox and Gaspar Rivera‐Salgado. Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the United States (San Diego, CA: Center for Comparative Immigration Studies, 2004).Joseph Nevins, Dying to Live: A Story of U.S. Immigration in an Age of Global Apartheid (San Francisco, CA: City Lights Publishers, 2008).Robert Courtney Smith, Mexican New York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006).Cecilia Menjívar, Fragmented Ties: Salvadoran Immigrant Networks in America (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000).Pierrette Hondagneu‐Sotelo, Doméstica: Central Americans Cleaning and Caring in the Shadow of Affluence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).Leon Fink, The Maya of Morgantown: Work and Community in the New South (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003).Gloria González‐Lopez, Erotic Journeys: Mexican Immigrants and their Sex Lives (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005).Video: El Norte (1983)Section 5: Latinas/os and Education: Schools as Reproducers of InequalityTopics: Americanization Programs; De Jure and De Facto Segregation; Curriculum Tracking; Education and Globalization; Raced and Gendered Experiences; Undocumented YouthReadings:Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Chicano Education in the Era of Segregation (Philadelphia, PA: Balch Institute Press, 1990).Antonia Darder, Reinventing Paulo Freire: A Pedagogy of Love (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002).Michael W. Apple, Educating the 'Right' Way: Markets, Standards, God, and Inequality (New York, NY: Routledge Falmer, 2001).Gilda G. Ochoa, Learning from Latino Teachers (San Francisco, CA: Jossey‐Bass Publishers, 2007).Angela Valenzuela, Subtractive Schooling: U.S.‐Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999).Nancy Lopez, Hopeful Girls, Troubled Boys: Race and Gender Disparity in Urban Education (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003).Gabriela Madera, Angelo A. Mathay, Armin M. Najafi, et al. Underground Undergrads: UCLA Undocumented Immigrant Students Speak Out (Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Center for Labor Research and Education, 2008).Videos:The Lemon Grove Incident (1986)Mendez v. Westminster (2004)Taking Back the Schools (1996)Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary (1997)Section 6: Latina/o Resistance and ActivismTopics: Responses to U.S. Imperialism; union and grassroots activism; school integration; cross‐border organizingWillia V. Flores and Rina Benmayor, Latino Cultural Citizenship: Claiming Identity, Space, and Rights (Boston, MA: Beacon, 1997).Mary Pardo, Mexican American Women Activists: Identity and Resistance in Two Los Angeles Communities (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1998).Ruth Milkman, L.A. Story: Immigrant Workers and the Future of the Labor Movement (New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006).Milagros Peña, Latina Activists Across Borders: Women's Grassroots Organizing in Mexico and Texas (Duke University Press, 2007).Guadalupe San Miguel Jr., Brown, Not White: School Integration and the Chicano Movement in Houston (College Station, TX: Texas A.M. Press, 2001).Kara Zugman, 'Autonomy in a Poetic Voice: Zapatistas and Politics Organizing in Los Angeles', Latino Studies. 3 (2005): 325–46.Videos:Salt of the Earth (1954)Bread and Roses (2000)Made in L.A. (2007)Focus questionsWhat are the dominant images of Latina/o migration, education, and activism? From where do these images emerge? Why do they exist? Who benefits from them? How have they changed over time? What are their impacts? How are these images being challenged?What connections can be made between Latina/o migration, education, and activism? What theoretical frameworks can be used to understand each one individually and the three of them collectively? What are the relationships between Latina/o migration, education, and activism?Discuss the value of adopting a historical, economic, and political framework of Latina/o migration, education, and activism. Assess the value of applying a similar framework to other contemporary topics.Compare and contrast the similarities and differences that exist among Latinas/os in the United States.How does centering the history and experiences of Latinas/os enhance your understanding of race/ethnicity, class, and gender?Looking toward the future, what do you think will be the state of Latina/o migration, education, and activism in the next ten years? What led you to these hypotheses? What do you need to know to address this question? What do you hope will be the state of Latina/o migration, education, and activism in the next 10 years? Why? How does your desire compare with the desires conveyed in the videos or readings? What might account for these shared or different hopes?Note
* Correspondence address: Pomona College. Email: glo04747@pomona.edu