Suchergebnisse

The right of each person to education is a transformative element in itself with the potential to transform the lives of individuals, communities and societies. There is a wide range of regulatory frameworks, declarations and commitments signed and assumed by the countries of the region. However, just mentioning the subject is not enough. The need for a not only political but also economic commitment and the financing of education so that the right to educational continuity of all people can be effectively guaranteed in an inclusive and equitable framework of quality education. In this sense, it is also important to highlight the comparative value that governance constitutes and its formidable educational impact effect by reinforcing the vital importance of adopting a rights-based approach based on non-discrimination, but above all, focused on equal access and permanence of the most vulnerable groups. ; El derecho de cada persona a la educación resulta un elemento trasformador en sí mismo, con el potencial de transformar las vidas de las personas, comunidades y sociedades. Existe una amplia gama de marcos normativos, declaraciones y compromisos firmados y asumidos por los países de la región. Sin embargo, con tan solo mencionar el tema no es suficiente. La necesidad de un compromiso no solo político sino económico y de financiamiento de la educación, para que efectivamente pueda garantizarse el derecho a la continuidad educativa de todas las personas en un marco de educación de calidad, inclusivo y con equidad. En este sentido, también cabe destacar el valor comparativo que constituye la gobernanza y su formidable efecto de incidencia educativa al reforzar la vital importancia de la adopción de un enfoque de derechos, basado en la no discriminación, pero sobre todas las situaciones, enfocado en la igualdad de acceso y permanencia de grupos más vulnerables. ; O direito de cada pessoa à educação é um elemento transformador em si mesmo com o potencial de transformar a vida dos indivíduos, comunidades e sociedades. Existe uma ampla gama de estruturas normativas, declarações e compromissos assinados e assumidos pelos países da região. Entretanto, a simples menção da questão não é suficiente. Há necessidade não só de compromisso político, mas também de compromisso econômico e financiamento da educação, a fim de garantir efetivamente o direito à continuidade educacional para todas as pessoas dentro de uma estrutura de educação de qualidade, inclusiva e equitativa. Neste sentido, também é importante destacar o valor comparativo da governança e seu formidável impacto na educação, reforçando a grande importância de adotar uma abordagem baseada em direitos e na não-discriminação, mas, acima de tudo, focada na igualdade de acesso e permanência para os grupos mais vulneráveis.

O modelo de Richardson e classico no campo das Relações Internacionais, ao descrever a corrida armamentista entre dois atores, por meio de sistema de equações diferenciais ordinarias com coecientes constantes acerca dos respectivos orcamentos militares. Neste artigo, estendemos o modelo de Richardson para abarcar um numero arbitrário de atores e investigar se existem fatores de escala que surgem quando vários atores são considerados, em primeiro lugar tratando o caso especial quando os atores são indiferenciados, e, em segundo lugar, indagamos sobre o caso de atores diferenciados. Relatamos que, a medida que aumenta o numero de atores, não háa garantia de que os orcamentos individuais tendem a aumentar sem limites, o que e um resultado teórico não presente no modelo original e apresenta novas possibilidades de se pensar a os limites da estabilidade do sistema internacional. ; Richardson's model is classical in the eld of International Relations, which describes arms race between two actors, by means of system of ordinary dierential equations with constant coecients of the respective military budgets. In this paper, we extend Richardson's model to comprise an arbitrary number of actors to investigate whether there are scale properties that arise when multiple actors are considered, rstly by treating the special case when the actors are undierentiated, then the case of dierentiated actors. We report that, as the number of actors increases, there is no guarantee that individual budgets will not tend to increase limitlessly, which is a theoretical result not present in the original model and presents new possibilities of thinking about the boundaries of international system stability.

Being disabled/ impaired has been a reason for exclusion from family life but mostly from society since times immemorial. The demonological model of disability (Aguado Diaz, 1995; Amiralian et al., 2000; Oliveira, 2000) argues that people with disabilities (PwD) were regarded as the embodiment of evil or of a divine punishment and, because of this, were either segregated from social life or eliminated altogether, for instance, by chocking or drowning. However, there are accounts of these people being used for freak shows and circuses. From the Middle Ages onwards, the focus shifted to the medical-clinical approach that concerned itself with identifying and attempting to solve the medical causes behind disabilities. This led to the creation of the first asylums and specialised hospitals, such as the Bethlem Royal Hospital, in London in 1247, and, in 1260, the asylum of Quinze-Vingts, in Paris, founded by Louis XIII for blind people. Only after the 2nd WW and the 1990s would this mindset begin to change: after the former, stemming from the waves of demands voiced by the soldiers returning from the war with multiple disabilities, seeking to be reintegrated in and valued by the society that had exploited them, and the latter that crowned the concept of inclusion, placing the onus for the barriers in PwD's lives on society itself. Thus, impairment would become a keyword as the functional difficulties people may have and disability as the obstacles society creates – in its ableist (Nario-Redmond, 2020) overall approach – by not being prepared for all sorts of people. Despite all this evolution, am I free to be different? Can I be accepted in my society if I have a disability/ impairment? Will I be allowed to fit in? Will I be eyed as an uncomfortable burden that politically correctness forces others to accept? How educated are we in embracing the diversity in people's abilities and in freeing ourselves from the long-held belief in "normality"? These are some of the questions I aim to reflect upon and, drawing on thought-provoking examples, lead to the deconstruction of the traditional assumptions on disability/ impairment. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The decline of civic engagement has been an issue for several EU Member States. To promote civic engagement, digital tools have been perceived as one of the possible solutions both at the EU and national levels. Within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic that has intensified digitalisation in many forms and sectors, the issue of digital solutions for civic engagement has regained its relevance and topicality. In the last decade, Latvia has been among other EU Member States in which civic engagement has become a concerning and long-term challenge. For instance, as opposed to Estonia, voter turnout in the most recent national and European parliamentary elections has gradually declined in Latvia. There are also limited digital possibilities through which Latvian society can participate and influence the political agenda daily. Therefore, this article provides an overview of the provisions and guidelines at the EU level to address the issue of civic engagement by promoting digital democracy tools. Secondly, it analyses what digital tools exist in Latvia to promote civic engagement. Thirdly, by comparing the digital civic engagement solutions implemented in Estonia and Latvia, the lessons learned are drawn. Finally, using data from quantitative (polls) studies (before and during the COVID-19 pandemic), the article provides recommendations for Latvia in the context of I-voting.

Abstract
This paper considers the role that the law of international responsibility, both State responsibility and responsibility of international organizations, plays in claims and disputes about covid-19. It proceeds by examining in turn the rubrics of the internationally wrongful act, content of responsibility, and implementation of responsibility. On most points, blackletter law is perfectly capable of answering the questions raised by claims related to covid-19. But evolutionary potential inherent in the normal international legal process should also be recognised, whether it manifests itself by further strengthening current rules, elaborating vague rules by application, filling gaps in current law by generating new practice or even, exceptionally, revisiting rules currently in force.

AbstractThe current (once) international law of state responsibility is shaped by the International Law Commission's Articles on responsibility of States for internationally wrongful acts, generally endorsed in state and judicial practice as consonant with custom. This Essay makes the case that the global pandemic and associated practice may affect foundational elements of the (future) law of state responsibility. It outlines the contours of systemic grain of possible developments by reference to the tension between bilateralism and community interests in international law.

Os registros fotográficos aqui apresentados foram feitos no Instituto Federal da Paraíba, campus Jaguaribe, como uma das atividades realizadas pelo PIBID Sociologia 2018/2019 e teve como principal objetivo refletir como se dão as relações no ambiente escolar. Mas para além disso, os registros nos revelaram um conjunto de limitações para que essas relações aconteçam. Os portões, grades e cercas levam os estudantes a vivenciar os seus momentos de lazer, descanso e estudo extra classe quase sempre nos corredores e pátios. Faltam um restaurante universitário, espaços de estudo onde possam conversar entre si e lugares onde possam se recuperar da agenda de um dia todo de atividades. Diante da falta, improvisam camas, mesas e tabuleiros, enquanto sonham e lutam pela escola que gostariam. As imagens foram inseridas também no curta produzido por mim e Paula Cavalcante e denominado "Por dentro do IF", disponível no ciberespaço.

The creation of the European Single Market (ESM) and the adoption of the Euro eliminated barriers for capital mobility. This paper analysis the dependency of investment on domestic savings across European Union (EU) economies over three different time frames split by major milestones in the economic history of the union. Using a panel error correction model, I find evidence of low capital mobility before the creation of the ESM and after the crisis of 2008, suggesting that a solvency constraint can bind investment to domestic savings even when barriers for capital mobility are eliminated. The estimates suggest that there is a long-run relationship between the aforementioned aggregates associated with a solvency constraint. However, this constraint does not appear to be binding between 1993 and 2007, matching with an increased spread in the current account balances between high and low income economies among the EU. Between 2007 and 2020, restrictions on borrowing faced by some EU economies reduced capital mobility, despite the absence of capital controls and exchange rate risk. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion