Suchergebnisse

As the author sees it, the Sino-Russian border was a product of Tsarist Russian expansion. In the 19th century, the Russians seized a total of 1.5 million square kilometers of Chinese territory. After a brief look at the border agreements between China and Russia since 1689, he discusses border disputes between the USSR and the PRC after 1949, negotiations between them on the eastern border, problems in the western sector and Sino-Soviet talks on troop reductions along the border. (DÜI-Sen)

NORTH KOREA'S AGREEMENT TO SUSPEND ITS ANNOUNCED WITHDRAWAL FROM THE NUCLEAR NONPROLIFERATION TREATY (NPT) IS A WELCOME REPRIEVE FROM THE PERILOUS CONSEQUENCES OF THIS PROVOCATIVE ACT. THE JOINT U.S.-NORTH KOREAN STATEMENT ON JUNE 11, 1993, DOES NOT SOLVE THE PROBLEM, BUT IT DOES BUY TIME TO BRING PYONGYANG INTO FULL COMPLIANCE WITH THE NPT.

Abstract

Objective
Alcohol withdrawal syndrome (AWS) is a frequent and potentially life-threatening condition experienced in alcohol use disorder. Since hypomagnesemia is involved in AWS's severity, we conducted a multicenter double-blind randomized placebo-controlled trial to examine the efficacy of oral magnesium supplementation as an adjuvant therapy of AWS.


Material and Methods
Inpatients were recruited in six different centers if they had a baseline score higher than eight on the Revised Clinical Institute Withdrawal Assessment for Alcohol (CIWA-Ar). The experimental treatment was magnesium lactate dehydrate, administrated three times per day providing a total of 426.6 mg per day and up to 15 days. The primary endpoint was the significant between-group difference of the CIWA-Ar total score change from baseline to 3 days later. The treatment group and baseline score were introduced as covariables in an analysis of covariance.


Results
A total of 98 inpatients were included {71.4% of men; mean age of 49.1 years [standard deviation (SD): 10.3]}. In the intention-to-treat population, the mean reduction of the CIWA-Ar score in the experimental group between baseline and 3 days later was 10.1 (SD: 5.2), whereas it was 9.2 (SD: 3.9) in the control group. The absolute difference of the adjusted mean in the experimental group compared with the control group was −0.69 (SD: 0.72), which did not correspond to a significant between-group difference (P = 0.34). Per-protocol analysis and sensitivity analyses also supported this result. Supplementary analyses found no significant difference regarding benzodiazepine consumption, magnesium blood concentration, and satisfaction to care.


Conclusions
The present study does not support the rationale of systematic oral magnesium supplementation in patients with AWS.

THE FOUR VICTORIOUS ALLIED POWERS AND THE TWO GERMAN STATES MET ON SEPTEMBER 12, 1990, TO PUT A FORMAL END TO WORLD WAR II IN EUROPE. WITH THE SIGNING OF THE TREATY ON THE FINAL SETTLEMENT WITH RESPECT TO GERMANY, THE SIX NATIONS PAVED THE WAY TO GERMAN UNIFICATION AND THE REMOVAL OF SOVIET TROOPS FROM THE HEART OF EUROPE, ELIMINATING THE MOST SIGNIFICANT VESTIGES OF THE WAR.

THIS ARTICLE DISCUSSES THE NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION TREATY (NPT), WHICH HAS BECOME THE MOST WIDELY ADHERED-TO ARMS CONTROL AGREEMENT IN HISTORY. IT HAS PLAYED A KEY ROLE IN PREVENTING THE SPREAD OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS. THE NPT CONSISTS OF 11 ARTICLES WHICH ARE SUMMARIZED IN THIS ARTICLE. ARTICLE I OF THE NPT OBLIGATES THE NUCLEAR-WEAPON STATES NOT TO TRANSFER NUCLEAR WEAPONS TO ANY OTHER STATE. ARTICLE II OBLIGATES THE NON-WEAPON STATES NOT TO SEEK OR RECEIVE NUCLEAR WEAPONS OR NUCLEAR EXPLOSIVE DEVICES. ARTICLE III REQUIRES ALL NON-WEAPONS STATES TO ACCEPT SAFEGUARDS ON ALL DECLARED NUCLEAR FACILITIES. ARTICLE IV ENSURES ALL PARTIES THE INALIENABLE RIGHT TO RESEARCH, PRODUCE, AND USE NUCLEAR ENERGY FOR PEACEFUL PURPOSES. ARTICLE V REQUIRES THAT THE NUCLEAR-WEAPON STATES SHARE WITH THE NON-WEAPON STATES THE POTENTIAL BENEFITS OF PEACEFUL NUCLEAR EXPLOSIONS. ARTICLE VI ENJOINS ALL PARTIES TO PURSUE NEGOTIATIONS IN GOOD FAITH TO ENSURE THE CESSATION OF THE NUCLEAR ARMS RACE. ARTICLE VII ESTABLISHES THE PROCEDURE FOR AMENDING THE NPT. ARTICLE IX DEALS WITH PROCEDURAL ISSUES. ARTICLE X DISCUSSES WITHDRAWAL FROM THE TREATY.

Nearly twenty years after the U.S. military began operations against the Taliban in Afghanistan, President Joseph R. Biden reported on August 31, 2021, that the last U.S. combat troops had departed the country. Biden announced on April 14, 2021, that the United States would withdraw combat troops from Afghanistan before the twenty-year anniversary of September 11, 2001, and NATO member states decided to depart the country simultaneously. The withdrawal followed an early 2020 deal between the Taliban and the Trump administration, which conditioned the pullout on Taliban agreement not to harbor terrorists that target the United States and its allies. Over the course of a week and a half in mid-August, the Taliban captured most of Afghanistan's provincial capitals, entering Kabul on August 15. The Afghan government collapsed, and President Ashraf Ghani fled the country. Through the end of August, the United States and other countries conducted a major airlift operation to evacuate their nationals and Afghans considered at risk of Taliban reprisals, though many were left behind amid risks of renewed civil war and humanitarian crisis.

Background: Currently, paradoxical findings exist regarding the level of functioning in individuals with Hikikomori (prolonged social withdrawal). Aims: This systematic review aimed to clarify the functioning, disability, and health of individuals with Hikikomori and their families in comparison to those without Hikikomori. Method: Relevant studies were searched from April 22 to 25, 2022, using MEDLINE, PsycINFO, Scopus, and two Japanese databases. Functions were categorized into 'body functions"; "structure"; and "activity and participation', which were further classified into subcategories. Results: Of the 8,181 studies screened, 24 studies with 1,769 individuals with Hikikomori were included. Twelve, three, and four indicators from six studies on depression and anxiety, three on addiction, and two on thought problem symptoms, respectively, were higher in the Hikikomori group than in the comparison group, with at least moderate effect sizes. Three indicators from three studies on interpersonal relationships were worse in the Hikikomori group, with at least moderate effect sizes. The meta-analyses showed that internalizing symptoms, externalizing symptoms, and thought disorders were significantly higher in the Hikikomori group than those in the comparison group with moderate-to-high effect sizes. Contrastingly, communication/interpersonal interactions were significantly lower in the Hikikomori group than those in the comparison group. No significant differences were observed in daily life/social life and the families' communication/interpersonal interactions and relationship. Conclusions: The study limitations include a high risk of bias and heterogeneity. Overall, individuals with Hikikomori often have impaired mental and interpersonal interaction functions; thus, comorbidities of this condition should be carefully assessed. PROSPERO: CRD42022320592.

At some point during the 1950s, mainstream American philosophy of science began increasingly to avoid questions about the role of non-cognitive values in science and, accordingly, increasingly to avoid active engagement with social, political and moral concerns. Such questions and engagement eventually ceased to be part of the mainstream. Here we show that the eventual dominance of 'valuefree' philosophy of science can be attributed, at least in part, to the policies of the U.S. National Science Foundation's "History and Philosophy of Science" sub-program. In turn, the sub-program's policies were set by logical empiricists who espoused value-free philosophy of science; these philosophers' actions, we also point out, fit a broad pattern, one in which analytic philosophers used institutional control to marginalize rival approaches to philosophy. We go on to draw on existing knowledge of this pattern to suggest two further, similar, contributors to the withdrawal from valueladen philosophy of science, namely decisions by the editors of Philosophy of Science and by the editors of The Journal of Philosophy. Political climate was, we argue, at most an indirect contributor to the withdrawal and was neither a factor that decided whether it occurred nor one that was sufficient to bring it about. Moreover, we argue that the actions at the National Science Foundation went beyond what was required by its senior administrators and are better viewed as part of what drove, rather than as what was being driven by, the adoption of logical empiricism by the philosophy of science community

Consistent with the Iraqi position that it is Iran which stubbornly rejects peace, the Republic of Iraq's Ambassador to the United States, Nizar Hamdoon, proposes that the U.S. should lead an international effort in the UN Security Council to end the war. A resolution with enforcement effect should call for a ceasefire, a withdrawal to international recognized borders, and direct negotiations. The party which rejects that should be internationally embargoed and pressured. (DÜI-Hns)