This Task Force report comprehensively reviews the situation on the peninsula as well as the options for U.S. policy. It provides a valuable ranking of U.S. interests, and calls for a firm commitment from the Obama administration to seek denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, backed by a combination of sanctions, incentives, and sustained political pressure, in addition to increased efforts to contain proliferation. It notes that China's participation in this effort is vital. Indeed, the report makes clear that any hope of North Korea's dismantling its nuclear program rests on China's willingness to take a strong stance. For denuclearization to proceed, China must acknowledge that the long-term hazard of a nuclear Korea is more perilous to it and the region than the short-term risk of instability. The report also recognizes that robust relations between Washington and its allies in the region, Japan and South Korea, must underpin any efforts to deal with the North Korean problem. It looks as well at regime change and scenarios that could lead to reunification of the peninsula. At the same time that the Task Force emphasizes the danger and urgency of North Korea's behavior, it recognizes and applauds the beneficial U.S. relationship with South Korea, which has proved to be a valuable economic and strategic partner. In this vein, the Task Force advocates continued close coordination with Seoul and urges prompt congressional passage of the U.S.-South Korea free trade agreement.
(1) Firmly positioning the US in this very important region of South East Europe, which has a long lasting value, especially considering the vicinity and the connections with neuralgic spots of American foreign relations activities (Middle East, the Caspian Basin, The Gulf, East Mediterranean). (2) Along with designing a new profile for Central Europe - by NATO enlargement and the creation of new security zones further to the East, and by calming down the situation in South East Europe - American policy has clearly presented itself as the leading power that can successfully operate on European soil, and by that, only reaffirm its leading role within the new model of the world order. (3) In its, not overly rich foreign policy, entering the area of South East Europe is perceived as the biggest success of Clinton's administration. (4) And if viewed pragmatically, the whole operation was not too expensive, which is of significant importance for American public opinion, and unlike in some other American military operations, there were no human casualties. (5) Clinton's administration will, most certainly, continue its engagement in this part of the world, and this will probably be continued by the next American President, if elected among the Democrats. But since a variety of American interests are involved in these matters, and already viewed as long-lasting and interconnected, it may be concluded that American policy has firmly established itself in South East Europe and that it will stay here, regardless of the future tenant in the White House. (SOI : PM: S. 89; 104) + American engagement in South East Europe, today, has all of its clearly stated diplomatic, political, military and economic instruments firmly set forth, with the intention to stay present in this area. Although these instruments are of different strength, volume and dynamics in different cases, they are transparent, and compared with the activities of the EU, for example, much stronger. This should, among other things, lead to the statement that it is a result of a wish for permanent activity in the area, which was not only directed towards ending the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but a part of the plan to enter, and remain in the areas of South East Europe. Through such activities, Clinton's policy has succeeded in: + Following the disintegration of the socialist system in Europe and the end of the bloc-based relations, American politics has changed the course of its operation. In present-day circumstances southeast Europe is becoming increasingly prominent in American foreign-policy projections, particularly during Clinton's adnimistration. Clinton has defined a clearcut policy towards Europe's Southeast due to its vicinity to certain neuralgic points of American engagement (Near East, the Caspian region, the Gulf, eastern Mediterranean). In this way American politics has proved its leading global role. At the time of scarcity of foreign-policy events, Clinton's team has thus been served on a platter a major foreign-policy arena, in which its engagement - which has all the symptoms of a long-lasting one - has not proved too costly
