Suchergebnisse

In the article, the author analyzes some political and philosophical dimensions and perspectives that become relevant on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's Independence. The author, positioning himself within the political philosophy and philosophy of history, points out several fundamental points relevant to the identity and positioning of Ukrainian society on "eternal issues of Ukrainian society", such as discussions on the national idea, national identity, its historical and spatial perspective. The author's presentation is divided into four points: the century-old perspective of the Ukrainian struggle for independence, definition of the current Ukrainian situation in the context of nation-building and confrontation with Russia, the theoretical dimension of "national idea" and "civil religion", practical conclusions about the Ukrainian kind of these concepts. The author relies on the methodology of modern Nationalism Studies, Postcolonial Studies, the experience of Ukrainian studies, especially in the era of Ukrainian modernity (XIX-XX centuries). He postulates that the thirtieth anniversary of Ukrainian independence is inextricably linked with the century of liberation struggles of the Ukrainian nation, that the situation in Ukraine, in particular in the context of defining national identity and confrontation with Russia, can be correctly described as a confrontation between independentists of a modern emerging nation and the colonial empire, which fights for regaining its power over the former colony-province, relies on its numerous loyalists and uses various methods of aggression (both "cold" cultural war and "hot" military confrontation) to subdue the region. The author offers his view on the concept of "Ukrainian national idea", based on the basic literary sources of the history of Ukrainian nation-building. Based on the research, the author offers certain practical conclusions important for teaching history, law, civic education and for the education of a responsible citizen in Ukraine. ; У статті автор аналізує окремі політично-філософські виміри і перспективи, що постають актуальними з нагоди 30-літнього ювілею Незалежності України. Автор, позиціонуючи себе насамперед в межах політично-філософського та філософсько-історичного дискурсу, виокремлює декілька фундаментальних моментів, значущих для ідентичності і позиціювання українського суспільства стосовно «вічних питань українського суспільства», таких як дискусії довкола національної ідеї, національної ідентичності, історичної і просторової перспективи. Виклад автора поділяється на чотири пункти: столітня перспектива української боротьби за незалежність, політично-філософське визначення сучасної української ситуації у контексті процесів націєтворення і протистояння з Росією, теоретичний вимір понять «національна ідея» і «громадянська релігія», практичні висновки щодо українського різновиду цих понять. Автор спирається на методологію сучасних Nationalism Studies, Postcolonial Studies, досвід українознавчих досліджень, особливо епохи становлення української модерності (ХІХ – ХХ ст.). Він постулює, що тридцятиліття української незалежності невідривно пов'язане із століттям визвольних змагань української нації, що ситуація в Україні, зокрема у контексті визначення національної ідентичності та протистояння з Росією, можна коректно описати як протистояння індепендентистів повсталої нації і колоніальної імперії, що змагається за відновлення своєї влади над колишньою колонією-провінцією, спирається на численних своїх лоялістів та застосовує різні методи агресії (як «холодна» культурна війна, так і «гаряче» військове протистояння) для упокорення регіону. Автор пропонує свій погляд на поняття «української національної ідеї», спираючись на базові літературні джерела історії українського націєтворення. На підставі проведених досліджень автор пропонує певні практичні висновки, що важливі для викладання предметів історії, правознавства, громадянської освіти та для виховання відповідального громадянина в Україні.

The purpose of the article is to explore the paradigm of the relationship between a national minority and a state in which an authoritari an and totalitarian model of government is formed. This analysis is conducted by the author on the relationship between the state and anational elite. Research methods: realization of the specified purpose demands from the researcher use of historical-system, historical and biographical, comparative methods, the complex approach. Main results, brief conclusions: At the beginning of the 20th century, Georgia became a center not only for the emigrant and refugee masses of the Assyrians, but also for the national and political elite. The years of Georgian state-building coincided with an active stage in the implementation of the Assyrian national issue in the field of international law. The Soviet government radically changed the methodology for resolving the Assyrian national issue. Markers of a national statehood were replaced by the Soviet loyalty artificially. Elites who became the generator of solutions to the national issues were repressed and replaced by loyalists to the existing system. The issue of obtaining various formats of statehood had long been removed from the agenda. Practical significance: the results of the study can be used for further scientific research on the history of the Soviet totalitarianism and the history of the Assyrians in the USSR in the 1920s and 1930s. Scientific novelty: the research is formed on the basis of a wide range of historical sources. The author presents the material stored in the archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia, the Central Historical Archive of the National Archives of Georgia, the State Archives of the Russian Federation, the Russian State Archives of Socio-Political History, the State Institution "National Archives of the Republic of Adygea". Article type: analytical. Keywords: Soviet totalitarianism, Assyrian national minority, Public policy, National elites. ; Анотація. Мета статті – полягає у тому, щоб дослідити парадигму взаємовідносинміж національною меншиною та державою, в якій формується авторитарно-тоталітарнамодель управління. Даний аналіз автор проводить на взаємовідносин держава-національна еліта. Методи дослідження: реалізація зазначеної мети вимагає від дослідника використання історико-системного, історико-біографічного та компаратівного методів, комплексного підходу. Основні результати, стислі висновки: Грузія початок XX століття стає центром не тільки для емігрантсько-біженських мас ассирійців, а й для національно-політичної еліти. Роки грузинського державного будівництва збіглися з активним етапом реалізації ассирійського національного питання в полі міжнародного права. Радянська влада кардинально змінює методологію рішення ассирійського національного питання. Маркери національної державності штучно змінюються на радянську лояльність. Еліти, які стали генератором рішень національних питань були репресовані і замінені лояльними до існуючого ладу. Питання про отримання різних форматів державності надовго було знято з порядку денного. Практичне значення: результати дослідження можна використовувати для подальших наукових пошуків історії радянського тоталітаризму та історії ассирійців на території СРСР у 1920 – 1930-х рр. Оригінальність: поєднання дослідження функціонування національної еліти та майбутнього існування національної громади в умовах формування тоталітарної моделі управління державою. Наукова новизна: дослідження формується на підґрунті широкого кола історичних джерел. Автор презентує матеріал, який зберігається у фондах Архіву Міністерства внутрішніхсправ Грузії, Центрального історичного архіву Національного архіву Грузії, Державного архіву Російської Федерації, Російського державного архіву соціально-політичної історії, Державного закладу «Національний Архів Республіки Адигеї». Тип статті: аналітична.Ключові слова: радянський тоталітаризм, ассирійська національна меншина, етнічні еліти.

The purpose of the article is to explore the paradigm of the relationship between a national minority and a state in which an authoritari an and totalitarian model of government is formed. This analysis is conducted by the author on the relationship between the state and anational elite. Research methods: realization of the specified purpose demands from the researcher use of historical-system, historical and biographical, comparative methods, the complex approach. Main results, brief conclusions: At the beginning of the 20th century, Georgia became a center not only for the emigrant and refugee masses of the Assyrians, but also for the national and political elite. The years of Georgian state-building coincided with an active stage in the implementation of the Assyrian national issue in the field of international law. The Soviet government radically changed the methodology for resolving the Assyrian national issue. Markers of a national statehood were replaced by the Soviet loyalty artificially. Elites who became the generator of solutions to the national issues were repressed and replaced by loyalists to the existing system. The issue of obtaining various formats of statehood had long been removed from the agenda. Practical significance: the results of the study can be used for further scientific research on the history of the Soviet totalitarianism and the history of the Assyrians in the USSR in the 1920s and 1930s. Scientific novelty: the research is formed on the basis of a wide range of historical sources. The author presents the material stored in the archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia, the Central Historical Archive of the National Archives of Georgia, the State Archives of the Russian Federation, the Russian State Archives of Socio-Political History, the State Institution "National Archives of the Republic of Adygea". Article type: analytical. Keywords: Soviet totalitarianism, Assyrian national minority, Public policy, National elites. ; Анотація. Мета статті – полягає у тому, щоб дослідити парадигму взаємовідносинміж національною меншиною та державою, в якій формується авторитарно-тоталітарнамодель управління. Даний аналіз автор проводить на взаємовідносин держава-національна еліта. Методи дослідження: реалізація зазначеної мети вимагає від дослідника використання історико-системного, історико-біографічного та компаратівного методів, комплексного підходу. Основні результати, стислі висновки: Грузія початок XX століття стає центром не тільки для емігрантсько-біженських мас ассирійців, а й для національно-політичної еліти. Роки грузинського державного будівництва збіглися з активним етапом реалізації ассирійського національного питання в полі міжнародного права. Радянська влада кардинально змінює методологію рішення ассирійського національного питання. Маркери національної державності штучно змінюються на радянську лояльність. Еліти, які стали генератором рішень національних питань були репресовані і замінені лояльними до існуючого ладу. Питання про отримання різних форматів державності надовго було знято з порядку денного. Практичне значення: результати дослідження можна використовувати для подальших наукових пошуків історії радянського тоталітаризму та історії ассирійців на території СРСР у 1920 – 1930-х рр. Оригінальність: поєднання дослідження функціонування національної еліти та майбутнього існування національної громади в умовах формування тоталітарної моделі управління державою. Наукова новизна: дослідження формується на підґрунті широкого кола історичних джерел. Автор презентує матеріал, який зберігається у фондах Архіву Міністерства внутрішніхсправ Грузії, Центрального історичного архіву Національного архіву Грузії, Державного архіву Російської Федерації, Російського державного архіву соціально-політичної історії, Державного закладу «Національний Архів Республіки Адигеї». Тип статті: аналітична.Ключові слова: радянський тоталітаризм, ассирійська національна меншина, етнічні еліти.

Dance has long been known to play a significant role in the social lives of men and women in colonial British America. What historians have largely failed to note is the integral nature of dance, in particular the longways English country form, to the realm of politics and the formation of national identity. From the earliest days of its dissemination in print, English country dance served a political purpose. In 1651, under Oliver Cromwell's dour Protectorate government, Royalists like publisher John Playford used dance as a subtle form of resistance. Urging the public to remember the monarchy fondly and to join together in a quintessentially English pastime, Playford's English Dancing Master created an imagined community of political dissenters. The Playford manuals set the standard for the politicization of dance in Anglo culture, both in the politically-charged dance titles they contained and in the intended function of dance performance itself. This awareness of dance's potential and the tendency to employ it for political ends were carried across the Atlantic to England's North American colonies. In the years preceding the American Revolution, as well as during the war itself, the ballroom became a political space to a heightened degree. While minuets established a clear social hierarchy, country dances broke it down into more democratic forms. Codes of conduct at assemblies allowed attendees (especially women) to publicize their political allegiances through their dress, behavior, and dance selection. Both the British and the Americans, up and down the eastern seaboard, sought to turn the politicization of the ballroom to their advantage; spectacular fetes such as Howe's Mischianza won local populations to the British cause, while the Philadelphia Assembly prohibited Loyalists from subscribing to its events. Partially in response to British extravagance, the Continental Army characterized its festivities as orderly, economical, and virtuous. In the Federal era, political rivals again used dance as a form of propaganda, warring over the legacy of independence. International tensions ran high as France found itself embroiled in a bloody revolution that sent a new wave of emigres fleeing abroad. Many settled in the United States and often made a living teaching dance. Pro- and anti-French feeling spilled over into the ballroom. as the rise of the middle class rendered dance an understandable language across a wide swath of the voting population, two major themes arose: that of dance as a wholesome rustic activity in keeping with lauded classical virtues, and that of the social-leveling, chaotic frolic, imbibed with vice and dangerous Jacobin principles. An analysis of dance metaphors reveals growing discomfort with race relations and with the political aspirations of the lower classes, suggesting the gradual closure of the window of opportunity that independence had proffered. English country dance persisted into Jacksonian America, despite the rise of French cotillions and quadrilles. Though it was a tool of reconciliation after the War of 1812, the longways set's association with egalitarianism made it a target for anti-Jackson feeling by the 1820s. Changing styles in dance and politics also undercut the role of the ballroom. Women assumed a more public role in rallies and social movements, and small-set and partner dances allowed dancers to self-segregate, hindering large-scale communication on the dance floor.

Some of the pamphlets have caption title only. ; Binder's title for set made up of works published independently. Vol. 2 has title: Slavery and the Civil War; pamphlets. ; The rebuke of secession doctrines / Southern Statesmen -- The infamous perjuries of the "Bureau of Military Justice" exposed / Rev. Stuart Robinson -- A savoury dish for loyal men -- Slavery the mere pretext for the rebellion; not its cause. Andrew Jackson's prophecy in 1833. His last will and testament in 1843. Bequests of his three swords: his solemn injunction to wield them "in support of our glorious union" against all assailants, whether "foreign enemies or domestic traitors" / Southern Man -- The South alone, should govern the south. And African slavery should be controlled by those only who are friendly to it -- Idemnity for the past and security for the future / Hon. Charles Sumner -- The "Times" review of McClellan: his military career reviewed and expanded / William Swinton -- The fugitive slave law; tried by the old and new testaments / Joseph P. Thompson -- The Truth from an honest man. The letter of the President -- View of the subject of slavery contained in the biblical repertory for April, 1836 in which the scriptural argument, it is believed, is very clearly and justly exhibited -- Washington and Jackson on Negro soldiers. General Banks on the bravery of negro troops. Poem - the second Louisiana / George H. Boker -- West Point and the war -- The family relation as affected by slavery / Charles K. Whipple. ; v. 2. An address to the Presbyterian Church, enforcing the duty of excluding all slaveholders from the Communion of Saints -- The African slave trade. The secret purpose of the insurgents to revive it. No treaty stipulations against the slave trade to be entered into with the European powers / Judah P. Benjamin's intercepted instructions to L.Q.C. Lamar -- Our National Constitution: its adaptation to a state of war or insurrection / Hon. Daniel Agnew -- The Alarm Bell no.1 / a Constitutionalist -- Letters from the South, relating to the condition of the freedmen addressed to Major General O.O. Howard / J.W. Alvord -- The testimony of a refugee from East Tennessee / Hermann Bokum -- The state of the country. An oration delivered at Buffalo, July 4th, 1862 / Walter Clarke -- The South: a letter from a friend in the North with special reference to the effects of disunion upon slavery -- The conscription also speeches of hte Hon. W.D. Kelley, of Pennsylavnia, in the House of Representatives, on the conscription; the way to attain and secure peace; and on arming the negros with a letter from Secretary Chase -- Education, a state duty / D. Bethune Duffield -- Freedom or despotism. The voice of our brother's blood: its source and its summons. A discourse occasioned by the Sumner and Kansas outrages. Preached in Neward, June 8th and 15th, 1856 / Henry C. Fish -- Origin of American slavery, extracted from "Slavery and Anti-slavery;" a history of the great struggle in both hemispheres, with a view of the slavery question in the United States / William Goodell -- Abolition documents no. 2; the constitution against slavery -- Home missions and slavery: a repritn of several articles, recently published in the religious journals; with an appendix -- About the war. Plain words to plain people / a plain man -- The Loyalists ammunition -- An Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky, proposing a plan for the instructions and emancipation of their slaves / Synod of Kentucky. ; Mode of access: Internet.

En Nouvelle-Calédonie, un pays d'outre-mer français, sont réalisées deux nouveaux projets métallurgiques : Koniambo en Province Nord, province gouvernée par les indépendantistes du FLNKS, et Goro Nickel en Province Sud, province gouvernée par les loyalistes du Rassemblement-UMP. L'usine du Nord est en cours de construction par un consortium de la SMSP local et du groupe suisse Xstrata, et devrait être mise en service début 2012. Les travaux pour le projet Goro Nickel, réalisés par le groupe brésilien Vale Inco, sont terminés et depuis début 2009 l'usine est en service. Tandis que le projet « usine du Nord » s'inscrit dans la politique de rééquilibrage du territoire, le projet Goro Nickel renforce à contrario la prééminence économique de la capitale Nouméa, située à environ 50 km de là. Les résidents des tribus de Gatope, Oundjo, Baco et Netchaot, situées à proximité de la future usine du Nord, ont une perception grosso modo positive du projet Koniambo. Ils voient dans la construction de l'usine non seulement un instrument politique pour l'émancipation de la population kanak, mais associent le projet surtout à l'espoir d'avoir un emploi. Il est frappant de constater que l'acceptation du projet diminue avec l'approchement du site industriel. De l'autre côté, les résidents des quatre tribus craignent les impacts sur l'environnement, surtout sur le lagon et les mangroves. Mais le terme « environnement » n'englobe pas uniquement l'environnement physique et biologique, mais également l'environnement culturel. Sur terre et en mer se trouvent des lieux sacrés qui ont une valeur d'identité. Le projet Koniambo comprend, à part la construction de l'usine même, le développement socio-économique de la zone Voh-Koné-Pouembout. De nouveaux logements locatifs, des zones d'activités et des équipements culturels sont construits afin de mettre à disposition de l'usine les infrastructures sociales et matérielles adaptées et afin de maintenir les nouveaux arrivants dans la région. Les terres de la population kanak qui sont soumises au droit coutumier sont censées être intégrées dans ce développement économique. Outre un emploi direct chez l'opérateur minier, la création d'une entreprise de sous-traitance, l'acquisition d'actions, la mise en valeur des terres coutumières représente donc un moyen de participation et d'intégration dans le projet Koniambo. Parmi les quatre tribus étudiées, Baco dispose des terres les plus étendues et remplit, grâce à sa situation géographique proche du chef-lieu de la Province Nord Koné, les meilleurs conditions requises pour une intégration de ses GDPL dans le développement de la zone VKP. Mais la mise en valeur d'une partie du GDPL clanique de Bako, où sont construits entre autres un musée Lapita, un centre commercial et un cinéma, montre aussi que des conflits entre clans resurgissent concernant la question foncière. Les presqu'îles de Pinjen et de Vavouto où est construite la nouvelle usine métallurgique sont d'autres exemples de conflits autour de la question foncière. La mise en place parallèle des deux usines métallurgiques renforce la concentration et la dépendance économique sur le secteur du nickel, cette dépendance maintenant le pays dans une relative fragilité. Nous nous situons au cœur d'une dialectique difficile à assumer, avec d'une part un développement industriel rapide qui entraîne l'apparition de nouvelles disparités sociales et qui pourrait accroître la marginalité des populations tribales kanak lorsqu'elles ne sont pas ou peu connectées à ce développement. D'autre part, les populations kanak ont la possibilité de devenir des acteurs du développement industriel ; et la Nouvelle-Calédonie possède un outil pour atteindre une plus grande indépendance économique si le pays réussit à inscrire dans la longue durée les actuels projets industriels en mettant en place un système qui oblige les opérateurs industriels à transférer leur « savoir-faire ».

Republican Rep. Steve Scalise's moment may
have arrived with the ouster of GOP Rep. Kevin McCarthy as speaker of
the U.S. of Representatives.

Hours
ago, the House voted to remove McCarthy as speaker at the behest of
Republican Rep. Matt Gaetz. He and
seven other Republicans joined all Democrats to succeed, which as Republicans
had only a five-member majority meant only the second vote ever to vacate
worked.

That parliamentary move existed only because McCarthy's
retained the post tenuously. At the beginning of the year, after 15 rounds of inconclusive
voting for its holder, as part of an agreement
to win enough votes McCarthy accepted being restored into the rules this privileged
maneuver that allowed any single member to ask this. Consistent House
conservatives, who held up his victory, felt this gave them leverage in case McCarthy
didn't adhere to other aspects of the agreement that would ensure conservative
input into governing the chamber.

One such grievance came as part of the budgeting
process, where the conservative bloc wanted separate votes on the dozen
different appropriations bills due Sep. 30, which would give them a chance to
argue for, if not induce, spending cuts. That process never took a serious turn
as instead McCarthy proffered a continuing resolution that would be standstill spending
for 45 days, which passed Oct. 2 with almost half of Republicans in opposition.

As provided by a rules change shortly after 9/11/2001,
a secret speaker pro tempore that McCarthy named upon his re-ascension
to the post, GOP Rep. Patrick
McHenry, as revealed now takes control until a new speaker is selected in
the indefinite future, which is the only order of business under usual
circumstances until then. It could be McCarthy, which the rules don't prohibit.

But almost certainly it will be somebody else, now
that at least several of the GOP caucus seem to think the trust damage is irreparable.
And that person could be Scalise, for several reasons.

Scalise, the Majority Leader, naturally is a
McCarthy loyalist in leadership for several years despite overtures
in the past that he should supplant McCarthy. He didn't take the bait that
odds are would have propelled him into the speakership, demonstrating fidelity
that would impress all in the caucus, including those jilted who would have backed
him against McCarthy. Loyal to the end, he defended McCarthy prior to the vote.

Scalise also is well-regarded among the
conservatives in the chamber who were the most suspicious of McCarthy, with an
impressive American Conservative
Union lifetime voting score of 91 (100 having a perfect conservative record),
or 67th among Republicans and well above the House GOP average of 80
while McCarthy's was only 84. (Gaetz, for his part, at 92 was just a few places
higher than Scalise.)

Finally, Scalise has a compelling personal story,
having survived an assassination attempt by a leftist terrorist that has left
him with physically disabling injuries. And already the number two guy makes him
a natural choice.

Perhaps his only reservation will be the cancer scare he recently
received, which he says he's well on the way to recovery, with early
detection giving him great odds for that. Yet the uncertainty and physical
taxation, compounded with his previous injuries, may dissuade him from taking
on additional duties and the moment will pass him by.

And from making history as the first speaker from
Louisiana, as well as the first person with a disability to assume the post.
Other than that issue, he should be the clear leader for the post, which if it
happens will be in several days as McCarthy is given time to ascertain he
cannot get the job back and for Scalise to sort out whether he's up to the
task.

"The present article is based on two research experiences that were resulted in the printing of two volumes that included visual documents. In the present article, our aim is to present the content categories that can be found in the photographs and postcards with and about the Romanians from the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy who took part in the traumatizing experience of World War I. Thus, a first theme that is rich and varied included the "faces" of the officers, soldiers and, last but not least, the civilians, in different situations, contexts and stances imposed by the war's developments. There are group photographs that contain a varying number of soldiers, from two – three persons, up to several dozens, along with individual photographs; in all of these photographs, there are soldiers and officers, together or separate. Next, there is a distinct category of visual materials, concerning propaganda; they are mostly illustrated postcards that circulated as correspondence between the firing line and the "home front". The symbolism of the state authority, along with the image of the emperor and that of the imperial family, were a recurring presence in the imagistic content with which the Austrian-Hungarian postcards printed during the war tried to send a loyalist message or to consolidate it in the community's mentality. The materials that are related to the course of the daily life near the front, as well as behind it, are particularly interesting; the photographs taken during the war usually depict non-fighting moments, the moments of rest, containing with varied and diverse themes. There is a special category of visual documents that have been preserved from the time of the war, depicting the suffering that was inflicted upon the participants and the manner in which it was "handled". Thus, among the photographs that fall in this category, we encountered those of the wounded and hospitalized soldiers, the field hospitals and the personnel with medical attributions that served near the units. Another theme section directly connected to the previous one is represented by the physical embodiment of death along the front line: photographs of funerals, graves and military cemeteries. There is a category of visual sources, from both public and private collections, that related to the war "on the seas", photographs and postal cards of the marine troops serving in the Empire; they were stationed at Pola, in the Adriatic Sea. The photographs taken during the Great War that depict soldiers alongside civilians are of particular interest. Mostly, they are soldiers together with their own family members (mothers, wives, children etc) that are depicted in photographs that were taken far from the front line, during leaves, when the soldiers could briefly re-join their native communities. The Romanians that served in the war, wearing the military uniform of the double monarchy and who left its sphere of loyalty, either by becoming prisoners or by voluntary desertion, is a theme that was not overlooked by the visual sources that have survived from that period. These photographs of prisoners and Romanian volunteers from the time of the Great War are also relevant for the geographic coordinates, very far from one another, where the course of the events carried the Romanian soldiers, from France to far-away Siberia, at Vladivostok. The document images from the time of the Great War allow for a sui generis dialogue with those "who are no more", over a temporal gap of a century. The camera lens often captured expressive faces, whose identity is known in the cases in which the photographs include markings and notes, along with those that offer no additional information concerning those who took the photos or their subjects; in the latter case, we can say that these images are the anonymous bearers of war's memory. These materials offer us today the unique privilege of visually "communicating" with our forbearers from a century ago, with the representatives of the humanity that plunged into the terrible adventure of World War I. Keywords: "The Great War", Romanians, Austria-Hungary, visual sources, cultural history. "

A.P. Low's written reports of 23 seasons in northern Canada constitute one of the most significant substantiated achievements in Canadian exploration. . Albert Peter Low was born in Montreal in 1861 into a loyalist family that had left the United States in 1783. Immediately after graduating in applied science from McGill University in 1882, Low began his association with the Geological Survey of Canada. The last two decades of the 19th century were an exciting and heady time for the G.S.C. Although Canada's political boundaries were known, detailed knowledge of the actual topography, geological and forest resources, flora and fauna was, in many areas, nonexistent. It fell to Selwyn, Dawson, McConnell, McGinnis, Tyrrell, Bell, Low, and others of the Geological Survey to fill in much of the map of Canada. On his first trip into the Quebec-Labrador region in 1884-1885, at the age of 24, Low became a central figure in "the Lake Mistassini incident." The expedition, a joint effort of the G.S.C., the Quebec government, and the Quebec Geographic Society, was led by John Bignell, a veteran surveyor aged 67. Travelling northward from St. Lawrence, the party eventually set up a winter base at the Hudson's Bay Company post on Lake Mistassini after several days of extremely cold travel on minimal rations. Disagreement with Bignell had apparently been festering for some time, and Low took action toward a resolution. He left Mistassini on February 2, travelling by snowshoe and dog team to Quebec City and thence by train westward, arriving in Ottawa on March 2. Here he was given command of the expedition, and by April 29 he was back at Mistassini - a phenomenal feat illustrating the initiative and physical strength that was to sustain Low through many more seasons on the trail. In spring, Low finished the work on Lake Mistassini, determining it to be about 160 km long and 24 km wide, not the immense interior sea that Indian tales had suggested. The party left the region via the Rupert River in the fall of 1885. The next few seasons Low continued work in the Hudson Bay, then known as Eastmain. . The travels of the succeeding four years were chronicled in Low's "Report on Exploration in the Labrador Peninsula along the Eastmain, Koksoak, Hamilton, Manicuagan and portions of other Rivers in 1892-93-94-95." . the 1893-1894 trip, during which the party wintered over at Northwest River, Low covered over 8700 km - 4730 by canoe, 1600 by ship, 800 by dog team, and 1600 on foot. Not only were the technical aspects of the main travel routes detailed, but his report included extensive historical, geological, botanical, meteorological, entomological, ornithological and ethnographic information that to this day constitute a standard reference on the region. . Low was the first to identify the extensive iron deposits around Schefferville and Labrador City. He was also the first man to realize that the centre of the Labrador Plateau had been the pivot for a continental ice sheet and was, in fact, part of the Pre-Cambrian Shield. . After a brief period in private business, Low assumed command of the Neptune for its 1903-1904 voyage to the eastern Arctic, which resulted in Canada officially claiming the Arctic Archipelago. In 1906, at the age of 45, Low retired from active field work to become the director of the Geological Survey. Although his tenure was only 18 months, he oversaw the transfer of the G.S.C. from the Interior Department to the new Mines Department. In 1907 Low became the first deputy Minister of the Department of Mines, but within a few months he was stricken by what is thought to have been a cerebral hemorrhage and, soon after that, by spinal meningitis. . Amazingly, the strength and endurance of his youth did not totally fail Low, for he lived out a long, apparently quiet, retirement in Ottawa, ultimately dying in virtual obscurity in 1942 at the age of 81.

-Virginia R. Dominguez, Louis A. Pérez, Jr., On becoming Cuban: Identity, nationality, and culture. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. xiv + 579 pp.-Solimar Otero, Kali Argyriadis, La religión à la Havane: Actualités des représentations et des pratiques culturelles havanaises. Paris: Éditions des Archives Contemporaines,1999. 373 pp.-Jane Desmond, Jane Blocker, Where is Ana Mendieta?: Identity, performativity, and exile. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1999. xvi + 166 pp.-Richard Handler, Amílcar A. Barreto, Language, elites, and the state: Nationalism in Puerto Rico and Quebec. Westport CT: Praeger, 1998. x + 165 pp.-Juan Flores, Lillian Guerra, Popular expression and national identity in Puerto Rico: The struggle for self, community, and nation. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998. xi + 332 pp.-Eileen J. Findlay, Rafael L. Ramírez, What it means to be a man: Reflections on Puerto Rican masculinity. New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1999. xv + 139 pp.-Arlene Torres, Eileen J. Suárez Findlay, Imposing decency: The politics of sexuality and race in Puerto Rico, 1870-1920. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1999. xii + 316 pp.-Rita Giacalone, Humberto García Muñiz ,Fronteras en conflicto: Guerra contra las drogas, militarización y democracia en el Caribe, Puerto Rico y Vieques. San Juan: Red Caribeña de Geopolítica, Seguridad Regional y Relaciones Internacionales, afiliada al Proyecto AT-LANTEA, 1999. 211 pp., Jorge Rodríguez Beruff (eds)-Bonham C. Richardson, q , Polly Pattullo, Fire from the mountain: The tragedy of Monserrat and the betrayal of its people. London: Constable, 2000. xvii + 217 pp.-Aisha Khan, Gillon Aitken, Between father and son: Family letters. V.S. Naipaul. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000. xi + 297 pp.-J. Michael Dash, Marie-Hélène Laforest, Diasporic encounters: Remapping the Caribbean. Naples Liguori, 2000. 271 pp.-Jeanne Garane, Renée Larrier, Francophone women writers of Africa and the Caribbean. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000. ix + 156 pp.-Julian Gerstin, Brenda F. Berrian, Awakening spaces: French Caribbean popular songs, music, and culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. xvi + 287 pp.-Halbert Barton, Steven Loza, Tito Puente and the making of Latin music. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999. xvi + 258 pp.-Mark Moberg, Anne Sutherland, The making of Belize: Globalization in the margins. Westport CT: Bergin & Garvey, 1998. x + 203 pp.-Daniel A. Segal, Kevin K. Birth, 'Any time is Trinidad time' : Social meanings and temporal consciousness. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999. xiv + 190 pp.-Samuel Martínez, Michele Wucker, Why the cocks fight: Dominicans, Haitians, and the struggle for Hispaniola. New York: Hill and Wang, 1999. xxi + 281 pp.-Paul E. Brodwin, Terry Rey, Our lady of class struggle: The cult of the virgin Mary in Haiti. Trenton NJ: Africa World Press, 1999. x + 362 pp.-Robert Fatton, Jr., Elizabeth D. Gibbons, Sanctions in Haiti: Human rights and democracy under assault. Westport CT: Praeger, with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington DC, 1999. xviii + 138 pp.-Robert Fatton, Jr., David M. Malone, Decision-making in the UN security council: The case of Haiti, 1990-1997. Oxford: Clarendon, 1998. xxi + 322 pp.-James Sanders, César J. Ayala, American sugar kingdom: The plantation economy of the Spanish Caribbean, 1898-1934. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. xii + 321 pp.-James Sanders, Alan Dye, Cuban sugar in the age of mass production: Technology and the economics of the sugar central, 1899-1929. Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1998. xiii + 343 pp.-Linden Lewis, Richard Hart, Towards decolonisation: Political, labour and economic developments in Jamaica 1938-1945. Kingston: Canoe Press, 1999. xxii + 329 pp.-John Smolenski, John W. Pulis, Moving on: Black loyalists in the Afro-Atlantic world. New York: Garland, 1999. xxiv + 224 pp.-Rosemarijn Hoefte, Clem Seecharan, Bechu: 'Bound coolie' Radical in British Guiana 1894-1901. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 1999. x + 315 pp.-Bonno Thoden van Velzen, C.N. Dubelaar ,Het Afakaschrift van de Tapanahoni Rivier in Suriname. Utrecht: Thela Thesis, 1999. 183 pp., André R.M. Pakosie (eds)-Bonno Thoden van Velzen, André R.M. Pakosie, Gazon Matodja: Surinaams stamhoofd aan het einde van een tijdperk. Utrecht: Stichting Sabanapeti, 1999. 172 pp.-Geneviève Escure, Peter L. Patrick, Urban Jamaican Creole: Variation in the Mesolect. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1999. xx + 331 pp.

AbstractIn the 15‐year period since the Syrian military entry into Lebanon on June 1, 1976, allegedly to put an end to the civil war that broke out there a year earlier, Syria firmly solidified its control of the country, as evidenced by the signing of the "Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination between Syria and Lebanon," on May 22, 1991, which granted Syria a special status. Yet, 14 years later, on April 24, 2005, the Syrian forces withdrew from Lebanon. This article seeks to explain this relatively rapid decline in Syria's standing in Lebanon by examining the strategies of the two Syrian rulers who indirectly controlled this country during those years. It examines what was right in Hafiz al‐Asad's strategy in Lebanon, and what did not work in Bashar's policy.In 2000, the year of Hafiz al‐Asad's death, Syria's status in Lebanon seemed unshakable: 1) Lebanon's president (Emile Lahoud) acted as Damascus's puppet; 2) Hezbollah, the Shi'a militia Hezbollah largely accepted Syria's authority while it simultaneously tightened its control over southern Lebanon and also began gaining popularity in the rest of the country; and 3) finally the politics of the noble families, which had characterized Lebanon since its establishment, began to gradually give way to a politics where a political figure is measured by the level of his connections to the country's power base in Damascus. Yet, merely five years later, Syria was under immense pressure to withdraw its forces from Lebanon. This suggests that we must look at the difference between the strategies of Hafiz al‐Asad and his son Bashar for controlling Lebanon to better understand the rapid deterioration in Syria's standing in the country.We argue that the difference in the degree of anti‐Syrian pressures from Lebanon's society and political elements between the two tenures is largely rooted in the different strategies that the two Syrian presidents adopted for informally ruling Lebanon. We identify three main areas where Bashar al‐Asad made mistakes due to his failure to continue his father's methods. First, Bashar put all his cards on Hezbollah, thus antagonizing all the other groups which resented that Shi'a dominance. Second, in stark contrast to his father, Bashar distanced himself from the regular management of Lebanon's ethnic politics. Hafiz al‐Asad made sure that all the leaders of the different ethnic groups would visit Damascus and update him on their inter‐ethnic conflicts, and then he would be the one who would either arbitrate between them or, for expediency reasons, exacerbate these feuds. Once the ethnic leaders had to manage without Damascus, they learned to get along, making him far less indispensable for the running of the country. Finally, Bashar, unlike his father, did not make a real effort to gain international and regional legitimacy (or at least de‐facto acceptance) for Syria's continued control over Lebanon. Most conspicuously, while Hafiz participated in the First Gulf War against Iraq, his son supported Sunni rebels who fought against the United States‐led coalition forces there. This foreign acquiescence was significant since the Lebanese felt they had a backing when they demanded Syria's withdrawal in 2005.These different strategic approaches of the two rulers meant that the father's policies wisely laid the ground for some of the most controversial measures which were needed as part of any attempt to monopolize control over another country, such as Lebanon (assassinating popular but too independent‐minded Lebanese presidents/prime ministers or extending tenures of loyalist ones), whereas the son's policies myopically failed to do so properly. Indeed, the article will show that while both the father and the son took these same controversial measures, the responses of the Lebanese were completely different.Admittedly, some historical developments increased the Lebanese propensity to rise up against Syria, and these meant that Bashar did in fact face a harder task than his father in maintaining Syria's informal occupation. The Israeli withdrawal from its so‐called "security zone" in south Lebanon meant that one justification for the Syrian presence was gone. More importantly, the risk of renewed eruption of the civil war (which in turn had meant for many years a greater willingness by the locals to tolerate the Syrian presence which prevented the war's resumption) declined significantly due to a variety of processes that could not have been halted even with better "management" of the interethnic strife from Damascus (i.e., making sure that the ethnic groups remained in deep conflict with each other). Nevertheless, as we will show, Bashar's mistakes played a crucial role in bringing the rival ethnic groups together by making Damascus their joint enemy.

If the deaths of Wagner chief Yevgeny Prigozhin and several of his mercenary group's top commanders in a fiery plane crash Thursday were indeed deliberate and directed by Vladimir Putin, it could be said the Russian president has restored his authority by the methods of the Godfather's Michael Corleone.


In the months leading up to the Wagner mutiny, Putin's failure to suppress the increasingly bitter public feud between Prigozhin and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu was beginning to weaken his image within Russia's elite as a decisive leader. Today, few in Russia will be doubting Putin's capacity for decisive ruthlessness, whatever they might say about his morals.


The Wagner affair marked a serious breakdown of Putin's longstanding strategy of elite management. Far from being the Stalinist autocrat often portrayed in the West, Putin has generally operated more like the strong chairman of a squabbling board of directors, maintaining his own position by balancing one elite faction against another. He thereby prevented any individual or group from becoming too dominant, and also prevented their disputes from emerging in public and threatening the image and stability of his regime.


If in a given case Putin decided in favor of one side, the losers were not destroyed, but kept in reserve while being compensated with lesser positions — and after all, if you can't be a director of Gazprom, a directorship of Rosneft is not a bad consolation prize. However, this was only the case so long as they remained publicly loyal and deferential to Putin and did not allow their discontent to become public.


As Putin showed in the case of former "oligarch" Mikhail Khodorkovsky, any elite figure who emerged as an independent potential rival to Putin himself would be taken out in one way or another. The exact course of events leading to Prigozhin's death is not clear and probably never will be. No evidence has been presented that points to a deliberate act of killing by the Kremlin or the Russian security service. As of late Thursday, the cause of the crash is still unknown.


We can only speculate why Putin might want to take this course. Perhaps he saw the deal by which Prigozhin was pardoned as a humiliation that weakened his own image. Perhaps Prigozhin broke the terms of the deal by returning to Russia instead of staying quietly in Belarus.


This combination of authority and flexibility on the part of Putin has been generally welcome to the Russian elites. A key feature of Russian politics over the past generation has been the elites' profound distrust of their own ability to manage and limit their differences without Putin or a figure like him to keep them in order.


They fear that if he is replaced or severely weakened, their rivalries will break out into the open and destroy the entire state order on which their own positions and fortunes depend. Doubtless, many in the elite will regret that things were ever allowed to come to a point where Prigozhin would have to be killed, and shocked by the blatant nature of the act, if confirmed. Few however are likely to regret the consequent strengthening of government power.


As to the future of Wagner (or whatever new name it is given by the Kremlin), Putin's intention is clearly that it will continue to act as Russia's proxy in Africa, Syria, and possibly (though this is less certain) in Belarus. Only two days ago, Russia's deputy defense minister met in Libya with rebel warlord Khalifa Haftar, a sign that the Kremlin was already seeking to assure Wagner clients in Africa that Russian support will not diminish. But Wagner henceforth will almost certainly be subject to much tighter Russian state control, probably exercised through installing a Putin loyalist at its helm and closely monitoring its operations.


Similarly, the violent end of Wagner's top leaders is unlikely to have much impact on the war in Ukraine. Most of the mercenary group's rank-and-file fighters have now signed contracts with the regular Russian military.


Although Russia was highly dependent on Wagner's manpower and fighting prowess in 2022, once Moscow completed its partial military mobilization from late last year and brought tens of thousands of fresh forces to Ukraine, Wagner became much less important to Russia's war effort. Putin was content to exploit Wagner's fighters and their expertise in urban combat during the bloody battle for Bakhmut, but the Russian military is now well positioned to prosecute its attrition strategy in Ukraine without the need for Wagner's support.


Prigozhin's demise dashes hopes that Putin's rule — and by extension, Russia's war effort in Ukraine — might soon be undermined by internal turmoil. For the time being, any assumption that Putin had Prigozhin killed will discourage would-be political challengers to the Kremlin. Coupled with the recent removal of General Surovikin (regarded as a Prigozhin sympathizer) as head of Russia's Aerospace Forces, and the arrest of hardline nationalist critic Igor Strelkov, the Kremlin has sent strong signals to Russia's restive political rightwing that opposition to the state will not be tolerated.


The final chapter in this story remains to be written, however. Although Putin has overcome the abortive Wagner challenge, his political fate over the longer term remains far from assured. And one factor looms larger than all others in determining that future: the still very much uncertain course of the war in Ukraine.

Die Dissertationsschrift untersucht die im Februar 2014 gegründete Junge Alternative für Deutschland – Landesverband Nordrhein-Westfalen (JA NRW). Die JA NRW ist seit Juni 2014 offizielle Parteijugendorganisation der Alternative für Deutschland Nordrhein-Westfalen (AfD NRW). Die Dissertation analysiert die Mittel und Wege der Profilbildung dieser noch jungen parteinahen Jugendorganisation. Die Grounded Theory ist der für diese Arbeit zentrale Forschungsansatz. Es handelt sich um eine induktive Untersuchung, die theoretische Vorannahmen kritisch reflektiert und versucht, aus dem eigenen empirischen Material Schlüsse zu ziehen. Während des Feldaufenthalts des Verfassers (Herbst 2014-Sommer 2016) kamen die sozialwissenschaftlichen Methoden teilnehmende Beobachtung, Leitfaden-Interview, Dokumenten- sowie elektronische Prozessanalyse zum Einsatz. Der Verfasser beforschte die entstehende und sich entwickelnde JA NRW, ihre inhaltlich-programmatischen Schwerpunkte und ihre Strategien. Die Arbeit nimmt zudem eine ideologiekritische Perspektive ein, analysiert das Verhältnis der JA NRW zu ihrer Mutterpartei und fokussiert auf politische Freund- und Feindschaften der Jugendorganisation. Die JA NRW polemisiert gegen die etablierten Parteien, kritisiert die Einwanderung Geflüchteter, warnt vor dem politisch linken Spektrum, hinterfragt die Europäische Union, problematisiert eine sich vermeintlich islamisierende bundesdeutsche Gesellschaft und schürt Ressentiments hinsichtlich feministischer und/oder Gender-Mainstreaming-orientierter Ansätze. Sie dehnt das Framing der politischen Rechten aus, indem sie es an junge Zielgruppen heranträgt. Dies soll – aus JA-NRW-Sicht – den diskursiven Einfluss linksliberaler Spektren delegitimieren und zurückdrängen. Innerhalb der JA NRW herrscht jedoch ein Dissens, der sich u. a. an folgenden Fragen entzündet: wie realistisch ist der von führenden JA-NRW-Mitgliedern vertretene Rechtslibertärismus, der für radikale Privatisierungen eintritt? Wie legitim ist eine (offizielle) Nähe der Organisation zu bestimmten Strömungen des außerparlamentarischen rechten Spektrums? Konfliktpotenzial entsteht auch hinsichtlich der Frage einer möglichen Cannabis-Legalisierung. Die JA NRW bietet ihren Mitgliedern eine soziokulturelle Nische – basierend auf einem starken Wir-Gefühl, das nicht zuletzt aus dem gemeinsamen affirmativen Verhältnis zur AfD resultiert. JA-NRW-Gliederungen unternehmen Ausflüge, treiben gemeinsam Sport, richten Stammtische aus und besuchen AfD-Veranstaltungen. Aus Sicht ihrer Mitglieder spielt die JA NRW die Rolle eines weltanschaulichen Refugiums, in dem Inhalte geäußert werden können, die in anderen (links geprägten) Umfeldern auf Kritik stoßen. Innerhalb der JA NRW sind Äußerungen, die der Political Correctness widersprechen, sanktionsfreier möglich. Die JA NRW nutzt zahlreiche Kommunikationsmedien, um sich im rechten Protestspektrum zu verankern. Der Kommunikationsstil der JA NRW ist provokant, polarisierend, personalisierend, mitunter insinuativ. Vereinzelt arbeitet die Jugendorganisation mit argumentativen Retorsionen, um politische GegnerInnen zu Reaktionen zu reizen. JA-NRW-Gliederungen greifen auf Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, eine eigene Website und auf eine eigene App zurück. Sie nimmt die Affinität junger Menschen zu sozialen Netzwerken auf und macht sich deren Dynamiken versiert zunutze. Die JA NRW organisiert Veranstaltungen mit prominenten und polarisierenden Gästen, z. B. Hamed Abdel-Samad, Nigel Farage oder Akif Pirinçci. Sie schult ihre jungen Mitglieder und vermittelt der AfD junge, sprachfähige (Neu-)Mitglieder, die in Parteifunktionen hereinwachsen. Die JA NRW möchte als Teil einer rechten Kulturrevolution das westlich-liberale Gesellschaftsmodell radikal umgestalten. ; The dissertation examines the Junge Alternative für Deutschland – Landesverband Nordrhein-Westfalen (JA NRW) which was established in February 2014. Since June 2014, the JA NRW is the official youth organization of the Alternative für Deutschland Nordrhein-Westfalen (AfD NRW). The dissertation analyses how the JA NRW (as a relatively new party's youth organization) forms its political profile. The Grounded Theory is the scientific approach which is central to this dissertation. This work is an inductive analysis which critically reflects upon already existing theoretical assumptions. It tries to conclude from the empirical research conducted by the author. Participating observation, interviews and the investigation of relevant (online) documents were used as the central scientific methods by the author, who conducted research from automn 2014 to summer 2016. The dissertation throws light on the founding and development of the JA NRW, and examines both its focal points and its strategies. The work also describes its subject from a point of view which is critical of ideology. The relationship between the JA NRW and its mother party (AfD) was regarded, too. In addition, the dissertation focusses on the JA NRW's political friends and foes. The JA NRW inveighs against the established parties, criticizes the immigration of refugees, warns about the Left and an alleged islamization, questions the European Union, and mocks at feminist approaches supporting gender mainstreaming. The youth organization tries to spread the Right's political interpretations of current societal circumstance. Especially, it aims at influencing young people. All in all, the JA NRW tries to force back the discursive impact of left-wing liberals. Still there is dissent within the organization which is fuelled by several contentious issues: how realistic is the right-wing libertarianism many JA NRW members support? How legitimate is the proximity between the youth organization and certain factions of the Right? The legalization of cannabis is also a point at issue. The JA NRW offers its members a sociocultural niche based on a collective spirit. JA NRW chapters go hiking, jointly do sport, establish groups of regulars, and commonly attend AfD events. From its members point of view, the JA NRW is a common ground for attitudes and opinions which would be harshly criticized in other environments (especially in those that are rather dominated by the Left). Within the JA NRW, it is possible to debate issues in a way that defies political correctness. The JA NRW uses different mediums in order to establish itself in current right-wing protests. Its style of communication is provocative, polarizing, personalizing and often insinuating. Forcing political opponents to reactions is one of the JA NRW's main goals. JA NRW chapters use Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, an app and a website. The youth organization takes up young peoples affinity to social media and benefits from its dynamism. The JA NRW organizes events inviting polarizing and prominent guests (such as Hamed Abdel-Samad, Nigel Farage or Akif Pirinçci). It trains its young members, supplying the AfD eloquent party loyalists eager for growing into important positions. As a part of a right-wing cultural revolution, the JA NRW works on a total transformation of the Western societal model.

История становления Канады как суверенного государства неразрывно связана с историей английской (позже британской) колониальной империи. Изначально земли, составившие затем Канаду, являлись периферийными территориями континентальных владений английской Короны в Северной Америке. Прежде всего, к ним относились владения Компании Гудзонова залива, полуостров Новая Шотландия и остров Ньюфаундленд. Оплотом же английского присутствия в Новом Свете оставались колонии Новой Англии, которые вслед за метрополией активно враждовали с расположенными по соседству колониями Франции. Длительный период англо-французских войн в итоге завершился поражением Франции и включением ее владений (Луизианы, Новой Франции) в состав английской колониальной империи. Территория будущей Канады стала частью обширного политико-правового пространства, которое некоторые исследователи именуют британо-американской колониальной империей. С социально-экономической точки зрения это ничего не изменило - указанные земли по-прежнему оставались малоразвитой периферией колоний Новой Англии. Никаких предпосылок к формированию здесь собственных институтов государственности не существовало. В ходе начавшейся войны за независимость жители колонии Квебек (бывшей Новой Франции), полуострова Новая Шотландия и острова Ньюфаундленд по разным причинам не поддержали восставшие колонии, поэтому именно на эти территории перебрались многочисленные сторонники единства английской империи (так называемые лоялисты). Это привело к образованию ряда новых колоний, таких как Верхняя Канада, Ньюбрансуик, Остров принца Эдуарда. Все вместе они составили Британскую Северную Америку - в противоположность Соединенным Штатам Америки. Важно подчеркнуть, что даже к середине XIX века Британская Северная Америка оставалась конгломератом разрозненных, малозаселенных, экономически слаборазвитых территорий, находившихся как в непосредственном владении английской Короны, так и под властью частных компаний. Их превращение в самоуправляемую федерацию, безусловно, отражало интересы формировавшейся торгово-экономической элиты указанных колоний. Однако в неменьшей степени это происходило под воздействием «фактора США» и тех либерально-демократических изменений, которые происходили в самой метрополии. Исследуя комплекс конкретно-исторических факторов, определявших характер процесса становления Канады как суверенного государства, автор в данной статье анализирует формально-юридические особенности системы власти и управления, сложившейся в рамках британской колониальной империи, а также ключевые положения доктрины английского права, относившиеся к институту Короны, статусу имперского парламента и колониальных органов управления. Подчеркивается тезис о том, что эволюция Канады от совокупности «королевских» колоний к самоуправляемой федерации в статусе доминиона и обретение затем статуса королевства осуществлялись на основе постепенно вырабатывавшихся конституционных конвенций, т.е. политической практики, что оставляет открытым для интерпретаций вопрос о том, когда же именно Канада обрела статус суверенного государства. ; The history of the establisment of Canada as a sovereign state is inseparably linked with the history of the English (later British) colonial empire. Initially land amounting then to Canada, are peripheral areas of the continental possessions of the British Crown in North America. First of all, they include the possession of Hudson's Bay, Nova Scotia peninsula and the island of Newfoundland. A stronghold of the British presence in the New World colonies were New England, which followed the metropolis actively at odds with the neighboring colonies of France. The long period of Anglo-French wars culminated in the defeat of France and inclusion of its holdings (Louisiana, New France) to the British colonial empire. The territory of the future of Canada became part of a vast political and legal space, which some researchers call the British-American colonial empire. On the socio-economic point of view nothing has changed these lands were still underdeveloped periphery of the colonies of New England. There had no prerequisites to the formation here of their own institutions of statehood. In the course of the war for the independence of the inhabitants of the colony of Quebec (the former New France), the peninsula of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, for various reasons did not support the rebellious colonies, so many supporters of the unity of the British Empire (the so-called loyalists) moved to these areas. This led to the formation of a number of new colonies, such as Upper Canada, Nyubransuik, Prince Edward Island. Together, they accounted for British North America in contrast to the United States. It is important to emphasize that even in the middle of the XIX century British North America remained a conglomerate of disparate, sparsely populated, economically underdeveloped areas, both in the immediate possession of the British Crown, and under the control of private companies. Their transformation into a self-governing federation certainly reflected the interests of the nascent trade and economic elite of these colonies. However, this was no less exposed to "US factor" and the liberal-democratic changes that took place in the metropolis itself. Exploring the complex of concrete historical factors that determine the character of the process of establishing Canada as a sovereign state, the author of this article analyzes the formal and legal aspects of the system of power and administration, established under the British colonial empire, as well as the key points of the doctrine of English law, refers to the institution of the Crown, Parliament and the status of imperial colonial government. Emphasized is the idea that the evolution of Canada from the set of "royal" to the self-governing colonies of the federation in the status of dominion and then gaining the status of the kingdom carried out on the basis of gradual development of constitutional conventions of political practice that leaves open to interpretation the question of when exactly Canada acquired the status of a sovereign state.

有明末造,顧憲成、高攀龍諸君講學東林,風動天下,以致黨禍連結,與國運相始終。「東林」遂為政治史與思想史之一大關目,匪特同世之人,褒貶迭出,自近代以降,學人研究亦稱夥矣。然前人關注之重心,主要為「明末」在朝之「東林黨」;於「東林書院」之活動,尤其是書院在清初的發展演變,尚鮮有及之。本研究擬以順治、康熙兩朝為主要時段,從遺民與當道互動的角度考察東林書院之興復及其講學活動,對學界少有關注的書院祀典之爭加以考述和分析,並探討清初東林學者如何就「氣節」「學統」等議題對明代東林傳統作出反省與建構,希望繇此對東林書院由明入清之歷史變化作一勾勒。 ; 本文將清初東林書院之史事置於「道」「勢」相對的框架之中展開分析,相對於前人用「以道抗勢」分析士權與君權的對峙,本文則更關注士人階層内部在「道」「勢」兩重身份之間的張力。儒家士人既要守「道」傳學,又當以「勢」經世,兩者之閒本須權衡調和。而在明清易代之際,「民間學者」與「地方官員」兩種士人身份之殊途,實質上形成了「道」與「勢」的分離。書院作爲一地方性的學術組織,既是在野學者力量之代表,又不能不受制於官方之權力,在此時遂成爲一個「道」與「勢」折衝的空間。然而,「道」「勢」二者之關係在調和之中亦悄然變化。如果說明代的東林運動有一種「以道馭勢」的理想與實踐;那麽在清初書院的發展中,學者本身「政治」一面弱化,「學術」也退守於中行默修,於是「道」乃反為「勢」所羈縻。而在理學委頓、樸學代興這一學術本身的轉折中,「道」「勢」關係之遷變亦可為一機緣。緣乎是,對清初東林書院的研究,不但可以在一個點上展現士人文化與社會風氣的變遷,更能為我們理解傳統中國「政治」與「學術」之互動提供助益。 ; The anti-eunuch struggle of the 'Tung-lin Party' (東林黨) which was succeeded by continuous partisan disputes in the late Ming Period has long been considered of great significance to understand its contemporary politics and even the collapse of the dynasty. However, the other aspect of this movement, namely the scholarly practice of the Tung-lin academy (東林書院) has not been given equivalent attention. Therefore, the development of the academy after the so-called 'partisan disaster' (黨禍) has been, not surprisingly, seldom discussed by existing studies. This thesis aims at providing a historical account of the Tung-lin academy in early Qing period (1644-1722), focusing on four main topics: the organization of public conferences or lectures(講會), the debates over the academy's pantheon , the discourse on moral integrity(氣節) and the increasing concerns for academic orthodoxy among intellectuals. ; Scholars in the academy were by definition involved in the tension between Confucian values(道) and the political authority(勢) since they were supposed to be both academic and political elites. What complicated the issue was the defiant attitude of Ming-loyalists towards the newly established Manchu regime. Although being regarded as shelters for scholars who refused to serve the Qing government, academies could hardly be ...