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This dissertation examines the work of the American photographer, Helen Levitt. It focuses in particular on her first phase of production--the years from 1937 to 1943--when she developed an important archive of pictures documenting children's art and play encountered in the city streets. The dissertation is designed to help us understand the reasons why the subject of urban children's art and play proved so productive for Levitt in her first phase of work. Why did she return again and again to the sight of children at play in the city streets? Why did she expend so much effort collecting children's rude and crude drawings found on the pavement and the brownstone walls? What led her to envision the child as her genius loci of the urban streets, and what did she make out of the subject? Chapter one situates Helen Levitt's initial turn to the child in relation to a surge of child imagery that appeared in the visual culture of the 1930s. It maps the widespread cultural interest in urban children stimulated by Sidney Kingsley's play Dead End, and it connects Levitt's interest in children's pavement drawings to the Federal Art Project's promotion of child art making. Chapter two moves the spotlight from Levitt's interest in children's art to her sustained engagement with their play. It demonstrates that street children's play had become a popular photographic trope, and it compares Levitt's vision of children's play to other kinds of images of children circulating in visual culture. In doing so, the chapter shows how Levitt synthesized and transformed standard ideas about the representation of children, as she came to play with photography's kinship to performance, theater, and cinema. The third chapter focuses on the reception of the pictures. It tracks the initial appearance of Levitt's work in the popular picture press of the day and goes on to consider how her work was evaluated in response to her one-person exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art in 1943. Setting out to complicate the current critical assumption that reads Levitt's work as apolitical, the chapter analyzes the sense of social tension that early critics discerned in the pictures. It also discusses Levitt's move from still photography to film-making in the mid to late 1940s. The fourth and final chapter expands the focus beyond the pictures of children to consider Levitt's street photography as a whole. After narrating the details of her return to still photography in the late 1950s and early 1960s, the chapter considers the question of what makes her overall body of work an important episode in the history of photography. After reviewing some of the main answers that have been offered to that question, I propose that Levitt's photographs are distinctive for their particularly feminist take on the urban streets.

The first section of this paper pre­sents the general characteristics of Lain American and Caribbean public policy. It begins with an introduction that states its contemporary orienta­tions from a conceptual perspective which relate them to the development process implemented in the region. It is also introduced the civil society or­ganizations (CSO) approche to this issue in which the stress is on popula­tion needs satisfactions.The sccond section, states the re­lationship between telecommunica­tions and Value Added Services. Since 1990 until now they have gone through a process of technological and enterpreneurial modernization which, in the last meant their privatizations in most of the countries althought there are exception! that confirm the structural diversity that characterized the continent identity. The third section describes the growth process of the Internet in the region. A characterizations of the digital gap is made comparing our continent and the developped coun­tries by means of indicators that con­firm this situations. The contextual elements pre­sented in the prévins sections explain the public policy characteristics for internet which have been identified in the present moment. Concepts and references values that become objec­tives and goals to reach in different countries acknowledge their speci­ficities, Finally, concret activities that public policies implement in the field of legislations, technological modern­izations and connectivity process are presented. ; En la primera sección la ponencia presenta las características generales de las Políticas Públicas actuales en América Latina y El Caribe, iniciándose con una introducción que aborda sus orientaciones actuales desde una perspectiva conceptual, relacionándolas con los heterogéneos procesos de Desarrollo que se implementan en la región, Se introduce también el enfoque de las Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil (OSC) sobre el tema, destacando en ellas su carácter de instrumentos para satisfacer las necesidades de la población. En la segunda sección se establece la asociación entre Telecomunicaciones y los Servicios de Valor Agregado, que en la región han vivido entre 1990 y el momento actual un proceso de modernización tecnológica y empresarial que en este último ámbito ha significado su privatización en la mayoría de los países, aunque con excepciones, confirmando la diversidad estructural que hace parte de la identidad del continente. En la tercera sección se describe el crecimiento del Internet en la región y se hace una caracterización de la brecha digital entre nuestro continente y los países desarrollados a través de indicadores que confirman la situación. Los elementos del contexto presentados en las secciones anteriores, permiten explicar las características de las Políticas Públicas para Internet que se han identificado en el momento actual, desde los conceptos y valores de referencia que se convierten en objetivos y metas a alcanzar en los diferentes países, reconociendo su especificidad. Finalmente se presentan las actividades concretas que las Políticas Públicas se encuentran desarrollando en el área de la legislación, la modernización tecnológica y en proyectos de instalación de puntos de conectividad.

Bridging the fields of federalism and negotiation theory, Negotiating Federalism analyzes how public actors navigate difficult federalism terrain by negotiating directly with counterparts across state-federal lines. In contrast to the stylized, zero-sum model of federalism that pervades political discourse and judicial doctrine, the Article demonstrates that the boundary between state and federal power is negotiated on scales large and small, and on an ongoing basis. It is also the first to recognize the procedural tools that bilateral federalism bargaining offers to supplement unilateral federalism interpretation in contexts of jurisdictional overlap. The Article begins by situating its inquiry within the age-old federalism discourse about which branch can best safeguard the values that give federalism meaning: Congress, through political safeguards; the Supreme Court, by judicially enforceable constraints; or the Executive, through administrative process. Yet each school of thought considers only how the branches operate unilaterally—on one side of the state-federal line or the other—missing the important ways that each one also works bilaterally across that line to protect federalism values through various forms of negotiated governance. Because unilateral interpretive methods fail to establish clear boundaries at the margins of state and federal authority, regulators increasingly turn to bilateral intergovernmental bargaining to allocate contested authority and facilitate collaboration in uncertain fed-eralism territory. Procedural constraints available within these negotia-tions can help bridge the interpretive gaps unresolved by more conven-tionally understood forms of interpretation. Creating the first theoretical framework for organizing federalism bar-gaining, the Article provides a taxonomy of the different opportunities for state-federal bargaining available within various constitutional and statutory frameworks. Highlighting forms of conventional bargaining, negotiations to reallocate authority, and joint policymaking bargaining, the Article maps this vast, uncharted landscape with illustrations ranging from the 2009 Stimulus Bill to Medicaid to climate policy. The taxonomy demonstrates how widely federalism bargaining permeates American governance, including not only the familiar example of spending power deals, but also subtler forms that have escaped previous scholarly notice as forms of negotiation at all. The Article then reviews the different media of exchange within feder-alism bargaining and the legal rules that constrain them, together with supporting data from primary sources. Finally, it evaluates how some forms of federalism bargaining—legitimized by the procedural constraints of mutual consent and the procedural engineering of regard for federalism values—can supplement unilateral interpretation. Differentiating itself from previous process-based claims, the analysis provides new theoretical justification for the interpretive work that federalism bargaining presently provides and calls for greater judicial deference to qualifying examples. Having offered recommendations about the kinds of federalism bargain-ing that should be encouraged, the Article offers recommendations for legislators, executive actors, stakeholders, practitioners, and adjudicators about how best to accomplish these goals.

Mycotoxins attract worldwide attention because of the significant economic losses associated with their impact on human health, animal production and both domestic and international trade. Those mycotoxins that are currently considered to be worldwide importance are aflatoxins, trichothecenes, zearalenone, fumonisins, ochratoxin A, patulin (Coker, 2000). The knowledge that mycotoxins can have serious effects on humans and animals has led many countries to establish regulations on mycotoxins in food and feed in the last decades to safeguard the health of humans, as well as the economical interests of producers and traders. Setting mycotoxin regulations is a complex activity which involves many factors and interested parties. In 1995, 23 percent of the world's inhabitants were living in a region where no known mycotoxin regulations were in force. This percentage had decreased to 13 percent in 2003, due to a slight increase in coverage in Latin America and Europe, and more significant increases in Africa and Asia/Oceania.The major Latin American agricultural crops (maize, wheat, coffee, cotton, soybeans, barley, sunflower, groundnuts and tree nuts, cocoa and dairy products) are highly susceptible to fungal contamination and mycotoxin production (Pineiro, 2004). Nineteen countries, accounting for 91 percent of the population of the region, were known to have specific mycotoxin regulations. Uruguay has the most detailed regulations, including limits for ergot alkaloids in feeds, which is rather unique in the mycotoxin regulatory world. The same for deoxynivalenol in wheat products and barley products.MERCOSUR consists of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. These countries apply common limits for total aflatoxins in peanuts, maize and products thereof, and for aflatoxin M1 in fluid and powdered milk. The MERCOSUR regulations for mycotoxins also include official methods of sampling and analysis. In Europe, approximately 99 percent of the continent's population, were known to have specific mycotoxin regulations in 2003.Compared to other regions of the world, Europe has the most extensive and detailed regulations for mycotoxins in food. It is of interest to note that many of the EU candidate member countries have mycotoxin regulations, which are often more detailed than those currently in force in the EU. Comparing the situation in 1995 and 2003, it appears that in 2003 more mycotoxins are regulated in more commodities and products, whereas tolerance limits generally remain the same or tend to decrease.Whereas harmonized tolerance limits would be beneficial from the point of view of trade, this would not necessarily be the case from the point of view of (equal) human health protection around the world. Risks associated with mycotoxins depend on both hazard and exposure. The hazard of mycotoxins to individuals is probably more or less the same all over the world .Exposure is not the same because of differences in levels of contamination and dietary habits in various parts of the world. National governments or regional communities should encourage and fund activities that contribute to reliable exposure assessment of mycotoxins in their regions.(FAO Food and Nutrition paper 81)

In Politics VI 2, 1317b 1-17, Aristotle defines «democracy» as follows: «the aim of democracy is, ideally, freedom from any interference of government, and, failing that, such freedom as comes from alternation of ruling and being ruled. It contributes, in this way, to a general system of liberty based on equality». Historically, this normative model shaped two possible political regimes, v. gr., popular or extreme democracy, based on direct participation of all citizens, as in Athens, and a «mixed constitution» containing oligarchic as well as democratic features, called «republican» in the roman tradition since Cicero. Modern democracy was the heir of both these Ancient regimes, tempered by the new conception of individual rights belonging to Modern thought from Hugo Grotius to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The representative constitution was, thus, the modern solution to the conflict between government of the majority and government of the laws. Since their Independence in the 19th century, Latin American democracies suffer from the unresolved tension between populism and the liberal constitutional regime. The neo-populism that grew in the last years of 20th century appears as a response and defiance to democracy's unfulfilled promises. Against defenders of authoritarian populism, such as Ch. Mouffe and E. Laclau, I argue that deliberative democracy is a better response to them. ; En Política VI 2, 1317b 1-17, Aristóteles define así la democracia: «el rasgo esencial de la democracia es el vivir como se quiere sin ninguna interferencia y de aquí vino el de no ser gobernado, si es posible por nadie, y si no, por turnos. Esta característica contribuye a un sistema general de la libertad fundada en la igualdad». Este modelo normativo dio lugar, históricamente, a dos posibles regímenes políticos, la democracia popular o extrema, basada en la participación directa de todos los ciudadanos, como en Atenas, y una «constitución mixta» que tenía rasgos tanto democráticos como oligárquicos, llamada república en la tradición romana desde Cicerón. La democracia moderna es la heredera de ambos regímenes, moderada por la nueva concepción de los derechos individuales que son propios del pensamiento moderno desde Hugo Grotius hasta la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos. La constitución representativa fue, así, la solución moderna al conflicto entre gobierno de la mayoría y gobierno de las leyes. Desde su Independencia en el siglo XIX, las democracias de América Latina sufren por la tensión no resuelta entre populismo y constitución liberal democrática. El neo-populismo que surgió en los últimos años del siglo XX se presentó como un desafío y una respuesta a las promesas incumplidas de la democracia. Contra los defensores del populismo autoritario, como por ejemplo Ch. Mouffe y E. Laclau, yo sostengo que la democracia deliberativa es una respuesta superior a esas promesas.

The policy of economic integration in the case of Venezuela, it is a central goal within the framework of the Constitution and national development plans and places particular emphasis on South American integration, serving the people and beyond the strictly economic. Hence, the Venezuelan government has applied for admission to MERCOSUR, which is manifested by the signing of the framework agreement in 2005 and the Protocol of Accession in 2006, but to date no has been the ratification of the Protocol by the Senate of Paraguay, so that Venezuela is not yet a full member of the integration agreement. Since the economics are essential in an integration agreement, the following question arises, do we really, from the economic point of view, Venezuela has no advantages over Mercosur? This article attempts to advance an answer to this question, concluding that Venezuela's integration policy, in the case of MERCOSUR, not due to economic reasons. We do an analysis of trade specialization index, the index of similarity and the rate of intra-industry trade to determine the economic conditions in Venezuela over the same and effectiveness of the Venezuelan political integration within the framework of its economic policy. In the field of space research is delimited to MERCOSUR (Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay) and Venezuela, while temporarily investigation covers the period 1999-2008. ; La política de integración económica, en el caso de Venezuela, constituye un objetivo central dentro del marco de la Constitución y de los Planes de Desarrollo Nacional y hace especial énfasis en la integración suramericana, al servicio de los pueblos y más allá de lo estrictamente económico. De allí que el gobierno venezolano haya solicitado su ingreso al Mercado Común del Sur (MERCOSUR), el cual se concreta con la firma del acuerdo marco en el año 2005 y el Protocolo de Adhesión en el año 2006; sin embargo, a la fecha no se ha logrado la ratificación del Protocolo por parte del Senado de Paraguay, por lo que aún Venezuela no es miembro pleno de este acuerdo de integración. En vista de que los aspectos económicos son esenciales en un acuerdo de integración, surge la siguiente interrogante ¿realmente, desde el punto de vista de económico, Venezuela no tiene ventajas frente a Mercosur? En este artículo se intenta avanzar en una respuesta a esta cuestión, concluyendo que la política de integración venezolana, en el caso de MERCOSUR, no obedece a razones económicas. Para la investigación se realiza un análisis del índice de especialización comercial, del índice de similitud y del índice de comercio intra-industrial, a fin de determinar las condiciones económicas de Venezuela frente al mismo. Por lo que éste estudio se delimitada a MERCOSUR (Argentina, Brasil, Uruguay y Paraguay) y Venezuela, durante el período 1999-2008.

Este artículo se propone abordar la relación conceptual entre la república y el poder personal para comprender los alcances que tiene en el debate sobre el republicanismo en América Latina. Con este objeto, se va analizar a la figura presidencial alberdiana como una forma de realización específica del poder neutral en la tradición republicana argentina. Para desarrollar esta hipótesis interpretativa el presente trabajo presenta dos recorridos. El primero es un análisis de un corpus textual alberdiano para problematizar las relaciones conceptuales entre "monarquía" y "república". El segundo camino, que apunta el eje argumental del trabajo, es la postulación de la figura presidencial alberdiana como un poder neutral. Para hacerlo, y contraviniendo las lecturas tradicionales del constitucionalismo latinoamericano que reducen esa posibilidad a la constitución imperial brasileña de 1824, se propone una relectura de las formas que adopta el poder neutral en la producción de Benjamin Constant desde el prisma de la relectura que Carl Schmitt del liberal francés realiza para postular un presidente plebiscitario como encarnación del poder neutral para la república de Weimar ; This paper seeks to address the conceptual relationship between 'Republic' and 'Personal Power' to understand its implication in the debate on republicanism in Latin America. To this end, we will analyze the presidential figure in Alberdi as a specific form of implementing "neutral power" in the Argentine Republican tradition.This work presents two ways to develop this interpretative hypothesis. The first one is an analysis of a textual corpus of Alberdi made up of youth, maturity and posthumous texts. This will help us question the conceptual relationships between "Monarchy" and "Republic" using the heuristic tools that the History of Concepts has brought to Political Theory.The second way (and main thread of this work), is to assume that the presidential figure in Alberdi is a neutral power. To this end, and contrary to the traditional Latin American constitutionalism readings that only accept this possibility in the case of the Brazilian imperial Constitution of 1824, we will present a re-reading of the ways neutral power appears in the production of Benjamin Constant. This will be done from the perspective of the readings that Carl Schmitt does of the French liberal tradition; ones that make him suggest that a plebiscitary President could be an incarnation of the neutral power for the Weimar Republic.Our reading returns to the presidential figure in Alberdi without fear of falling into anachronism, not only because it is an anchor point to tensions between "Republic" and "monarchy" but also because it is an original form of appropriating Benjamin Constant's notion of 'neutral power'. And this originality is not only due to its influence in the Argentine Constitution of 1853, but also to the fact that the conceptual and political dilemmas posed by it are updated in modern Argentina, where personal power is a key element in politics, even in the most heavily Republican form.

El artículo se centra, inicialmente, en la demonización del otro para analizar dos variantes o imágenes del demonio: una mítica, alimento del discurso religioso-teológico, y otra secularizada. En ambos casos el demonio es la figuración del mal en sí mismo, en su propia consistencia o raíz. La primera se analiza en el discurso "occidentalista", la imagen que ciertos círculos religioso-políticos orientales construyen de Occidente, en función de su política de la violencia, y se cierra con la función política de la demonización. La segunda, la secularización del demonio, es construida por el filósofo francés L. Ferry para dar cuenta de episodios de violencia extrema que excede los límites del sentido común ocurridos en la Europa balcánica y en el centro de África en los años 90 del siglo pasado. La crítica de la versión secularizada del demonio da lugar a la entrada en juego de otra explicación del mal realizado en esos mismos episodios, a cargo, ahora, del filósofo norteamericano R. Rorty. Rorty explica esa violencia excesiva, ese mal, mediante la animalización y la feminización, dos nuevas formas de deshumanización. Por último, las limitaciones de la posición de Rorty apuntan a una cuarta modalidad de deshumanización que él no considera formalmente: el racismo. El artículo termina, precisamente, con un análisis de los elementos básicos del racismo: su función política, su estructura teórico-moral y su desarrollo histórico-filosófico. This article initially focuses on the demonization of the other in order to analyze two variants or depictions of the demon: one is mythical, the nourishment of religious-theological discourse, and the other is secularized. In both cases the demon is the representation of evil in itself, in its own makeup or root. The first is analyzed in "Occidentalist" discourse, the image that certain Eastern religious and political circles have of the West, used in their politics of violence, and it is completed by the political role played by demonization. The second is the secularization of the demon, and it was proposed by the French philosopher L. Ferry in order to make sense of episodes of extreme violence that exceeded the limits of common sense, episodes which occurred in the Balkans and in Central Africa in the nineteen nineties. The critique of the secularized version of the devil makes way for another explanation of the evil that was apparent in those episodes; it was offered by the American philosopher R. Rorty. Rorty explains this excessive violence, this evil, through animalization and feminization, two new forms of dehumanization. Finally, the limits of Rorty's theory allow for a fourth kind of dehumanization that he does not explicitly consider: racism. The article ends by analyzing the basic elements of racism: its political function, its theoretical and moral structure, and its historical and philosophical development.

Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich mit der Vermittlung des weiblichen Rollenbildes in der amerikanischen Fernsehserie Gilmore Girls. Dabei wird ein besonderes Augenmerk auf die Themen Humor und Weiblichkeit gelegt, um zu ergründen, welches Bild von Weiblichkeit in dieser Serie vermittelt wird. Besonders die Idee, eine alleinerziehenden Mutter in den Mittelpunkt der Serie zu stellen, lässt auf ein Bewusstsein für einen demographischen Trend, wie er in der Realität existiert, schliessen.Das einleitende Kapitel setzt sich mit den Genres Situationskomödie und Dramedy auseinander und erklärt deren Hauptmerkmale. Im nächsten Kapitel "Femininity" werden die drei weiblichen Figuren der Gilmore-Familie anhand von vier Aspekten (Charakter, die individuelle Achillesverse, den Kleidungsstil und jeweilige Generation) analysiert. Kapitel Nummer vier behandelt die drei relevante sozio-politische Themen Sexualität, Ehe und Alkohol und deren Repräsentation in der Serie. Der Erfolg der Serie ist massgeblich durch den individuellen Humor der drei Charaktere beeinflusst. Kapitel Nummer fünf beschäftigt sich mit den drei grundlegenden Lachtheorien, ihren bekanntesten Vertretern und die Umsetzung der Theorie auf die Serie. Im vorletzten Kapitel erweist sich Sigmund Freuds berühmtes psychoanalytisches Persönlichkeitsmodell als kennzeichnend für den Aufbau der Charaktere. Freuds Model bietet eine Anleitung für eine dynamische, erfolgsversprechende Rollenverteilung. So wie die drei Charaktere in Verbindung miteinander und in Wechselbeziehung zueinander stehen, funktioniert auch Freuds Persönlichkeitsmodell.Im letzten Kapitel wird auf das Titellied "Where You Lead" näher eingegangen. Die Titelmusik gilt als entscheidendes Wiedererkennungssignal für die ZuseherInnen und beeinflusst die Rezeption der Serie massgeblich. Weiters rahmt es die Serie auf eine besondere Art und Weise, welche zu einer Analyse des Liedtextes und der Botschaften der Serie selbst auordert. ; The available work is concerned with the image of femininity in the American TV series Gilmore Girls. In order to fathom which images the series produces and offers to its audience special attention is given to the topics humor and femininity. Particularly the idea that a single mother (out of her own choice) is at the center of the series, corresponds with an actual and real demographic trend in today's western world.The introductory chapter deals with the main features of the genres situation comedy and dramedy. In the next chapter the three women of the Gilmore family are analyzed. Through a focus on four aspects (character, individual Achilles heel, clothing style and generation) this chapter aims to give a valid representation of the characters and their representation of femininity. Chapter number four deals with the three relevant socio-political topics sexuality, marriage and alcohol seen through the eyes of Rory, Lorelai and Emily. The success of the series is considerably affected by the individual humor of the three characters. Therefore, chapter number five sets out to explain the three fundamental theories about laughter and their most prominent representatives. Next, selected dialogs are analyzed.In the penultimate chapter Sigmund Freud and his famous structural model of the human mind, through which he explains human behavior, are introduced to the reader. Freud's model proves to be ideal for the composition of dynamic and successful characters. In the theoretical part Freud's super ego, ego and id are explained, followed by the attribution of a specific role to each of the Gilmore women.Concluding, the title song "Where You Lead" is discussed. A title song functions as an important signal of recognition, it awakens expectations in the viewer and affects our reception considerably. For these reasons a close analysis of the lyrics are given in the final chapter. ; vorgelegt von Maria Gradisnik ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2011 ; (VLID)215598

El artículo se centra, inicialmente, en la demonización del otro para analizar dos variantes o imágenes del demonio: una mítica, alimento del discurso religioso-teológico, y otra secularizada. En ambos casos el demonio es la figuración del mal en sí mismo, en su propia consistencia o raíz. La primera se analiza en el discurso "occidentalista", la imagen que ciertos círculos religioso-políticos orientales construyen de Occidente, en función de su política de la violencia, y se cierra con la función política de la demonización. La segunda, la secularización del demonio, es construida por el filósofo francés L. Ferry para dar cuenta de episodios de violencia extrema que excede los límites del sentido común ocurridos en la Europa balcánica y en el centro de África en los años 90 del siglo pasado. La crítica de la versión secularizada del demonio da lugar a la entrada en juego de otra explicación del mal realizado en esos mismos episodios, a cargo, ahora, del filósofo norteamericano R. Rorty. Rorty explica esa violencia excesiva, ese mal, mediante la animalización y la feminización, dos nuevas formas de deshumanización. Por último, las limitaciones de la posición de Rorty apuntan a una cuarta modalidad de deshumanización que él no considera formalmente: el racismo. El artículo termina, precisamente, con un análisis de los elementos básicos del racismo: su función política, su estructura teórico-moral y su desarrollo histórico-filosófico. ; This article initially focuses on the demonization of the other in order to analyze two variants or depictions of the demon: one is mythical, the nourishment of religious-theological discourse, and the other is secularized. In both cases the demon is the representation of evil in itself, in its own makeup or root. The first is analyzed in "Occidentalist" discourse, the image that certain Eastern religious and political circles have of the West, used in their politics of violence, and it is completed by the political role played by demonization. The second is the secularization of the demon, and it was proposed by the French philosopher L. Ferry in order to make sense of episodes of extreme violence that exceeded the limits of common sense, episodes which occurred in the Balkans and in Central Africa in the nineteen nineties. The critique of the secularized version of the devil makes way for another explanation of the evil that was apparent in those episodes; it was offered by the American philosopher R. Rorty. Rorty explains this excessive violence, this evil, through animalization and feminization, two new forms of dehumanization. Finally, the limits of Rorty's theory allow for a fourth kind of dehumanization that he does not explicitly consider: racism. The article ends by analyzing the basic elements of racism: its political function, its theoretical and moral structure, and its historical and philosophical development.

During the 1990s American leaders and many others in the West viewed Russia as the most important test case for a transition to democracy. Today the consensus of scholarly analyses in the West concludes that, if Russia did enter a transition to democracy, that transition was not successful. This article attempts to suggest some of the main lessons about democratization that may be derived from the study of the experience of post-communist Russia, seen in a comparative perspective.The thesis that the first competitive national election after the downfall of an authoritarian regime marks a decisive breakthrough for forces striving for democratization has not proved true for Russia. Yet the withering of democracy and the consolidation of a semi-authoritarian regime followed the period of competitive elections in Russia.In the early and mid-1990s scholars who had specialized in the study of communist regimes warned that the post-communist states would need to carry out radical economic and social changes as well as sweeping political transformation. In Russia, however, the consequences of a corrupted process of privatization of state assets were enormously damaging for the institutionalization of democracy.As was shown in a number of countries in the 1970s and 1980s, a strong civil society can play an important role in a nation's transition to democracy. The barriers to the development of civil society within the Soviet system and the conditions causing weakness in social organizations in post-communist Russia made it easier for members of the elite to subvert reform and guaranteed that there would be fewer restraints on the tendency toward more authoritarian control after 2000.Among post-communist nations, those in which a consensus of most segments of the elite and the public was committed to a radical break with the old system have been much more successful in carrying out marketization and democratization. The combination of historical conditions that had created a strong anti-communist consensus in most of Eastern Europe had not taken shape in Russia. The absence of a fusion of democratization and national liberation in Russia explained the lack of a clear national consensus in favor of political and economic transformation.One of the main lessons from the course of events in Russia from the early 1990s to the present is that change away from one form of authoritarian rule, which usually has been labeled as a transition to democracy, is not irreversible. Some democratic transitions may prove to be shallow, and the changes in post-communist Russia have provided a good example of a shallow transition. The scholarly literature on transitions to democracy that appeared after the early 1980s departed from earlier writings' emphasis on the growth of social, economic, and cultural conditions for the institutionalization of democracy in the political system. The experience of Russia may encourage us to return to the study of the long-term trends facilitating or inhibiting the growth of democratic institutions.

On January 10, 1984, the United States and the Holy See announced the establishment of diplomatic relations. The decision was made in a context of revived tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union after the détente of the 1970s. At first sight there seems to have been a perfect ideological convergence between President Ronald Reagan and Pope John Paul II, as both were famous for their vocal anticommunism. The rapprochement witnessed in the 1980s has led some to posit the existence of an alliance between Rome and Washington, the aim of which was to hasten the collapse of Marxist regimes. Yet, a closer analysis of Vatican-American relations during that period contradicts such an interpretation, as the Vatican did not by any means endorse all of Reagan's Cold War-related policies. This led to efforts on the part of Washington to convince the Holy See of the legitimacy of its foreign policy options. Arms reduction, Strategic Def! ense Initiative, Central America, and Poland were some of the topics brought up by Washington in order to secure Vatican approval, or at the very least to prevent a condemnation, even an implicit one, of US policies. Sometimes, the Holy See did act in a manner construed as favorable to US interests. However, this was always in keeping with its own interests, which were not solely Cold War-related, and which the Vatican always pursued, whether they tallied with those of the United States or not. ; Le 10 janvier 1984, les Etats-Unis et le Saint-Siège annoncent l'établissement de relations diplomatiques. Cette décision s'inscrit dans un contexte de tensions accrues entre les Etats-Unis et l'Union soviétique après la détente qui avait caractérisé les années 1970. L'accord idéologique semble parfait entre Ronald Reagan et Jean-Paul II, tous les deux connus pour leur anticommunisme farouche. Le rapprochement constaté dans les années 1980 a conduit certains à évoquer l'existence d'une alliance entre Rome et Washington ayant visé à précipiter la chute des régimes marxistes. Pourtant, une analyse plus poussée de leurs relations pendant cette période tend à infirmer cette lecture. Le Vatican ne va pas toujours approuver les politiques de déstabilisation des régimes marxistes menées par l'Administration Reagan, contrairement aux attentes de cette dernière. Washington, pris au dépourvu, va consentir des efforts importants pour convaincre Rome du bien fondé de sa politique étrangère. Négociations de désarmement, Initiative de défense stratégique, Amérique centrale et Pologne seront autant de sujets abordés pour essayer d'emporter l'adhésion du Saint-Siège, ou tout du moins pour éviter une condamnation, ne serait-ce qu'implicite, de sa politique. Parfois, le Saint-Siège va agir dans un sens favorable aux intérêts américains, mais quelle que soit l'effet de ses prises de position sur Washington, ces dernières s'expliquent par le fait que le Saint-Siège a agi selon des intérêts qui ne sont pas tous liés à la lutte contre le communisme.

LETTER --Handcart Study Misleads Breck England, vi ARTICLES --"As Fire Shut Up in My Bones": Ebenezer Robinson, Don Carlos Smith, and the 1840 Edition of the Book of Mormon Kyle R. Walker, 1 --"Build, Therefore, Your Own World": Ralph Waldo Emerson, Joseph Smith, and Antebellum American Thought Benjamin E. Park, 41 --Mormon Rosies: Women and War Work in Manti Amanda Midgley Borneman, 73 --Lyman E. Johnson: Forgotten Apostle William Shepard and H. Michael Marquardt, 93 --An Independent Companion: Ethel Nash Parton and the Australian Relief Society Sherrie L. M. Gavin, 145 --"Read This I Pray Thee": Martin Harris and the Three Wise Men of the East Richard E. Bennett, 178 REVIEWS --Michael W. Homer, ed. On the Way to Somewhere Else: European Sojourners in the Mormon West, 1834–1930 Dixie Dillon Lane, 217 --Cardell K. Jacobson, John P. Hoffmann, and Tim B. Heaton, eds. Revisiting Thomas F. O'Dea's The Mormons: Contemporary Perspectives Howard M. Bahr, 220 --Jeffrey C. Fox, Latter-day Political Views John J Hammond, 230 --Susan Easton Black, Setting the Record Straight: Joseph Smith the Mormon Prophet William D. Russell, 234 --Johnnie Glad, The Mission of Mormonism in Norway,1851–1920: A Study and Analysis of the Reception Process Kim B. Östman, 237 --Craig L. Foster, A Different God? Mitt Romney, the Religious Right, and the Mormon Question, and Newell G. Bringhurst and Craig L. Foster, The Mormon Quest for the Presidency Michael Harold Paulos, 241 --Reid L. Neilson, Global Mormonism in the 21st Century Matthew R. Lee, 256 BOOK NOTICES --Eileen Hallet Stone, ed. and comp., A Homeland in the West: Utah Jews Remember, 259 Kip Sperry, Kirtland, Ohio: A Guide to Family History and Historical Sources, 260 Ronald L. Holt, Beneath These Red Cliffs: An Ethnohistory of the Utah Paiutes, 261 Bill Harris, A New Zion: The Story of the Latter-day Saints, 262 Stewart Aitchison, A Guide to Southern Utah's Hole-in-the-Rock Trail, 264 Kirk Huffaker, Salt Lake City: Then and Now, 265 Dawn and Morris Thurston, How to Breathe Life into Your Life Story, 266 Arthur O. Naujoks Jr. and Michael S. Eldredge, Shades of Gray: Memoirs of a Prussian Saint on the Eastern Front, 268 Karen M. and Paul D. Larsen, Remembering Winter Quarters: Writings of the Mormon Pioneers at the Missouri River, 270 Lawrence Flake, Twelve Sons of Britain, 272 Barbara Walden and Lachlan Mackay, House of the Lord: The Story of the Kirtland Temple, 273 Irene Spencer, Shattered Dreams: My Life as a Polygamist's Wife, 275 John R. Llewellyn, Polygamy's Rape of Rachel Strong, 276 Susan Ray Schmidt, His Favorite Wife: Trapped in Polygamy, 277 Michelle Parkinson, ed., The San Francisco Mormon History Walking Tour, 279 Berta James, Sarah: The Fourth Wife, 279

Testimony issued by the Government Accountability Office with an abstract that begins "This testimony discusses our work on the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), which Congress established on October 3, 2008 in response to the financial crisis that threatened the stability of the U.S. financial system and the solvency of many financial institutions. Under the original TARP legislation, the Department of the Treasury (Treasury) had the authority to purchase or insure $700 billion in troubled assets held by financial institutions. As we have seen, since TARP's inception Treasury has chosen to use those funds for a variety of activities, including injecting capital into key financial institutions, implementing programs to address problems in the securitization markets, providing assistance to the automobile industry and American International Group, Inc. (AIG), and working to help homeowners struggling to keep their homes. Today, some of these programs have been discontinued and others are winding down, but others--such as homeownership preservation programs--may continue for some time. Treasury has also seen some participating institutions repay their TARP funds as they recover their financial health. The prospect for repayment from some other institutions, both large and small, remains unclear. The Emergency Economic Stabilization Act (the act) that authorized TARP required GAO to report at least every 60 days on findings from our oversight of actions taken under the programs. We have been monitoring TARP programs since their inception and our reports have highlighted challenges facing many of these programs. To date, we have issued over 25 reports and testimonies related to TARP and made over 50 recommendations to improve the transparency and accountability of its operations. This statement today draws primarily on 7 reports we have issued since October 2009. Specifically, this statement focuses on (1) the nature and purpose of activities that have been initiated under TARP and ongoing challenges, (2) the process for making decisions related to unwinding TARP programs, and (3) indicators of credit conditions in markets targeted by TARP programs. To do our work, we reviewed our prior reports and other documents provided by Treasury's Office of Financial Stability (OFS) and conducted interviews with Treasury and OFS officials. In addition, we have updated the program's receipts and disbursements through June 30, 2010, and indicators of credit markets as of July 1, 2010. We conducted these performance audits between July 2009 and June 2010 and updated information in July 2010 in accordance with generally accepted government auditing standards. Those standards require that we plan and perform the audit to obtain sufficient, appropriate evidence to provide a reasonable basis for our findings and conclusions based on our audit objectives. We believe that the evidence obtained provides a reasonable basis for our findings and conclusions based on our audit objectives."

Jo Ann Baumgartner directs the Wild Farm Alliance, based in Watsonville, California. WFA's mission, as described on the organization's website, is "to promote agriculture that helps to protect and restore wild Nature." Through research, publications, presentations, events, policy work, and consulting, the organization works to "connect food systems with ecosystems." Sam Earnshaw is Central Coast regional coordinator of the Community Alliance with Family Farmers. Working with CAFF's farmscaping program, he helps farmers plant hedgerows and create grass waterways, improving production while increasing biodiversity and wildlife habitat on their lands. In 2009 Earnshaw was awarded the North American Pollinator Protection Campaign's Pollinator Advocate Award as part of an international effort to promote public awareness of bees, bats, butterflies, beetles, and other animals that enable the reproduction of over seventy-five percent of flowering plants. In 2008 Earnshaw and Baumgartner received the Stewards of Sustainable Agriculture (Sustie) award from the Ecological Farming Association. Baumgartner and Earnshaw met in the early 1980s while working on a five-year research project using reclaimed wastewater for crop irrigation in the Salinas Valley. Alarmed by the toxicity of the conventional agricultural environment, the couple became interested in organic production; when they left the research project in the mid-1980s, they started their own organic Neptune Farms, in Santa Cruz County. During this period they were involved with the development of California Certified Organic Farmers (CCOF) and with the early days of the Ecological Farming Association (EFA). In the early 1990s, Earnshaw began working for CAFF's predecessor, California Action Network, with its newly founded Lighthouse Farm Network, organizing breakfasts for farmers to share ideas and strategies for sustainable production. In the mid-to-late 1990s, Earnshaw and Baumgartner both worked with the Campaign to Save Pajaro Valley Farmlands and Wetlands, ultimately creating a 25-year urban growth boundary in the area. Sarah Rabkin conducted this interview with Baumgartner and Earnshaw at the WFA offices on Monday, May 18, 2009. At the time, both were giving considerable attention to issues related to food safety—a pressing concern in the wake of recent events. In the fall of 2006, an outbreak of food-borne illness caused by the pathogen E. coli 0157:H7 had sickened about 200 people and killed three; the outbreak was traced to bagged fresh spinach grown in San Benito County. Industry and government leaders were calling for the elimination of farm hedgerows and other non-crop vegetation in order to create "clean" or "sterile" growing environments, despite compelling evidence that the pathogen originated elsewhere. Baumgartner and Earnshaw were working hard to educate farmers, industry and government representatives, and the general public—explaining the benefits of farm biodiversity for soil and water conservation and ecological health, and promoting best practices for keeping the food supply safe.